Mohawk language

Language typologists classify languages as Agglutinative, Synthetic, Polysynthetic, Analytic, Fusional, Isolating, etc. This paper grew out of a concern as to in which of these type the Kanuri language could be classified. In this paper we attempt to explicate that Kanuri language belongs to the agglutinative type. The agglutinative nature of the Kanuri language is characterised by its verb morphology, which is complex and difficult to understand without a mastery of the intricacies of Kanuri morphology and phonology. The study shows that a single finite verb form in Kanuri is composed of three morphemes, while in other types of verbs it is comprises four morphemes. In forming a derivative or compound verb in Kanuri, it is evident that the Kauri verb could accommodate up to seven morphemes.

Linguistic reconstruction in North America has generally followed the same lines of development as reconstruction in other parts of the world. Work has normally proceeded from the establishment of regular sound correspondences among closely related languages, to the investigation of those among more distantly related groups. Once phonological correspondences have been understood, grammatical systems have been compared. Steady progress has been made in the grouping, subgrouping, and reconstruction of most of these languages, and most of the over frfty language families established by the end of the nineteenth century are still recognized today. Throughout this period, however, scholars engaged in traditional comparative work have been struck by pervasive structural resemblances among many of these languages. Eady in the nineteenth century, Peter Stephen Duponceau, secretary to the American Philosophical Society, commented on the grammatical resemblances among the lexically diverse North American languages he had examined. In his essay M6moire sw le systime grammatical des langues de quelques nations indiennes de lAm€rique du nord, he noted their polysynthetic nature, the high numbers of morphemes contained in single words.

Introduction 3 2. Heterologous production of fungal laccases 6 2.1 Cloning 7 2.2 Transformations 10 2.3 Screening for laccase secreting transformants in S. cerevisiae and A. niger 17 2.4 Fermentation in A. niger 24 3. General purification procedure and characterization 26 3.1 Purification procedure 26 4. Applications 31 4.1 General procedure for an oriented covalent grafting of the laccase surface 32 4.2 Hybridization with materials 40 5. Conclusions 41 Acknowledgment 41 References 41 Further Reading 45

Noun incorporation is a phenomenon much discussed within Iroquoian language literature. In this paper, we consider noun incorporation in Mohawk, a language within the Iroquoian language family, and argue that what has often been considered to be optional noun incorporation is in fact primarily determined by the information structure of the clause. We show that with the exception of lexically-determined verbs that always or never incorporate, every verb may or may not incorporate its nominal object. We analyse the incorporated version as the default structure. The non-incorporated counterpart is licensed only under particular information-structure properties. We provide evidence that noun excorporation arises whenever the verb or the object noun is focused, and in turn moves to the left periphery.

Human interactions with place are the stuff of life and aspects of place such as landscape and environment have shaped human activity since activity could be considered "human". Why and how we choose to name place, as well as which places are named or nameless provides insight into many of the different aspects of life, from knowledge of resources of the area, navigational information, and knowledge of significant events in the vicinity (Afable and Beeler, 1996, Stewart, 1975) to the movement of people across a landscape, their value systems, and even spirituality. Furthermore, recent work by Levinson, Burenhult, Mark and others demonstrates that the division of landscape is not universal, but rather is shaped by linguistic and cultural practices. Some place names encode these differing views of the delineation of landscape. This dissertation argues that place names lie at the intersection of landscape, language and culture and outlines a new interdisciplinary philosophical framework and methodology for their study which draws from the fields of linguistics, geography and anthropology for their examination. Together with members of the Kanyen'kehá:ka, this framework and methodology, called the O'nonna Three-Sided Model, are used to explore the relationship of the Kanyen'kehá:ka to their landscape. In analyzing the meaning of the lexical semantics of Kanyen'kéha place names, patterns emerge which provide insight into Kanyen'kehá:ka geography and culture. In the discussion, I demonstrate how these patterns can be viewed in different ways demonstrating why the three components of language, landscape and culture are vital to form a holistic picture of the way that people name place. Patterns also emerge in the grammar of place names and I show how close examination of these patterns, and the linguistic mechanisms used to describe place, may lead to surprising conclusions that may not have been obvious at first glance. Finally, I show how the dual components of meaning and grammar of place names provide insight into cognition, linguistic relativity and the universality of the human experience.

