Legislative Process

TITLE (EN):
The Alternating Control of the Constitutional Court: Active Protection of Fundamental Rights and Flexibility in Reviewing the Grounds for Political Direction

ABSTRACT [IT]
Il volume analizza il ruolo della Corte costituzionale italiana come attore centrale nella difesa dei diritti fondamentali e nella regolazione dei rapporti tra Parlamento e Governo, in un contesto in cui l’equilibrio dei poteri appare compromesso dalla crescente supremazia dell’Esecutivo. L’indagine si concentra sulla tensione tra la funzione di garanzia della Corte e la sua cedevolezza rispetto alle dinamiche politiche, mettendo in luce tre direttrici principali.
In primo luogo, viene decostruito l’“equivoco” sull’inerzia parlamentare, rilevando come la vera causa dei vuoti normativi risieda nella mancanza di un indirizzo politico di maggioranza, più che nel Parlamento in quanto tale. In secondo luogo, si propone l’introduzione di correttivi al giudizio di legittimità costituzionale in via incidentale e l’ipotesi di un accesso diretto alla Corte, sulla scorta di esperienze straniere (Spagna, Francia, Germania), per rafforzare l’effettività della tutela dei diritti fondamentali. Infine, si sottolinea l’urgenza di incrementare la capacità sanzionatoria della Corte al fine di rivitalizzare la funzione parlamentare e ripristinare la simmetria tra i poteri dello Stato.
In chiusura, il lavoro si ispira alla visione di Valerio Onida, secondo cui la Corte non deve sostituirsi al legislatore né farsi mediatrice di interessi politici, ma armonizzare le tutele costituzionali. Solo attraverso questa prospettiva è possibile garantire un ritorno ad un autentico equilibrio istituzionale e scongiurare il rischio che una Corte apparentemente forte riveli, paradossalmente, tutta la sua debolezza di fronte alla preminenza dell’indirizzo politico.

ABSTRACT [EN]
The book examines the role of the Italian Constitutional Court as a central actor in the protection of fundamental rights and in regulating the balance between Parliament and Government, in a context where the supremacy of the Executive undermines the separation of powers. The study focuses on the tension between the Court’s role as guardian of the Constitution and its frequent flexibility toward political dynamics, highlighting three main issues.
First, it challenges the widespread assumption of “parliamentary inertia,” showing that legislative gaps often stem from the absence of a clear majority political direction rather than from Parliament itself. Second, it argues for corrective measures to incidental constitutional review and considers the introduction of direct access to the Court, drawing on comparative experiences from Spain, France, and Germany, to strengthen the effectiveness of fundamental rights protection. Third, it emphasizes the urgent need to enhance the Court’s sanctioning power in order to revitalize the parliamentary function and restore symmetry among state powers.
The concluding argument draws on Valerio Onida’s vision: the Court should not replace the legislator or mediate political interests, but rather harmonize constitutional protections. Only through this approach can the Italian constitutional system return to a genuine balance of powers and avoid the paradox of a Court that, while seemingly strong, risks exposing its structural weakness in the face of political dominance.

