Milton Friedman

El trabajo analiza las novedades introducidas por la LOMLOE
en el ámbito de la educación concertada en España, destacando su relevancia
en la continua evolución legislativa del sistema educativo. Aborda aspectos
clave como la eliminación del criterio de «demanda social», el nuevo enfoque
sobre la financiación de los conciertos educativos y los retos jurídicos y administrativos
que plantea. Además, aporta un análisis de los posibles escenarios
futuros para la educación concertada en España, desde su integración progresiva
en la red pública hasta su consolidación como opción complementaria en un
modelo dual. Este estudio, fundamentado en un enfoque crítico y documentado,
ofrece una visión integral sobre el impacto de la reforma en el equilibrio entre
la libertad de elección de las familias y la sostenibilidad del sistema educativo.

This  paper  presents  a  comprehensive  philosophical  critique  of  Milton  Friedman's conception of freedom as articulated in his seminal works, particularly Capitalism and Freedom (1962)  and Free  to  Choose (1980).  Through  an  examination  of  contemporary philosophical  literature  on  liberty,  power  dynamics,  and  structural  critique,  this analysis  argues  that  Friedman's  conceptualization  of  freedom  suffers  from fundamental  theoretical  inadequacies.  The  paper  demonstrates  that  Friedman's negative  conception  of  freedom  fails  to  account  for  structural  domination,  power asymmetries,  and  the  complex  relationship  between  economic  arrangements  and genuine  human  agency.  Drawing  upon  recent  scholarship  in  republican  theory,
critical  philosophy,  and  structural  analysis,  this  critique  reveals  how  Friedman's framework  inadvertently  legitimizes  forms  of  coercion  and  domination  that contradict his stated commitment to human freedom

La historia que narra Sebastián Edwards en The Chile Project tiene raíces geopolíticas y académicas que anteceden a la dictadura de Augusto Pinochet. En los primeros años de la Guerra Fría, Estados Unidos impulsó una estrategia diplomática y académica para contener la expansión del comunismo en América Latina. Una de estas iniciativas fue formar a jóvenes economistas latinoamericanos en universidades estadounidenses, con la expectativa de que al regresar contribuyeran a construir economías ‘democráticas y amigables con el mercado’ (market friendly).
En 1954, la Universidad de Chicago propuso un convenio de formación a la Universidad de Chile, entonces el centro académico más prestigioso del país. Sus economistas, sin embargo, influenciados por la Comisión Económica para América Latina y el Caribe (CEPAL) y el estructuralismo latinoamericano, rechazaron la propuesta. Fue la Pontificia Universidad Católica de Chile (PUC) la que, en 1956, aceptó el convenio, que incluía becas completas para estudios de posgrado en Chicago, con el compromiso de que los becarios regresaran como profesores a su escuela de economía. Así nacieron los Chicago Boys, quienes décadas después jugarían un rol clave en la transformación del modelo económico chileno.

Página 2 2 global con una economía transnacional, globalizando las formas de producción y consumo, con preocupaciones, en la línea de la competitividad, con buenos precios y ganancias en la producción y comercialización. Es en este contexto que el neoliberalismo emerge como doctrina y práctica. El capitalismo se había consolidado como una fuerza extraordinaria de producción, pero, paradójicamente, como un pobre distribuidor de riqueza. Este es uno de los callejones sin salida del siglo XXI. La mística de los antiguos puritanos ingleses que querían participar en la construcción del mundo "ayudando a Dios" con su trabajo se ha perdido, cuando el capital se erige en un tótem "sagrado", imponiendo su fuerza al mundo moderno. La gestión de esta economía globalizada está lejos de resolverse, ya que es frágil frente a los estados de ánimo políticos y sociales actuales. La guerra de Irak, el conflicto entre judíos y palestinos, el Estado Islámico, el narcotráfico, la expansión del territorio ruso con la anexión de parte de Ucrania, el fundamentalismo religioso, la Eurozona, las masacres en África, el genocidio de judíos, las represalias en la Franja de Gaza, el imperialismo estadounidense en la Era Trump y el calentamiento global son solo partes visibles de viejos y nuevos conflictos que están lejos de resolverse.

El hombre, cuando se reúne en comunidad, establece una pluralidad de relaciones típicas de la vida en sociedad que presupone una regulación legal o prácticas consuetudinarias de convivencia. En las sociedades primitivas estas relaciones son simples y directas. Cuanto más complejas se vuelven estas comunidades, más conflictiva se vuelve su gestión, porque las necesidades e intereses de varios individuos, grupos y segmentos de esta sociedad están entrelazados. Poco a poco, estas relaciones no solo se dan a nivel local, sino que se extienden, inicialmente, a las comunidades vecinas, y, posteriormente, a grupos más distantes, e incluso se globalizan. Esta complejidad siempre se ha trabajado con leyes y regulaciones desde las sociedades antiguas. En la Grecia clásica, tres filósofos abordaron los fundamentos de estas relaciones políticas de manera teórica: Sócrates, en su discurso pronunciado en su defensa, 1 presenta como ideal la formación de una élite de ciudadanos que deberían reconstruir una Atenas, corroída por la falta de amor a la polis frente a intereses personales. En la "República" Platón establece el bien común como paradigma de la constitución de lo que consideraba el ideal de gobierno. Aristóteles, al no ser ciudadano ateniense, elabora los principios que deben regir el gobierno en vista del bien común en su libro Política. Con el surgimiento del Estado moderno, muchos teóricos intentaron definir un modelo de Estado y Sociedad en vista del Bien común, o, al menos, de ciertos segmentos de esta sociedad. La Revolución Industrial dio lugar a dos grandes matrices ideológicas que intentaron elaborar un modelo de Estado que proporcionara calidad de vida. El capitalismo representaba la búsqueda de este ideal desde la perspectiva de la burguesía industrial y bancaria. El socialismo intentó esta misma lectura desde la perspectiva de aquellos a quienes este sistema definía como oprimidos. Estos dos sistemas, en sus implementaciones, cometieron muchos errores. Los intérpretes más modernos de hoy buscan continuar estas dos lecturas a partir de las lecciones obtenidas en los errores y aciertos del pasado. Milton Friedman 2 es un liberal con una influencia teórica significativa en el sistema capitalista estadounidense y occidental. Su pensamiento tuvo un impacto en los gobiernos de

An ecological market failure exists when human activity in a market economy is exhausting critical non-renewable resources, disrupting fragile ecosystems, or overloading biospheric waste absorption capacities. In none of these cases does the criterion of Pareto efficiency obtain.