In dementia in inflecting and agglutinating languages, morphosyntax is much better preserved than lexical access or pragmatics, but little is known about how dementia affects language in polysynthetic agglutinating languages with their complex verb morphology. Fortuitously, a series of narratives by a skilled Arapaho storyteller includes sessions from late in his life, when he was evidently dementing. Verb forms and clausal connectors in the speaker's Arapaho predementia and dementia narratives were sorted computationally and analyzed statistically. We found a decline in subordination and an increase in utterances missing verbs. There was a shift from using transitive active verb forms toward impersonal and passive verb forms, which require less pragmatic and syntactic computation to deploy, and a shift in subordination markers away from those requiring explicit consideration of the temporal relations between clauses.

One of the questions will be asking throughout is where do the above languages fall on the productivity cline and why (providing data and analyses.) One question to ask is to what degree is the lexicon 'morpheme-based' or 'word-based' (Chapters 3-4)? 'Working Memory' is implicated in the choice. For instance, are speakers all equally productive with their morpheme-units as tucked within word, a [-Fusion] language, or do some languages rather require morphemes within words to be memorized and incorporated as part of the lexical item, a [+Fusion] language? In addition to labeling languages as [+]Synthetic (as in Turkish, Hungarian, Spanish, English, Mohawk) or [-]Synthetic (as in Chinese, Vietnamese), the following data provide an additional exercise in teasing out what might be going on in languages which carry such a large number of embedded morphemes. Question leading to mid-term: How might such morphemes in Polysynthetic-type languages be stored and processed? The notion of [+/-Fusion] will be the central question here as we move to our mid-term material of this class. Typically, agglutinative morphemes are considered to be 'loosely' structured in that one morpheme has a one-to-one meaning. But the question might rather be how productive are the morphemes in isolation-viz., do they allow for movement? The question of movement, both at the word-level and at the morpheme-level will allow us to determine the nature of +/-productivity and +/-fusion. Regarding Movement. For the coming mid-term, we shall be examining polysynthetic languages under the microscope of whether or not movement allows to creep into the morpheme level. As we see for Latin, word order is free since subject/object inflectional marking is strong such that word order doesn't have to be fixed. What very strong INFLbased languages often allow is freedom from syntax. When grammar is incorporated so strongly and consistently into stems, stems can function on a one-to-one level without syntax determining word-order meaning. Otherwise, syntax must be employed. If we see that morphemes, like words, may also undergo movement (and are relatively unconstrained by syntax) then the question to ask is shouldn't such morphemes rather be analyzed as free and word-based, at least in respect that they can take-on a one-to-one meaning free from syntax. The notion of free vs bound morphology also needs to be addressed. But the notion at play here is that if a language shows movement of morphology (just like how a language might show movement of word-e.g., English dative shift, John gave flowers to Mary vs. John gave Mary flowers, passive constructs, or Aux inversion for questions, etc.), then how are we to analyze such morphology? We earlier saw how clitic vs affixes behave in a different manner regarding movement-namely, clitics which seem to take-on a lexical word-based status were free to move (possessive {'s}), as opposed to agreement inflections {-s}). The question we pose here is the following: Is there any evidence for polysynthetic language-based morphology to be movementbased?

Language typologists classify languages as Agglutinative, Synthetic, Polysynthetic, Analytic, Fusional, Isolating, etc. This paper grew out of a concern as to in which of these type the Kanuri language could be classified. In this paper we attempt to explicate that Kanuri language belongs to the agglutinative type. The agglutinative nature of the Kanuri language is characterised by its verb morphology, which is complex and difficult to understand without a mastery of the intricacies of Kanuri morphology and phonology. The study shows that a single finite verb form in Kanuri is composed of three morphemes, while in other types of verbs it is comprises four morphemes. In forming a derivative or compound verb in Kanuri, it is evident that the Kauri verb could accommodate up to seven morphemes.