SOMMARIO (IT):
Ringraziamenti – Introduzione. Il legame inscindibile tra sistema di governo e sistema di giustizia costituzionale – Capitolo I. Il giudice delle leggi tra precetti costituzionali, opzioni interpretative e scelte politiche – I valori quale presupposto e la prescrittività quale tratto caratterizzante delle disposizioni costituzionali – La complessa interrelazione tra attività ermeneutica e soluzione del caso concreto: la malleabilità delle regole costituzionali e la fisiologica tendenza alla parzialità – Le ineludibili scelte ideali, il necessario equilibrio nella composizione del collegio giudicante e qualche osservazione a partire dal dibattito sull’introduzione dell’opinione dissenziente – Capitolo II. La Corte costituzionale alla ricerca dei “mezzi”. La creatività delle tecniche decisorie a difesa dei “fini” – La diversa “taratura” del filtro di rilevanza nei giudizi di legittimità costituzionale in via incidentale – L’inatteso intervento sulla legislazione elettorale e lo scavalcamento del filtro di rilevanza – Il giudizio di ragionevolezza come espansione della capacità decisoria e l’ibridazione dei percorsi decisionali tra manipolatività e differimento degli effetti temporali delle pronunce – L’ampliamento del giudizio di ammissibilità dei referendum abrogativi: la tendenza ad anticipare il controllo di merito della normativa di risulta – Capitolo III. I tentativi insufficienti o incompiuti di salvaguardare l’equilibrio nei rapporti tra Governo e Parlamento – Le insufficienti risposte della Corte costituzionale alle alterazioni del procedimento legislativo parlamentare: il caso emblematico dei conflitti sollevati in relazione all’approvazione delle leggi di bilancio – Le inefficaci censure della giurisprudenza costituzionale sull’adozione degli atti aventi forza di legge, sui maxiemendamenti e sulla questione di fiducia – L’incidenza delle sentenze in materia di legislazione elettorale statale in tema di riforma dell’assetto di governo: come si posizionerà la Corte costituzionale, se sarà chiamata a farlo, in futuro? – Considerazioni conclusive. “Armonizzare” per “ripristinare” la simmetria tra i poteri e arginare il rischio di indebolimento della Corte – Sgombrare il capo da un equivoco: inerzia del legislatore o carenza di indirizzo politico di maggioranza? Quando la Corte si ritrova nel mezzo – L’auspicabile introduzione di correttivi al giudizio di legittimità costituzionale in via incidentale e la prospettazione di una via di accesso diretto alla Corte – Incrementare la capacità sanzionatoria della Corte per spingere verso la rivitalizzazione della funzione parlamentare – Bibliografia

SUMMARY (EN):
Acknowledgments – Introduction. The inseparable link between the system of government and the system of constitutional justice – Chapter I. The Constitutional Court between constitutional provisions, interpretative options and political choices – Values as a premise and normativity as a defining feature of constitutional provisions – The complex interrelation between hermeneutical activity and the solution of the concrete case: the malleability of constitutional rules and the physiological tendency toward partiality – The unavoidable ideal choices, the necessary balance in the composition of the bench and some remarks on the debate on the introduction of the dissenting opinion – Chapter II. The Constitutional Court in search of “means”. The creativity of decision-making techniques in defense of “ends” – The different “calibration” of the relevance filter in incidental constitutional review – The unexpected intervention in electoral legislation and the bypassing of the relevance filter – Reasonableness review as an expansion of decision-making capacity and the hybridization of decision-making paths between manipulative rulings and deferred effects – The expansion of admissibility review of abrogative referenda: the tendency to anticipate substantive control of the resulting legislation – Chapter III. The insufficient or unfinished attempts to safeguard the balance in relations between Government and Parliament – The Constitutional Court’s inadequate responses to distortions of the parliamentary legislative process: the emblematic case of conflicts raised in connection with the approval of budget laws – The ineffective constitutional jurisprudence on the adoption of decree-laws, maxi-amendments and the vote of confidence – The impact of rulings on state electoral legislation on government reform: how will the Constitutional Court position itself, if called upon in the future? – Concluding remarks. “Harmonizing” to “restore” the symmetry between powers and contain the risk of weakening the Court – Dispelling the misunderstanding: parliamentary inertia or lack of majority political direction? When the Court finds itself in the middle – The desirable introduction of corrective mechanisms to incidental constitutional review and the prospect of direct access to the Court – Increasing the Court’s sanctioning power to foster the revitalization of the parliamentary function – Bibliography

Title [EN]:
Strengthening Parliament in the Legislative Process: Insights from Rationalizing the Government Form with Constructive No-Confidence