Whether or not the supply of schools can meet the parental demand for choice has been central to the school choice debate for more than a decade. Unfortunately, the two sides to the debate often carry their argument to the extreme. On the one side, one finds, to coin a term, the strict inelasticians: Those who assume that supply will not change in response to an increase in demand. When model builders make such an assumption, they easily reach the conclusion that choice systems will necessarily be highly stratified. 1 In fact, studies of school choice find increasing stratification We wish to thank Mark Linnen, Elena Llaudet, and Antonio Wendland for their assistance in the preparation of this paper. I also wish to thank many in the city of Milwaukee who agreed to meet with us and provide us with information concerning the city's charter, voucher, and public schools, including Alan Borsuk, Howard Fuller,

El presente ensayo propone una reformulación del sistema tributario estatal, diferenciando entre impuestos obligatorios redistributivos y una nueva categoría de impuestos opcionales. Esta propuesta busca garantizar la libertad del ciudadano para elegir el consumo de servicios públicos, superando las limitaciones del sistema tradicional y del modelo voucher. Se analizan las implicaciones económicas, sociales y morales, y se argumenta que una adecuada gestión de estos impuestos puede favorecer tanto la autonomía individual como la inclusión social. Finalmente, se reflexiona sobre las limitaciones políticas actuales para implementar dichas reformas.

It is a sad reflection on the 'professors of the dismal science' that, despite a truly massive investment of intellectual capital, economists have been unable to formulate a generally acceptable theory of unemployment.  It is not that there is any shortage of candidates for the vacancy.  Neoclassical theory, for example, provides a well-documented theory of the labour market, which suggests that excessive real wages are the primary cause of unemployment.

The Keynesian tradition, in contrast, offers an account of unemployment which starts from a deficiency of demand in the goods market. Both of these are essentially theories of 'unnatural' unemployment; that is, unemployment over and above its 'natural' or long run equilibrium rate. In addition, there is a number of theories to explain the natural rate, which attribute the blame for high unemployment on a range of causes from microchip technology to overly-generous social security benefits.

This article attempts to make sense of the wealth of conflicting theoretical literature on unemployment. It opens by distinguishing 'natural' and 'unnatural' rates of unemployment, going on to review the neoclassical and Keynesian explanations of the latter. It then explores some more recent developments in theories of the natural rate, concluding that it is in this area that most work remains to be done.

El "Liberalismo" de Jesús Huerta de Soto es una profunda exploración del liberalismo como corriente filosófica, económica y política que aboga por la máxima limitación del poder coercitivo del Estado y la defensa de la economía de mercado. El autor traza los orígenes históricos del liberalismo, destacando su evolución desde el pensamiento griego y romano hasta los escolásticos españoles del Siglo de Oro, quienes aportaron ideas fundamentales como la teoría subjetiva del valor y el concepto dinámico de competencia. Finalmente, el texto aborda el declive del liberalismo en el siglo XIX debido a la influencia de pensadores como Adam Smith y el utilitarismo, para luego señalar su resurgimiento contemporáneo impulsado por la Escuela Austríaca y eventos como la caída del Muro de Berlín, posicionando al liberalismo como la ideología con mayor potencial para el futuro.
(reseña realizada mediante IA)

The traditional view of economics is that of a 'hard science', following the scientific method espoused by Popper and popularised by Friedman.  This 'heroic' model of economics has, however, been widely criticised. There are many who argue that such an aggressive, 'ultra-empiricist' methodology is fundamentally inappropriate to a social science like economics.  Others claim that while economists could in principle follow the scientific method, in practice they rarely do so; such critics believe that the scientific method cannot be, or generally is not, followed by economists, such that economics does not therefore 'progress' towards ultimate, objective truth by purging itself of falsified theory.

The aim of this paper is to contribute to this ongoing debate, by examining a particular episode of British economic history, namely the so-called 'monetarist experiment' between 1979 and 1982, which many viewed as the closest approximation to an experiment in macroeconomics witnessed ever undertaken.  This 'experiment' generated a wealth of apparently contradictory evidence about the empirical content of monetarism, yet almost a decade afterwards, economists still remain deeply divided on the crucial issues.

This paper seeks to establish whether, following Lakatos, this experience suggests monetarism has become a 'degenerating research programme' or whether it strikes more deeply at the notion of economics as hard science, revealing the acute limitations of the scientific method as a means of appraising theories in economics.

This article performs an exhaustive and in-depth analysis of Milton Friedman's documentary series "Free to Choose". It deconstructs the work's ideological architecture, identifying a sophisticated model of persuasive "layers" that guide the viewer from universally accepted moral principles and historical narratives to radical political and economic conclusions. Friedman's central claims about the role of government, labor market dynamics, inequality, and redistribution are systematically contrasted with the aggregated empirical evidence from a selection of contemporary meta-analyses. The analysis reveals a fundamental and persistent divergence between Friedman's theoretical narrative, based on perfect competition models and historical simplifications, and empirical findings, which point to complexity, context-dependency, and the presence of systemic biases. It concludes that while "Free to Choose" is a masterpiece of ideological communication, its policy prescriptions are based on a series of simplifications, omissions, and logical fallacies that do not always hold up to rigorous and nuanced empirical review.