The Hodinöhsö:ni’ Sky World is the realm that gave life to Turtle Island (North America). In contrast, the holy sky exalting U.S.-American landscape art suggests a land created for White settlers. This essay pursues several artists whose engagements with skies provide insights into how worldviews rooted in land shape Indigenous and settler perception: Caroline Parker (Tonawanda Seneca), Shelley Niro (Bay of Quinte Mohawk), Marie Watt (Seneca Nation of Indians), and Alfred Stieglitz. Where a sense of entitlement to Indigenous land guides settlers’ interpretation of the visual world, Hodinöhsö:ni’ women’s visual sovereignty supplies decolonial perceptual alternatives to colonial vision. I also consider the implications of this approach to the study of American art. By discerning the role non-Indigenous American arts play in naturalizing the ongoing theft of land, together with recognizing the unbroken legitimacy of Indigenous Title informing Native artworks, arts discourses might contribute to (re)imagining U.S.-American space as Indigenous space.

Robots are increasingly used in social applications, which raise challenges regarding people's trust in robots. A modern conception of human-robot trust must go beyond the conventional notions of human-automation relations and better connect to the current understanding of human-human trust, without assuming that human-robot trust is identical. A review of the literature together with our recent empirical work suggests that trust is multidimensional, incorporating both performance aspects (central in the human-automation literature) and moral aspects (central in the human-human trust literature). A multidimensional conception can be applied to human-robot trust, even if only some of the dimensions will be relevant for any given interaction with a robot. In addition to proposing an integrative conception of trust, we offer a measurement instrument for public use: the Multidimensional Measure of Trust (MDMT). This measure captures two superordinate factors of trust (Performance trust, Moral trust) that each break into two subfacets (Reliable and Capable within Performance, and Sincere and Ethical within Moral). We are continuing to test this measure in follow-up research and encourage other researchers to join us in collectively validating it.

Kanien'kéha is an endangered Northern Iroquoian language historically spoken in what is now the Mohawk Valley of central New York state in the United States of America. Today, it is spoken by about 3,800 people in six communities in upstate New York, USA, and in Ontario and Quebec provinces, Canada: Akwesasne, Kahnawake, Kanesatake, Six Nations, Wahta, and Tyendinaga. The varieties spoken in these communities differ slightly in terms of phonology, vocabulary, and orthography. Robust language revitalisation efforts are ongoing, and the language is of great cultural importance to the Kanien'kehá:ka people.

Language typologists classify languages as Agglutinative, Synthetic, Polysynthetic, Analytic, Fusional, Isolating, etc. This paper grew out of a concern as to in which of these type the Kanuri language could be classified. In this paper we attempt to explicate that Kanuri language belongs to the agglutinative type. The agglutinative nature of the Kanuri language is characterised by its verb morphology, which is complex and difficult to understand without a mastery of the intricacies of Kanuri morphology and phonology. The study shows that a single finite verb form in Kanuri is composed of three morphemes, while in other types of verbs it is comprises four morphemes. In forming a derivative or compound verb in Kanuri, it is evident that the Kauri verb could accommodate up to seven morphemes.