Abstract [IT]:
Il contributo analizza le criticità della funzione legislativa in Italia, evidenziando come l’uso della questione di fiducia e l’abuso della decretazione d’urgenza abbiano progressivamente emarginato il Parlamento. Vengono discusse possibili soluzioni volte a rafforzare il ruolo delle Camere, tra cui l’abolizione della questione di fiducia nel contesto di una forma di governo razionalizzata con la sfiducia costruttiva, limitazioni mirate al suo utilizzo e strumenti specifici contro l’abuso della decretazione d’urgenza. Particolare attenzione è dedicata al ruolo di controllo della Corte costituzionale e del Presidente della Repubblica, nonché a eventuali modifiche dell’articolo 77 della Costituzione per garantire un esercizio più pieno e autonomo della funzione legislativa.

Abstract [EN]:
This paper examines the challenges faced by the Italian Parliament in exercising its legislative function, highlighting how the use of the confidence vote and the overuse of urgent decrees have progressively marginalized parliamentary authority. Potential solutions to strengthen the role of the Chambers are discussed, including the abolition of the confidence vote within a rationalized parliamentary system with constructive no-confidence, targeted limitations on its use, and specific measures to curb the abuse of urgent decrees. Special attention is given to the oversight role of the Constitutional Court and the President of the Republic, as well as potential amendments to Article 77 of the Constitution to ensure a fuller and more autonomous exercise of legislative powers.

Sommario [IT]:
1. Il Problema: la questione di fiducia quale causa di emarginazione del Parlamento nel contesto dell'abuso della decretazione d'urgenza - 2. Le possibili soluzioni - 2.1. Una proposta risolutiva: abolire la questione di fiducia (in particolare nell'ambito di una forma di governo razionalizzata con la sfiducia costruttiva) - 2.2. Una proposta alternativa e le condizioni affinché sia efficace - 2.2.1. Contenere l'utilizzo della questione di fiducia o di strumenti con effetti analoghi: le limitazioni per tipologia di atti, materie e quantità - 2.2.2. L'esigenza di impedire in ogni caso l'uso della questione di fiducia o degli strumenti con effetti analoghi sulle conversioni dei decreti-legge - 2.3. Una proposta specifica contro l'abuso della decretazione d'urgenza - 2.3.1. Controlli più efficaci: il ruolo della Corte costituzionale e del Presidente della Repubblica - 2.3.2. Ulteriori limitazioni da introdurre nell'articolo 77 della Costituzione

Summary [EN]:
1. The Problem: the confidence vote as a cause of parliamentary marginalization in the context of the overuse of urgent decrees - 2. Possible Solutions - 2.1. A decisive proposal: abolishing the confidence vote (particularly within a rationalized parliamentary system with constructive no-confidence) - 2.2. An alternative proposal and the conditions for its effectiveness - 2.2.1. Limiting the use of the confidence vote or analogous instruments: restrictions by type of act, subject matter, and quantity - 2.2.2. The need to prevent the use of the confidence vote or analogous instruments in the conversion of urgent decrees - 2.3. A specific proposal against the abuse of urgent decrees - 2.3.1. More effective controls: the role of the Constitutional Court and the President of the Republic - 2.3.2. Further limitations to be introduced in Article 77 of the Constitution

Andrés Manuel López Obrador (AMLO) won the presidential election in Mexico in 2018 and, despite his promises aimed at improving the quality of democracy, multiple authors have found that his government accelerated a process of democratic erosion. Faced with these circumstances, the question of this paper is: How have AMLO's actions and discourses fostered a process of democratic erosion? To answer, I conduct a review of the literature on this topic and systematize it based on the concepts of "authoritarian innovations" and "authoritarian repertoire." The findings highlight eight innovations in AMLO's authoritarian repertoire. In addition to facilitating a general approach to the literature on democratic erosion in Mexico, this paper supports the usefulness of two recently proposed concepts and helps identify the practices and discourses that democratically elected political leaders use to damage the quality of democracy.