Este artículo realiza un análisis exhaustivo y profundo de la serie documental “Libre para Elegir” de Milton Friedman. Se deconstruye la arquitectura ideológica de la obra, identificando un sofisticado modelo de “capas” persuasivas que guían al espectador desde principios morales y narrativas históricas universalmente aceptados hasta conclusiones políticas y económicas radicales. Se contrastan sistemáticamente las afirmaciones centrales de Friedman sobre el papel del gobierno, la dinámica del mercado laboral, la desigualdad y la redistribución con la evidencia empírica agregada de una selección de metaanálisis contemporáneos. El análisis revela una divergencia fundamental y persistente entre la narrativa teórica de Friedman, basada en modelos de competencia perfecta y simplificaciones históricas, y los hallazgos empíricos, que apuntan a la complejidad, la dependencia del contexto y la presencia de sesgos sistémicos. Se concluye que, si bien “Libre para Elegir” es una obra maestra de la comunicación ideológica, sus prescripciones políticas se basan en una serie de simplificaciones, omisiones y falacias lógicas que no siempre se sostienen ante una revisión empírica rigurosa y matizada.

Wohl kaum eine andere Idee inspiriert derzeit die politischen Debatten so sehr wie die Forderung nach einem bedingungslosen Grundeinkommen. Von Unternehmern bis zu Arbeitsloseninitiativen, von marktliberalen Ökonomen bis zur Partei DIE LINKE, von der CDU bis zu Attac: Unter der Bezeichnung "bedingungsloses Grundeinkommen" fordern Befürworter aus unterschiedlichsten Kreisen nichts Geringeres als eine radikale Umgestaltung des Sozialstaats. Ein individuell ausbezahltes Einkommen für alle, ohne Bedürftigkeitsprüfung und ohne Gegenleistung, ist der Kern der Idee. Dieses Buch bietet eine Einführung in die derzeit heiß diskutierte Idee des Grundeinkommens und macht zugleich deutlich, warum es von neoliberalen Konzepten abzugrenzen ist. Das Buch basiert (leicht verändert) auf der Diplomarbeit des Autors im Fach Politikwissenschaft. Es wendet sich an Studierende der Sozialwissenschaften sowie alle interessierten Leserinnen und Leser. Aus dem Inhalt: - Vorwort zur zweiten Auflage 2019 - Die Begriffe "bedingungsloses Grundeinkommen" und "Neoliberalismus" - Historische Vorläufer, Ideengeschichte und erste Debatten - Angloamerikanische Debatten um die "Negativsteuer" - Europäische und internationale Debatten zum Grundeinkommen - Aktuelle Begründungen und Kontroversen - Vom "klassischen" zum "neuen" Liberalismus - Rahmenbedingungen, Grundlagen und Konzeptionen - Neoklassik als theoretische Grundlage - Der Sozialstaat im Neoliberalismus - Die Negative Einkommensteuer bei Milton Friedman - Das bedingungslose Grundeinkommen - eine neoliberale Forderung? - Auswirkungen auf Armut - Auswirkungen auf Erwerbsarbeit, Arbeitszeitverkürzung, Mindestlöhne und das System der sozialen Sicherung - Analyse der Modelle - "Solidarisches Bürgergeld", Dieter Althaus, CDU - "Grüne Grundsicherung", Manuel Emmler/Thomas Poreski - "Bedingungsloses Grundeinkommen", Linkspartei - "Existenzgeld", BAG-Sozialhilfeinitativen - Vergleichende Bewertung des Ergebnisses Zweite Auflage, LIWI Literatur- und Wissenschaftsverlag, Göttingen 2019.

This study examined the inclusion of environment, social and governance (ESG) criteria in the managerial decision-making process. The integration of ESG related information for the UK and French fund managers is discussed in this study. The data regarding managerial beliefs is collected using questionnaires filled by fund managers in the UK and French markets. Overall, our findings are mixed for the significant difference in beliefs. Managers of both countries have common beliefs that the Government demands environmental and social responsibility (ESR), ESR will better manage investment risks and corporate governance (CG) will bolster long-term shareholder value. UK managers believe that CG is the fiduciary obligation of the company while French managers believe that ESR is the fiduciary obligation of the company.UK managers believe that ESR is demanded by the shareholders while French managers have a belief that CG is demanded by the shareholders. French managers have the more favourable view towards ESR. On the other hand, UK managers have balanced beliefs toward CG, and ESR.

4959. Capitalism and Freedom in the United States and in Brazil: rereading Milton Friedman’s classic with a Brazilian perspective (Brasília: Diplomatizzando, 2025, 68 p.). English version of the same original work in Portuguese.
Table of contents


Preliminary note: my own series of “revisited classics”
Revisiting a classic: Friedman reread six decades later

Introduction
Introduction
I. The Relation Between Economic Freedom and Political Freedom
1. The Difficult Connection Between Political Freedom and Economic Freedom in Brazil
II. The Role of Government in a Free Society
2. The Weight of the State in a Partially Free Society
III. The Control of Money
3. Currency and Finance in a Highly Volatile Environment
IV. International Financial and Trade Arrangements
4. International Financial and Trade Agreements: The Long-Term Dependence
V. Fiscal Policy
5. Public Accounts: Rarely in Balance
VI. The Role of Government in Education
6. The Insufficient Role of the State in Education
VII. Capitalism and Discrimination
7. The Persistence of Slavery and Corporatism
VIII. Monopoly and the Social Responsibility of Business and Labor
8. Monopolies, Cartels, and State-Supervised Trade Unionism
IX. Occupational Licensure
9. The ultra-exacerbated regulatory bureaucracy
X. The Distribution of Income
10. The non-distribution of income: a persistent trend throughout history
XI. Social Welfare Measures
11. Social welfare policies: between focus and scope
XII. Alleviation of Poverty
12. Poverty reduction: a task never completed
XIII. Conclusion
13. Conclusion: what separates us from a developed society?