; although most of these have been fairly well documented, and reclamation attempts based on archival materials have started for some (see for instance Lukaniec's work on Wendat). Within this Northern branch, only Kanien'kéha fares slightly better, as it still retains a substantial number of speakers in certain communities. Kanien'kéha is spoken by the Kanien'kehá:ka people, originally the easternmost nation of the Rotinonhsión:ni (Haudenosaunee) Confederacy, whose traditional territory stretched along the Mohawk River valley in present-day New York State. Due to repeated settler encroachments, the establishment of Jesuit missions, military raids, and forced relocations, especially following the defeat of their British allies in the American Revolutionary War in 1783, most Kanien'kehá:ka left their homeland to settle in Canada (Bonvillain 1992). Kanien'kéha is now spoken in six main communities: Ohswé:ken (Six Nations of the Grand River), Tyendinaga, and Wáhta in Ontario; Kahnawà:ke and Kanehsatà:ke in Quebec (members of these communities also own the small uninhabited hunting and fishing territory of Tioweró:ton); and Akwesáhsne, which straddles the border between these two Canadian provinces and New York State (Mithun 1999:424). From the late 1970s to the early 1990s, small groups from these communities have also (re)settled in the territories of Kanièn:ke and Kana'tsoharè:ke, located in the ancestral Kanien'kehá:ka homeland in upstate New York. With fewer than 700 speakers left, however, Kanien'kéha is obviously endangered as well, and is generally considered "Stage 8" on Fishman's (1991) original Graded Inter-generational Disruption Scale (GIDS); "Moribund" as per Lewis and Simons' (2010) Expanded GIDS (EGIDS); or "Severely Endangered" according to the UNESCO Major Evaluative Factors of Language Vitality and Endangerment (DeCaire 2021): the majority of active speakers of the language belong to the grandparent generation, or are even older. It is important, though, to note that traditional vitality metrics such as GIDS and EGIDS are flawed in a non-trivial way: they only measure the level of attrition of a language, and not its level of revitalization. In the case of Kanien'kéha, for instance, they do not take into account the growing number of highly proficient L2 speakers. On top of systemic socioeconomic pressures to shift to English and / or French, the endangerment of Kanien'kéha was greatly accelerated throughout the 20 th century by the governmentfunded and church-run system of residential and day schools in Canada, and boarding schools in the United States (Bilash 2011), whose explicit objective was the complete assimilation of Indigenous children into mainstream Western society in order to "get rid of the Indian problem" (Duncan Campbell Scott, cited in McDougall 2008). The objective was the destruction of Indigenous languages and cultures, by systematically punishing children for speaking their language (Grant 1996), and, more importantly, by breaking "the link between parent and child, preventing the natural transmission of language and culture to the next generation" (i.e. severing inter-generational transmission) (Bilash 2011:137). The current grandparent generation (i.e. individuals who grew up from the 1920s to the 1940s) were thus the last peer group to be at first largely monolingual in Kanien'kéha (or at least to use it as their primary language). After years in government schools, this generation either lost the language, or understandably did not wish their children to experience the same trauma, and was therefore unable to transmit it, so that the current parent generation generally does not speak the language natively, although the number of L2 speakers is now increasing thanks to revitalization efforts. As their own children now have more opportunities than they did to learn the language (e.g. school language classes or child immersion programs), this parent generation has come to be known as the "lost generation", isolated between the grandparent generation and child generation who speak it, or at least are learning it (Hoover and KORLCC 1992:271).

The question of potential mutual influences between language and culture, defined as "worldview", has been central in Western linguistic thought since at least the 17 th century, especially through the debates between universalism and essentialism. Arguably, the Boasian approach, laid out in the works of Boas, Sapir, and Whorf in the first half of the 20 th century, constitutes an attempt to escape this dichotomy by recognising both the universal aspect of human cognition, and the intimate relationship between language and culture. The "Sapir-Whorf Hypothesis" which emerged from this latter insight has subsequently been taken in different directions by ethnolinguists and psycholinguists alike, as the debate surrounding linguistic relativity rages on. What unites all such frameworks, however, is an unspoken commitment to approaching the language-culture nexus exclusively from the etic viewpoint of external observers. Based on data from the endangered Northern Iroquoian language Kanyen'kéha (Mohawk), the present study attempts to show that this perspective is necessary, but not sufficient, to fully understand this phenomenon, as speakers themselves can also create emic language-culture links from their internal standpoint as community-members, something which has been largely ignored in the literature. That will motivate upgrading this classical "Single-Perspective Theory" of the language-culture nexus to the novel "Dual-Perspective Theory" which I propose in this work, partly based on pre-existing ideas drawn primarily from the field of language ideology. Although the creation of these emic links may be restricted to contexts in which language is politicised and the language-culture nexus is "consciousised", such as L2 revitalisation, I argue that it calls for a broadening of our conception of the language-culture nexus: it is not only a matter of long-term diachronic and subconscious mutual influences between them, but can also be actively, consciously, synchronically, and spontaneously manipulated by social actors themselves.

In this work, I investigate a case study of language revitalisation involving the adult immersion school Onkwawén:na Kentyóhkwa (OK), which is located in Ohswé:ken along the Grand River (Ontario), and where the Northern Iroquoian language Kanyen'kéha (Mohawk) has been taught as a second language since 1999. I focus on three major aspects. First, I look at the different arguments that have been proposed in favour of and against language revitalisation, and how they relate to the motivations underlying the OK project. Second, I analyse the challenges involved in teaching a polysynthetic Iroquoian language to native English speakers, especially in terms of morphological complexity and discourse patterns. Third, I present the main strategy that has been implemented by the school to engage with these challenges, a morpheme-based teaching technique called the 'Root Word Method' (RWM), before considering its theoretical implications. I tentatively argue that the paradox between the pedagogical usefulness of the morpheme, as suggested by the success of the RWM, and the fact that L1 speakers probably process some morphological structures in terms of the abstractive approach is illusory, because the pedagogical efficiency of the constructive approach in L2 acquisition is logically independent from the issue of its psychological adequacy in accounting for L1 competence. I conclude by suggesting that these interesting implications of a case study of language revitalisation for significant issues in modern linguistic theory, such as the constructive-abstractive debate in morphology, provide a good example of the value of applied linguistics projects to theoretical linguistics.

ABSTRACTPrevious studies of children with language impairment (LI) reveal an insensitivity to aspect that may constitute part of the children's deficit. In this study, we examine aspect as well as tense in Hungarian-speaking children with LI. Twenty-one children with LI, 21 TD children matched for age, and 21 TD children matched for receptive vocabulary scores were tested on their comprehension and production of both imperfective and perfective verb forms in past tense contexts. Although the groups did not differ in their comprehension performance, the children with LI were less accurate than both comparison groups in producing both imperfective and perfective forms. Based on these results, it appears that children with LI have difficulties selecting the appropriate aspectual marking in past tense contexts.

Important discussions of the boundaries between morphology and syntax have focused on cross-linguistic differences in the expression of similar ideas. What is expressed syntactically in one language is sometimes expressed morphologically in another. Morphological and ...

Recognizing that, in this rapidly evolving age of social media, accessible digital technology and storytelling, the public at large are now routinely accessing social media sites (Google Maps, Google Street View, Google Earth, Open Street Map) for locational information, this paper argues for a new thematic approach to cartography, seeking a revitalized balance and synthesis on important social issues: i. e. an approach that comprises new application areas, theory and practice.

In Standard Modern Greek, there are three verbs which are considered to display aspect conditioned stem suppletion: (a) vlep-o, idh-a, dh-o (see.1sg.impfv, saw.1sg.pfv, see.1sg.pfv), (b) le-o. ip-a, p-o (say.1sg.impfv, said.1sg.pfv, say.1sg.pfv), (c) tro-o, e-fagh-a, fa-o (eat.1sg.impfv, ate.1sg.pfv, eat.1sg.pfv). In this talk I argue that the two etymologically unrelated stems in each of (a-c) are in fact distinct roots with distinct form-meaning associations, rather than parts of the same paradigm. Each of the two roots (in what is standardly considered one single verb’s paradigm) has its own defective inflectional paradigm and the two paradigms of each pair are near-complementary but in fact not totally complementary, as one would expect in true cases of suppletion.

This paper scrutinizes the morphology of Unish, one of the international auxiliary languages, with respect to its correlations of word order typology and discusses a linguistic type of Unish. It has been reported that Unish has the fixed word order SVO (i.e., subject-verbobject), little inflection, which means there are no cases of nominal * I would like to thank anonymous reviewers who helped me develop this paper further. All the errors are the author's responsibility.