Note on the author

4597. Capitalismo e liberdade nos Estados Unidos e no Brasil: releitura do clássico de Milton Friedman na perspectiva do Brasil (Brasília: Diplomatizzando, 2025, 84 p.; ISBN: 978-65-01-53577-7), Brasília, 19 junho 2025, 84 p. Livro composto na série dos clássicos revisitados, para apresentação em evento da série de leituras do Livres em 24/07/2025. Relação de Publicados n. 1579.

Sumário


Nota preliminar: minha série de “clássicos revisitados” 9
Revisitando um clássico: Friedman relido seis décadas após sua primeira edição 13

Introduction
Introdução 19
I. The Relation Between Economic Freedom and Political Freedom
1. A difícil conexão entre liberdade política e liberdade econômica no Brasil 21
II. The Role of Government in a Free Society
2. O peso do Estado em uma sociedade parcialmente livre 25
III. The Control of Money
3. Moeda e finanças num ambiente altamente volátil 28
IV. International Financial and Trade Arrangements
4. Acordos financeiros e comerciais internacionais: a longa dependência 31
V. Fiscal Policy
5. As contas públicas: raramente em equilíbrio 38
VI. The Role of Government in Education
6. O papel insuficiente do Estado na educação 43
VII. Capitalism and Discrimination
7. A persistência do escravismo e do corporativismo 48
VIII. Monopoly and the Social Responsibility of Business and Labor
8. Monopólios, carteis e o sindicalismo tutelado pelo Estado 53
IX. Occupational Licensure
9. O cartorialismo regulatório ultra exacerbado 57
X. The Distribution of Income
10. A não distribuição de renda: uma tendência persistente ao longo da história 59
XI. Social Welfare Measures
11. Políticas de bem-estar social: entre o foco e a abrangência 65
XII. Alleviation of Poverty
12. Redução da pobreza: uma tarefa nunca completada 69
XIII. Conclusion
13. Conclusão: o que nos separa de uma sociedade desenvolvida? 72

Nota sobre o autor 77
Outros livros do autor 78

El sistema educacional chileno es ampliamente identificado como Voucher. Este artículo revisa su implementación en Chile, analizando su conceptualización y diseño, a la luz de las teorías sobre Choice System (CS). El sistema chileno es un CS originado por la pretensión de cambiar el modelo de desarrollo, más que por un diagnóstico común de problemas educativos. Es un modelo particular, que se distancia del Voucher de Friedman, al no existir un cupón entregado a las familias, pero más similar a la propuesta de Chubb y Moe, en la cual los colegios reciben un subsidio según su demanda. El modelo chileno no ha incorporado mecanismos importantes para empoderar a los padres. Las recientes reformas se alejan de las teorías de CS al disminuir las libertades de la oferta, pero sin limitar la libertad de la demanda. Además, fomentarían un rol estatal más protagónico en otorgar información, lo que generaría mayor empoderamiento familiar. Palabras claves: Choice System, subsidio dependiente de la demanda, Friedman, Chubb y Moe.

Since antiquity, political thinkers have argued that the idea of right seems to be an essential tool for analyzing the relationship between the state and individuals. Political thinkers believe that rights are very essential for human's existence in a state. If there are no rights of individuals to control the power of the governmental authority, the state would surely assume unrestrained power. It may result unwarranted absolutism. Kant's observation on Rights plays a significant role in his political philosophy. He is very much aware of the fact that a decent civil society could be established if there is proper establishment of rights of the individual. Kant proposes for a republican form of Government in a state and argues for perpetual peace that would prevail in the state as well as in the world. To achieve this goal right is an utmost necessary step which is indispensable connected to the freedom of individual. According to Kant the principles of right are the basic principles of politics based on law. But what does he actually mean by principle of right is the question of discussion? In one part of the book 'Metaphysics of Morals' Kant names 'Doctrine of Right' where he tries to explain what is right by stating, 'Every action which by itself or by its maxim enables the freedom of each individual's will to coexist with the freedom of everyone else in accordance with a universal law is right'. But how does the universal law make possible the co-existence of individual freedom with the freedom of everyone? Is there any possibility of the universal law by which right might be established in a state? If possible, how is it coherent with Kantian practical philosophy? Is such right leading us to cosmopolitan right? As because of Kant very much stresses on Cosmopolitanism and removal of colonialism, where cosmopolitan right is abolition of private property is very much essential. To inquire the answer of those questions my research paper would glimpse into Kant's philosophy of right.

El Instituto Libertad y Desarrollo (LYD) fue creado a fines de la dictadura de Pinochet por ex ministros del régimen con el objetivo explícito de defender su obra. Se presenta el origen y a los  agentes fundadores de LyD, en un marco histórico que desde la segunda mitad del siglo XX, da cuenta de la emergencia y consolidación de centros de estudio y de cabildeo (think tank) en Chile; así como también el proyecto ideológico de defensa del modelo neoliberal. Además se revisarán las redes internacionales de LyD; la opacidad de su financiamiento y la amplia cobertura que mantuvieron en medios de comunicación. Se propone así dar cuenta del proceso de consolidación institucional de dicho centro de pensamiento, un mapeo de sus redes y las condiciones de posibilidad que determinaron su influencia constante en la discusión pública.