Linguistic reconstruction in North America has generally followed the same lines of development as reconstruction in other parts of the world. Work has normally proceeded from the establishment of regular sound correspondences among closely related languages, to the investigation of those among more distantly related groups. Once phonological correspondences have been understood, grammatical systems have been compared. Steady progress has been made in the grouping, subgrouping, and reconstruction of most of these languages, and most of the over frfty language families established by the end of the nineteenth century are still recognized today. Throughout this period, however, scholars engaged in traditional comparative work have been struck by pervasive structural resemblances among many of these languages. Eady in the nineteenth century, Peter Stephen Duponceau, secretary to the American Philosophical Society, commented on the grammatical resemblances among the lexically diverse North American languages he had examined. In his essay M6moire sw le systime grammatical des langues de quelques nations indiennes de lAm€rique du nord, he noted their polysynthetic nature, the high numbers of morphemes contained in single words.

Hierarchies of borrowability typically rank morphology as the most resistant to transfer of all aspects of language. Several explanations have been offered. One is that copying takes place primarily between typologically similar systems, and morphology is one of the ways languages can differ the most. Another is that more tightly integrated structures are more resistant to copying, and morphology is inherently tightly integrated. It has also been pointed out that copying depends on speakers establishing equivalence relations between elements of the languages in contact. Morphology may be less accessible to speaker consciousness than other aspects of language. Insight into contributing factors may come from contact situations involving related languages. Such languages are usually similar typologically. But they also present a major challenge: distinguishing contact effects from common inheritance and drift. Certain favorable circumstances can enhance their potential contributions. M...

The article looks into the issues, outlined in M. Baker's "The Atoms of Language: The Mind's Hidden Rules Of Grammar". This work is notable for the parametric theory of the languages, set out in it, according to which languages are different, nevertheless retaining the ability to be compared. That can be further supported by the assertion that the differences among languages are determined by "a smallish number of discreet elements, called parameters" [1]. What is more, the diversity of language reveals a certain regularity, very much resembling that of Mendeleev's periodic table of chemical elements. Our research team of professional linguists and philosophers put this claim to a critical analysis, the results of which are featured in this article. One of the major ones among them is the supposition that Baker, in accordance with the traditions of Chomsky generative linguistics, turns temporal continuums into special relations. He did that without discussing the consequences of such move, which made it impossible to develop the psychological and linguistic aspect of the subject raised by him.

In dementia in inflecting and agglutinating languages, morphosyntax is much better preserved than lexical access or pragmatics, but little is known about how dementia affects language in polysynthetic agglutinating languages with their complex verb morphology. Fortuitously, a series of narratives by a skilled Arapaho storyteller includes sessions from late in his life, when he was evidently dementing. Verb forms and clausal connectors in the speaker's Arapaho predementia and dementia narratives were sorted computationally and analyzed statistically. We found a decline in subordination and an increase in utterances missing verbs. There was a shift from using transitive active verb forms toward impersonal and passive verb forms, which require less pragmatic and syntactic computation to deploy, and a shift in subordination markers away from those requiring explicit consideration of the temporal relations between clauses.

In dementia in inflecting and agglutinating languages, morphosyntax is much better preserved than lexical access or pragmatics, but little is known about how dementia affects language in polysynthetic agglutinating languages with their complex verb morphology. Fortuitously, a series of narratives by a skilled Arapaho storyteller includes sessions from late in his life, when he was evidently dementing. Verb forms and clausal connectors in the speaker's Arapaho predementia and dementia narratives were sorted computationally and analyzed statistically. We found a decline in subordination and an increase in utterances missing verbs. There was a shift from using transitive active verb forms toward impersonal and passive verb forms, which require less pragmatic and syntactic computation to deploy, and a shift in subordination markers away from those requiring explicit consideration of the temporal relations between clauses.

The construction of massive economic-development projects disproportionately impact Indigenous communities in what is now Canada, and is defined by Melissa Checker as environmental racism. This paper explores the imposition process of the St. Lawrence Seaway on the Kanien’kehá:ka community of Caughnawaga, Quebec. The colonial relationship Glen Coulthard describes is used to frame the power dynamics between the state and the community of Caughnawaga in the conception, construction, and compensation phases of the St. Lawrence Seaway. The initial location of the Seaway was on the southern part of the island of Montreal, though shifted on Caughnawaga in future development interests of the city, as uncovered by a draft report completed by Joan Holmes and Associates in 1999. The cabinet conclusions from the Parliament of Canada between 1955 and 1956 discussed concern of legality surrounding the expropriation of reserve land. Ministers declared the legal incongruity could be resolved with ...

's edition of The Routledge Companion to Native American Literature is an expansive and comprehensive introduction to the different and multiple contexts essential to reading the literatures of the Indigenous peoples in the United States. The volume, which is intended for any reader interested in the development of Native American literature, is instrumental in providing literary, historical, cultural, political, religious, anthropological and ethnographic context to approach and understand the different manifestations of Native American literature. This collection of more than forty essays is based on extensive research carried out by leading and international scholars and covers a wide range of topics related to identity, ethnicity, gender, sexuality, sovereignties, traditions and languages, while also exploring new perspectives and new directions for the development of the field. Madsen starts out this collection by writing an "Introduction" in which she explains what the aim of the book is, provides some background information about Native American literature and the harmful consequences of the dominant colonialist views, whilst expounding clearly and conscientiously on the complex nature of the terms used in the title of the book: "Native", "American" and "Literature". The explanations that Madsen offers for each term are certainly useful and well-grounded as she provides accurate definitions and descriptions for each word, while also drawing upon proper cultural, historical and literary contexts that help readers understand the concept and category of Native American literature. After this introductory section, the main corpus of the book is constituted by five different sections: "Identities", "Key Moments", "Sovereignties", "Traditions" and "Literary Forms". The first section of the volume covers the topic of Indigenous identity by focusing on different complex aspects and Native American literary works. To start with, the first three chapters in "Identities" are strong in dealing with the importance of developing a transnational orientation in Native American literary studies, an aspect that many scholars have recently been exploring and calling for (Madsen 2010, Barrenechea and Moertl 2013, Fitz 2013, Cox and Justice 2014). The section opens with Earl E. Fitz's "Indigenous American Literature: The Inter-American Hemispheric Perspective", a riveting essay that stresses the importance of reading Indigenous American literature comparatively and from a hemispheric perspective. Fitz's analysis of different Indigenous cultures and literary works from the Canadian Arctic to Argentina is

Among the most frequently cited typological characteristics of American languages is polysynthesis, a term coined in 1816 by Duponceau to describe words in American languages containing large numbers of morphemes. Major scholars since that time, including Boas, Sapir, and Greenberg, have also described certain American languages as polysynthetic, citing Eskimoan languages as prime examples. Recently however, Baker specifically excluded Eskimoan languages from the class of polysynthetic languages on the grounds that they lack one of his criterial structures: noun incorporation. Here it is shown that Eskaleut languages contain constructions diachronically and functionally equivalent to prototypical noun incorporation, like that of Iroquoian. They differ in certain other respects because of the distinct diachronic pathways by which their modern sentence structures have developed.

Hierarchies of borrowability typically rank morphology as the most resistant to transfer of all aspects of language. Several explanations have been offered. One is that copying takes place primarily between typologically similar systems, and morphology is one of the ways languages can differ the most. Another is that more tightly integrated structures are more resistant to copying, and morphology is inherently tightly integrated. It has also been pointed out that copying depends on speakers establishing equivalence relations between elements of the languages in contact. Morphology may be less accessible to speaker consciousness than other aspects of language. Insight into contributing factors may come from contact situations involving related languages. Such languages are usually similar typologically. But they also present a major challenge: distinguishing contact effects from common inheritance and drift. Certain favorable circumstances can enhance their potential contributions. M...