In the global conflict between the two economic systems, Capitalism (free market economy) and Socialism, Capitalism seems to have undoubtedly prevailed. Historians and political analysts attribute the causes of this to the weaknesses and mistakes of the socialist system, although they all see serious problems in the capitalist system as well. The purpose of this book is to shed light on a side that has escaped society's attention: Economic theory, which is based on the Neoclassical theory, contains mathematical errors that have the effect of leading to a market price in perfect competition equal to the minimum cost of the product, and thus to maximization of the social welfare. However, this conclusion is wrong because it is based on mathematical errors, which, if corrected, lead to a price higher than the minimum cost, thus not maximizing social welfare.
This false conclusion of economic theory that the free-market economy maximizes social welfare played a primary role in capitalism's dominance because, in this way, it also had the absolute approval of science. This book points out and demonstrates these errors and their consequences in economics, politics, and society while developing a new economic theory that results from the correction of Neoclassical theory. However, this new corrected theory leads to very different conclusions from the original.

Uluslararası göç hareketlerinin nedenlerinin belirlenmesi günümüzde önemli bir beşerî sermaye olarak kabul edilen insan faktörünün mobilitesinin kontrol edilmesi açısından uygulanması muhtemel politikalara yön vermektedir. Bu kapsamda, çalışmanın amacı göçe ev sahipliği yapan G7 ülkelerinde göçmen nüfusun söz konusu göç kararında etkili olan çekici faktörleri ekonomik değişkenler bakımından belirlemektir. Bu amaçla temel makroekonomik göstergelerden kişi başına GSYH, işsizlik oranı, enflasyon oranı ve ekonomik küreselleşme endeksi temel açıklayıcı değişkenler olarak benimsenmiş ve ilgili veriler yıllık olarak 2000-2017 dönemi için temin edilmiştir. Panel ARDL tahmin yöntemi benimsenerek uygulanan analiz bulgularına göre uzun dönemde kişi başına GSYH ve ekonomik küreselleşmedeki artışların G7 ülkelerine yönelik göçün çekici unsurları olarak belirlenirken, enflasyon oranındaki bir artış göçmen sayısında azalışa neden olmaktadır. İşsizlik oranının ise uzun dönemde göçmen nüfus üzerinde istatistiksel olarak anlamlı bir etkisine rastlanmamıştır.

El sistema educacional chileno es ampliamente identificado como Voucher. Este artículo revisa su implementación en Chile, analizando su conceptualización y diseño, a la luz de las teorías sobre Choice System (CS). El sistema chileno es un CS originado por la pretensión de cambiar el modelo de desarrollo, más que por un diagnóstico común de problemas educativos. Es un modelo particular, que se distancia del Voucher de Friedman, al no existir un cupón entregado a las familias, pero más similar a la propuesta de Chubb y Moe, en la cual los colegios reciben un subsidio según su demanda. El modelo chileno no ha incorporado mecanismos importantes para empoderar a los padres. Las recientes reformas se alejan de las teorías de CS al disminuir las libertades de la oferta, pero sin limitar la libertad de la demanda. Además, fomentarían un rol estatal más protagónico en otorgar información, lo que generaría mayor empoderamiento familiar. Palabras claves: Choice System, subsidio dependiente de la demanda, Friedman, Chubb y Moe.

This paper briefly presents basic topics of the Economic Theory of Property. Analyzes the Coase theorem and its consequences and discusses some samples of the economic implications of Law. El artículo presenta, de manera sucinta, varias líneas básicas de estudio del análisis económico del derecho de propiedad. Analiza el denominado teorema de Coase y sus consecuencias, y estudia varios ejemplos de las implicaciones económicas de las normas.

This article aims to investigate the global origins of neoliberalism outside of Europe and the United States, analyzing the specific case of Argentina. Examining the early Argentine neoliberal institutions and journals, the first part of the article analyzes not only the networks that facilitated the visits of Western neoliberal intellectuals to Latin America and the translation and dissemination of their ideas, but also the transformation of these ideas into ideological weapons against the local forms of state dirigisme: Peronism and developmentalism. The second part focuses on Friedrich von Hayek's lectures in Argentina, the arguments he presented and the contradictions it faced, particularly legitimizing the temporary suspension of the rule of law to restore market order outside Western democracies.

Si quisiéramos hacer un inventario de los términos más maltratados y difíciles de definir en la historia de las ideas contemporáneas, “neoliberalismo” se ubicaría en lo más alto del podio. Desde luego, la responsabilidad de la situación no recae exclusivamente en sus críticos. Manipulado de manera más o menos velada por sus defensores y detractores, el concepto ha sido, por un lado, denunciado como la raíz de todos los males posibles y, por otro, defendido como un dogma, un principio de suyo irrefutable. Sin embargo, si todo es neoliberalismo, nada lo es. La constatación de este dilema y sus nocivos efectos para el debate público es el punto de partida de Neoliberalismo. Una idea en disputa.

¿Qué es realmente el neoliberalismo? ¿Un proyecto que conduce a la prosperidad o, en cambio, una ideología que profundiza las desigualdades? ¿O acaso otra cosa distinta, un híbrido de ambos extremos, un campo de batalla? ¿Es posible poner orden en un concepto tan disputado? Para intentar responder a estas preguntas, Álvaro Vergara invita al lector a recorrer la historia de este movimiento, pieza clave en las discusiones que dieron forma al caótico siglo XX y que, hasta hoy, sigue complicándonos. Desentrañando sus raíces y volviendo la mirada tanto a sus protagonistas como a las premisas que lo sostienen, el autor no busca solo reflexionar sobre el pasado, sino también iluminar nuestros debates políticos, económicos e intelectuales. Quizás el ejercicio de reconocer la complejidad del neoliberalismo sea el primer paso para comprenderlo. Y así, desde un lugar menos cómodo, pero más honesto, enfrentar los desafíos actuales y futuros.