Rivero 1992 exetavzei to fainovmeno thı "enswmavtwshı" ("Incorporation") enovı epirrhvmatoı maziv me evna rhvma gia thn paragwghv miaı suvnqethı levxhı, p.c. anapodo-gurivzw (apov gurivzw anavpoda). Sthn anavlushv thı, tevtoieı levxeiı paravgontai suntaktikav, mevsw thı "epirrhmatikhvı enswmavtwshı", dhladhv miaı suntaktikhvı diadikasivaı. To sumpevrasmav maı, ovmwı, eivnai ovti authv h diadikasiva prevpei na qewrhqeiv wı fainovmeno sto epivpedo tou lexikouv kai ovci thı suvntaxhı, lovgw thı hmi-paragwgikovthtaı pou deivcnei kai lovgw twn shmasiologikwvn carakthristkwvn tevtoiwn suvnqetwn levxewn. 1 ADVERB INCORPORATION Rivero (1992) discusses a relatively small but interesting set of Modern Greek sentences in which a verb and modifying adverb constitute a phrase in one instance but occur joined into a single word in another (what we call here a "composite"), with synonymy between the two forms. Examples include phrasal jirízo anápo∂a vs. composite anapo∂o-jirízo 'turn upside-down', férome kaká vs. kakoférome 'behave badly', vlépo ksaná vs. ksanavlépo 'see again', zalízome psilá vs. psilozalízome 'feel slightly dizzy', tragu∂ó sigá vs. sigotragu∂ó 'sing softly', among many others. Basing her analysis on the fact that manner adverbs combine acceptably, as in the above examples, while temporal adverbs cannot: 1. ∂en se íksera akómi / *∂en se akomi-íksera not you/ACC knew/1SG yet 'I did not know you yet' 2. ta pe∂já amésos qa ksipnísun / *...qa ameso(s)-ksipnísun the-children immediately FUT wake/3PL 'The children will wake up immediately' and drawing on McConnell-Ginet's (1982) proposal that there are

Land use and land classification traditions of Northeastern Algonquians remain poorly understood. Even less clear are traditions governing use of sacred lands: ceremonial places as well as hunting and gathering lands. Epistemic genocide (Bruchac 2012; Duran 2011), also called "erasure" (Bruchac 2011:31; Steeves 2017:50) and "vanishing act" (Bruchac 2011:35), in concert with destructive policy and oppressed Native narrative, obstruct our path to understanding. What is Northeastern Algonquian zoning practice? Through archaeology, ethnohistory, and linguistics, Northeastern Algonquian land classes and uses are described-sacred lands in particular. When informed by Native cultural sources, we can apprehend Algonquian land use patterns, knowledge that we can apply to improve sacred site preservation and plan for intelligent land management. Les traditions d'utilisation et de classification des terres par les Algonquins du nord-est demeurent mal comprises. Les traditions régissant l'utilisation des terres sacrées, des lieux de cérémonies ainsi que des territoires de chasse et de cueillette sont encore moins claires. Le génocide épistémique (Bruchac 2012; Duran 2011) aussi appelé « effacement » (Bruchac 2011:31, Steeves 2017:50) et « acte de disparition » (Bruchac 2011:35), de concert avec la politique destructrice et la narration d'oppression des indigènes nous barrent le chemin de la compréhension. En quoi consiste la pratique de zonage du Nord-est algonquien ? Grâce à l'archéologie, à l'ethnohistoire et à la linguistique, la classification et les utilisations des terres par les Algonquins du nord-est ont pu être décrites, en particulier en ce qui concerne les terres sacrées. Sur la base d'informations de sources culturelles autochtones, nous pouvons appréhender les modèles d'utilisation des terres algonquiennes, et nous pouvons mettre ces connaissances en application pour améliorer la préservation des sites sacrés et planifier la gestion intelligente des terres.