This article examines the role of ideas, tradition, and economic history in the context of F. A. Hayek's theory of social knowledge. While Hayek often emphasized the beneficial consequences of unintended and spontaneous action, his accounts of the transmission of ideas within society identified what he believed were errors in intellectuals' interpretations of economic history. These errors were subsequently transmitted to the mass public and, by structuring common sense understandings of institutions' consequences, influenced political debate and action as well. Although Hayek believed the patterns associated with capitalism's history were capable of understanding and historical explanation, his claims regarding the errors in historians' understanding of economic growth indicate that the spontaneous orders that Hayek defended in the realm of economic action could, in the context of historical inquiry, generate and perpetuate patterns of error and myth.

The focus of this paper is the analysis of cash management on an ethical perspective, specifically, commonly accepted principles of the same; rational behaviour or "selfish" and opportunistic conducts. The review of approaches based on stakeholder theory and the application of this theory to business management, and in particular to treasury management, shows that the treasury management might optimized from a joint cash holding based on mutual trust perspective. In this perspective would mainly reduce transaction costs and reduce the risks assumed by the participants. En el presente trabajo se analiza el cash management desde la perspectiva ética; en concreto, los principios comúnmente aceptados de la misma; comportamientos de racionalidad o conductas ¿egoístas¿ y oportunistas. La revisión de los planteamientos basados en la teoría de los stakeholders y su aplicación a la gestión empresarial, y en concreto a la gestión de tesorería, pone de manifiesto que la gestión de te...

A finales de 2024, National Security Archive (NSA) hizo una nueva entrega de documentos relativos a programas de investigación de la CIA sobre control mental y de la conducta, así como técnicas "especiales" de interrogatorio, que fueron empleados en Vietnam, Irak, Guantánamo, América Latina y algunas prisiones secretas dentro y fuera de EE.UU.
Versión algo ampliada del artículo publicado en el blog "Conversación sobre historia", donde se describe el contexto histórico.

The term authoritarian liberalism was coined by Hermann Heller to describe Carl Schmitt's commitment to a dictatorial state in 1932. Schmitt saw the politicisation of the state as a prerequisite for a free economy and depoliticised social relations. The founding thinkers of neoliberalism argued similarly. In particular Hayek's version of authoritarian liberalism is a mirror image of Schmitt's own workwith the difference that Hayek advocated authoritarianism as a means of securing a depoliticised order of free economy rather than as an end in itself in the form of the decisionist authority of the state in the case of Schmitt. Beyond the contemporary political analysis that contrasts neoliberal authoritarianism with a supposedly democratically constituted capitalism of the past, the article links authoritarianism with bourgeois freedom. Its theme is authoritarianism as a prerequisite for liberty and its central thesis that social order is disorder in the mode of being denied. The state is the concentrated power of social order in bourgeois society and the organised force of its freedom.

Market-based educational reforms, including vouchers, have been a highly contested topic in education policymaking over the last three decades. Vouchers have been used in practice to promote educational choice and student success by facilitating "free" market competition and eliminating the monopolistic privileges of public schools. Nonetheless, market-based reforms, particularly education vouchers, are not commonly used in early childhood education (ECE). This article examines the arguments for and against market-based education reforms and education vouchers and provides a brief overview of five voucher programs that aimed to improve ECE delivery. Comparisons of these programs demonstrate that neither Friedman's liberal market nor Jencks' social policy approaches are definitively superior to one another. The effectiveness of an ECE voucher program depends on the specifics of the policy text and the context in which it is introduced.

Institutional investors have emerged as dominant shareholders in major corporations, exerting significant influence on corporate governance, strategic decision-making, and sustainability practices. This paper explores the role of institutional investors in corporate governance, highlighting their influence, engagement strategies, and the dilemma they face between short-term profit maximization and long-term corporate sustainability. The study also examines challenges associated with institutional ownership, including regulatory concerns, shareholder activism, and proxy advisory firms. The findings underscore the complexities of corporate governance in the modern investment landscape.

What do firms owe to those around them in terms of consideration, restraint, and active support?  This question – which I’ll call the question of “firm responsibility”  – first rose to prominence in the modern context in the 1950s.  While questions about what one entity owes to others and how it may impose on them are essentially questions about moral responsibility, the debate about firm responsibility has been conducted almost exclusively in terms of corporate social responsibility until very recently.  Regardless of whether this was a good decision at the time, I argue below that the paradigm of corporate social responsibility is failing, if it has not already failed, and that scholars and practitioners alike should shift to the paradigm of corporate moral responsibility. 
I begin with a brief discussion of paradigms and how they function in the social sciences, especially the social institutions of government and business (Section 1).  With that established I outline the paradigm of corporate social responsibility (CSR) and argue that it is failing (Section 2), then present the paradigm of corporate moral responsibility (CMR) and note the ways in which compares favorably (Section 3).  Briefly, CMR is a more coherent and more familiar paradigm, far better developed with stronger justifications and options for analogous development.  Beyond these benefits, I argue in Section 4 that the paradigm of CSR both encourages and obscures the intrusion of private firms into arenas traditionally reserved to governmental authority – a move to what would be better described as corporate political responsibility (CPR, sometimes called political CSR).  This is a highly controversial thing to demand (or even allow) but the paradigm of CSR makes it difficult to see it at all, much less to articulate the concern.  In contrast, adopting the paradigm of CMR brings the long-standing distinction between moral and political theory into play.  Doing so highlights the radical nature of this intrusion and gives us the language we need to describe it, debate it, and manage it if we choose to do so.  Further, properly distinguishing between CMR and CPR reveals the possibility of an under-explored field that lies between the two (for both human and corporate moral agents) – what I have here called communal responsibility, for lack of a better term.  I conclude by acknowledging the clear parallels between the claims I have developed here and Friedman’s claims in his (in)famous article.

Refah devleti İkinci Dünya Savaşı sonrası dönemde oldukça önemli bir yaklaşımken 1970’li yıllar sonrası dönemde giderek önemi azalmaya başlayan bir yaklaşım olmuştur. 1973’te başlayan ekonomik kriz ve bu krizin beraberinde getirdiği ekonomide yavaşlama ve stagflasyon ile kamu maliyesinde yaşanan gelişmeler refah devletinin eleştirilmesinin başlıca sebepleri olmuştur. Refah devletinin zayıflamasını izleyen süreçte neoliberalizm giderek hâkim paradigma halini almaya başlamıştır. Neoliberalizmin yükselmesiyle refah devleti programları birçok ülkede artık daha sınırlı bir şekilde uygulanmaya başlamıştır. Vergi ve kamu harcamaları açısından bakıldığında bu durum önemli değişikliklere yol açmıştır. Yeni sistemde kamu gelirlerinin finansmanında emek sermayeye göre daha fazla katkı sağlamaktadır. Bu çalışmada 1980-2021 yılları arasında neoliberal küreselleşmenin farklı gelir gruplarına etkisinin görülmesi amaçlanmıştır. Bu kapsamda panel veri yönteminden yararlanarak Güney Avrupa Refah Rejimine dahil edilen 6 ülkeyi kapsayan bir analiz gerçekleştirilmiştir. PMG tahmincisinin kullanıldığı bu çalışmada iki model ve her modelde de iki farklı gelir grubuna göre farklı analizler gerçekleştirilmiştir. Bu yapılan analizlerden elde edilen sonuçlara göre modelde yer alan ülkelerdeki vergi yapısı bu ülkelerdeki üst gelir gruplarının milli gelirden daha fazla pay sahip olmasına neden olmaktadır. Kamu sosyal harcamaları ise düşük gelirli gruplara refah anlamında katkı sağlasa da bütün olarak düşünüldüğünde gelirin daha adil dağılımı konusunda beklenilen düzeyde faydayı sağlamamaktadır.

RESUMOEste artigo desenvolve uma análise sobre a história do Capitalismo, a partir de sua concepção, assim como sobre o Estado Liberal e o Estado Social, por meio de uma revisão de literatura sobre os temas e um confronto teórico entre as possibilidades compreensivas dos processos históricos. Constatou-se que o Estado Liberal e o Estado Social são ações e reações da tensão histórica e permanente do modo de interação entre os sistemas econômicos privados e a gestão de recurso pelo Estado.PALAVRAS-CHAVE: Capitalismo; Estado Liberal; Estado Social; Economia; Direito. ABSTRACTThis article develops an analysis of the history of Capitalism, from its conception, as well as on the Liberal State and the Social State, through a literature review on the themes and a theoretical confrontation between the comprehensive possibilities of historical processes. It was found that the Liberal State and the Social State are actions and reactions of the historical and permanent tension of the mode of...

Savunma harcamalarının istihdam üzerindeki etkisi hem teorik hem de ampirik literatürde önemli bir tartışma konusu olarak ön plana çıkmaktadır. Keynesçi yaklaşım, savunma harcamalarının istihdamı arttıracağını; Neo Klasik yaklaşım ise savunma harcamalarının istihdamı azaltacağını savunmaktadır. Ampirik çalışmalarda ise savunma harcamalarının istihdam üzerine etkisine yönelik ortak bir görüş söz konusu değildir. E-7 (Gelişmekte olan 7) sınıflandırması, Türkiye, Brezilya, Endonezya, Hindistan, Rusya, Meksika ve Çin ekonomilerinden oluşmaktadır. E-7 ülke grubunda son 30 yılda savunma harcamalarının ve işsizlik oranlarının artış eğiliminde olması, bu ekonomilerde savunma harcamalarının istihdam üzerindeki uzun dönemli etkisinin belirlenmesini önemli kılmaktadır. Araştırmada, E-7 ekonomileri için 1992-2022 seneleri arasında savunma harcamalarının uzun dönemde istihdam üzerindeki etkisi panel eşbütünleşme yöntemiyle analiz edilmiştir. Analiz sonucu varılan bulgular, E-7 ülke grubunda savunma harcamalarındaki %1’lik bir artışın istihdamı %0.07 arttırdığını işaret etmiştir. Bu bulgu, Keynesçi yaklaşımın savunma harcamalarının istihdamı büyümeyi arttırdığı şeklinde teorik yaklaşımla uyumludur. Bu doğrultuda, E-7 ülke grubunun istihdamlarını arttırabilmesi için savunma harcamalarının belirli bir oranda arttırılmasının önemli bir rolü olduğunu göstermektedir.
The effect of defense spending on employment remains a highly debated topic in both theoretical and empirical studies. The Keynesian perspective suggests that defense spending increases employment, while the Neo-Classical view argues that it reduces employment. Despite this, the empirical literature does not reach a consensus on the impact of defense expenditures on employment. The E-7 group, comprising Brazil, China, Indonesia, India, Russia, Mexico, and Turkey, has experienced rising defense expenditures and unemployment rates over the past 30 years, highlighting the importance of understanding the long-term effects of defense spending on employment in these countries. This study examines the long-term impact of defense expenditures on employment in the E-7 economies from 1992 to 2022 using a panel cointegration method. The analysis found that a 1% increase in defense spending in the E-7 countries led to a 0.07% increase in employment. This finding is consistent with Keynesian theory, which asserts that defense spending stimulates employment and economic growth. Thus, the results suggest that increasing defense expenditures, to a certain extent, plays a significant role in enhancing employment in the E-7 nations.

RICARDO FEIJO* RESUMO: O argumento central do artigo é que boas críticas à epistemologia de von Mises devem considerar os conceitos e a interpretação do mundo assumindo sua própria base filosófica e que só podemos tentar refutá-la mostrando alguma inconsistência ou fraqueza em suas suposições. Para esta tarefa, no início, mostramos Mises ao público leigo e explicamos detalhadamente seu conteúdo epistemológico. No final, escrevemos sobre a irrelevância de algumas refutações críticas e damos exemplos de boas críticas internas. PALAVRAS-CHAVE: História do pensamento econômico; Mises; Escola Austríaca; praxeologia.

“Since the election of Donald Trump, we feel a wind of freedom, we feel that there is a historic opportunity to change the world. We must finally put an end to the scum that is socialism,” says Argentine President Javier Milei, speaking at a forum of far-right leaders in Buenos Aires on December 4, 2024.
In this article, I first provide an account of this forum, drawing information from the report Javier Lorca published in El País on December 5. I then compare the neoliberal revolution that Milei is trying to bring about in Argentina with the one carried out by Augusto Pinochet in Chile during his long dictatorship from 1973 to 1989. To do this, I draw from my own experience in Chile during the coup of September 11, 1973, highlighting the violent nature of neoliberalism, not only in terms of acute income and wealth inequality, privatization of health, education, etc., which penalizes the less well-off, but also, and this in spectacular fashion under Pinochet, in terms of the shameless disregard for human rights: summary executions, torture, concentration camps, censorship, etc.

Bibliografische Information der Deutschen Nationalbibliothek. Die Deutsche Nationalbibliothek verzeichnet diese Publikation in der Deutschen Nationalbibliografie. Detaillierte bibliografische Daten sind im Internet über http://dnb.d-nb.de abrufbar.

This paper explores the compatibility of pure socialism—characterized by comprehensive public ownership of the means of production—with the principles of individual freedom and justice. Employing a Kantian perspective on freedom (the ability to initiate actions from one's self) and an emphasis on freedom as a precondition for human flourishing, I argue that pure socialism is unjust on grounds of freedom. The analysis is structured around three central arguments: First, the requirement for collective decision-making under public ownership significantly curtails individual autonomy, restricting opportunities for self-directed action. Second, the enforcement of a predefined income distribution pattern necessitates continuous state intervention, further infringing on individual freedom and limiting personal flourishing. Third, drawing on Milton Friedman’s insights into the interdependence of economic and political freedom, I contend that the centralization of economic power in the hands of the state in a purely socialist society inherently jeopardizes political freedom, enabling the concentration and abuse of power. These systemic constraints reveal a profound incompatibility between pure socialism and the principles of freedom and justice, underscoring the necessity of individual freedom as a cornerstone of a just society.

This [simple summation] procedure is a very special case of the more general approach. In brief, the general approach consists of regarding each asset as a joint product having different degrees of 'moneyness,' and defining the quantity of money as the weighted sum of the aggregated value of all assets, the weights for individual assets varying from zero to unity with a weight of unity assigned to that asset or assets regarded as having the largest quantity of 'moneyness' per dollar of aggregate value. The procedure we have followed implies that all weights are either zero or unity. The more general approach has been suggested frequently but experimented with only occasionally. We conjecture that this approach deserves and will get much more attention than it has so far received." [Friedman and Schwartz, (1970, pp. 151-152)]

Robert Skidelsky brought out a magisterial three-volume biography of John Maynard Keynes. It is important to note that he titled the second volume The Economist as Savior (Macmillan, 1992) to depict Keynes's intellectual and political activities between 1920 and 1937. Compare that with how Erwin Dekker describes the Austrian School economists from 1870 to 1930s in his brilliant book The Viennese Students of Civilization (Cambridge University Press, 2016). It is actually hard to imagine more polar oppositions in the vision of the role of economists in society than those of Keynes and F. A. Hayek. When Hayek was awarded the Nobel Prize in Economic Science in 1974, he did not fail to highlight this point, to the chagrin of his host and his peers. At the Nobel banquet, during his toast he said simply that if he had been consulted he never would have advocated giving a Nobel prize to economists, for the simple reason that no economic thinker should ever be provided with such public recognition as it falsely provides a sense of authority which cannot be safely trusted to any economist. But Hayek wasn't done there. In his Nobel lecture entitled 'The Pretence of Knowledge', he made the following claims. First, he began by stating clearly that we economists have indeed made a mess of things with our efforts at macroeconomic management of the Western economies. Second, economists are led to make a mess of things because they have falsely adopted a methodology appropriate for the natural sciences but which is inappropriate for the sciences of man. He dubbed this intellectual mistake 'scientism'. Third, Hayek pointed out that a scientific discipline that, as a result of a philosophical error, is expected to be able to deliver useful practical knowledge which in fact it is incapable of producing, but acts as if it can produce it anyway, is a quick path towards charlatanism. Furthermore, he argued that this charlatanism is protected by vested interests within the economics profession and its relationship with agents of the state. There is an alliance, in essence, between scientism and statism, and there are self-reinforcing incentives that make this alliance difficult to break once it is forged. Fourth, Hayek argued that unless this intellectual situation is resisted, not only will economic science be rendered worthless in terms of social understanding, but economists will become potential tyrants over fellow citizens and destroyers of civilization. Hayek's essay received a 'revise and resubmit' from the very journal he helped edit during his time at London School of Economics -Economica. A very strange fate for a Nobel lecture, but Hayek's message was so outside the general tenor of the times. And it still is if you read the selfdepiction of the role of the economists as advocated by Esther Duflo, or Al Roth. The economist as social engineer and economics as the science which guides the engineering is still the dominant mindset on the left, on the right and in the centre of the political spectrum. This