This Article examines why and how public officials consciously resist the laws and policies they are in charge of implementing. The Article argues that this phenomenon is not an anomaly, but rather pervasive and unavoidable. It occurs in all government institutions and is facilitated by the same structures that are designed to promote compliance. The Article attempts to uncover the causes which render official resistance possible, arguing that resistance can be traced both to the limits inherent in the rule of law and to problems of institutional design. It then explores the strategies officials deploy to effect uate their resistance, ranging from blatant defiance to outsourcing resistance to private actors; from immunizing actions from judicial review to ordinary acts of interpretation and administrative prioritization. The Article then turns to discuss the normative implications official resistance generates. While official resistance is often portrayed as undermining law, and therefore undesirable, such a position is simplistic and ignores the benefits it entails, in particular those for triggering public discourse, unblocking political channels, and policy change. The Article also considers the ways in which official resistance can contribute to more just outcomes and more efficient regulatory arrangements. This counterintuitive conclusion should lead us to reexamine our notions of the rule of law, compliance, and obedience. Consequently, the Article advances a more nuanced approach and suggests how to take resistance into account in the ex ante design of laws and policies and in the ex post application of enforcement and monitoring measures.

The left-right line of conflict has been the dominant dimension of decision-making in the European Parliament since 1979. A pro-/anti-European Union integration dimension is of secondary importance. Limited evidence exists on the conditions under which these different dimensions matter. This study examines parliamentary decision-making about the so-called Two-Pack, which moved responsibilities about budgetary decision-making to the European Commission. The article uses in-depth interviews, textual analysis of committee debates and roll call voting analysis in order to determine which lines of conflict matter at which stage of decision-making. The evidence indicates that left-right division is dominant in the informal stage preceding committee debates, while both the pro-/anti-European Union and the left/right dimensions matter during the committee stage, whereas for plenary votes, the pro-/anti-European Union dimension is crucial.

There is a broad consensus that the left-right dimension has been the dominant line of conflict in the European Parliament since 1979. A pro-/anti-EU dimension is found to be of secondary importance, which is attributed to the fact that decision-making over the competences of the European Union is the realm of intergovernmental negotiations. In this article, we show that the seventh EP witnessed a transformational moment in the history of the EU. The Eurozone crisis amplified the importance of the pro-/anti-EU dimension and increasingly shapes the voting behaviour of Members of the EP. This change is particularly pronounced for voting on economic issues. To demonstrate this transformation, we employ a novel deductive method that allows us to predict the relative importance of two dimensions structuring MEP voting behaviour. Our results contradict established wisdom about the strength of the left-right divide in EP politics.

Perhaps be c ause of the importance and visibility of some regulatory agencies and commissi ons , numerous observers have come to regard the administr ative form of regul ation as the ''logical' ' or ''natural' ' method of intervening in the economy or society . In fact , however , regul ation comes in a variety of forms . The administr ative form might seem all perv asive upon first considerati on , but a variety of legisl ative enactments cle arly regulat ory in effect such as large portions of the tax code , direct government subsidies and so forth suggest that delegation of legisl ative auth ority to administrative entities is, not so universal as is often assumed , More over , when viewed in hist ori cal perspe ctive, choice of bureaucratic implement ati on of regul at ory programs does not obviously emerge as the ''logical' ' or ''natural' ' method, at least not in the view of many political actors of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries , This paper surveys a heter ogene ous body of literature on the subject of regulat ory origin in order to identify proposed explanations for legislative choice of administr ative forms of regulation in preference to judicial enforcement of legisl ative en actments , The focus of the survey is on the choices made by legisl ators and the considerations underlying their choices , Among the latter are (1) beliefs in the inherent superi ority of administr ative forms , (2) efforts to escape the costs, political and otherwise , of regul ating dire ctly , (3) ideologies supp ortive of delegation to administr ators, and (4) uncertainty about the future operation of the regulatory pr ocess . These id eas are examined in an exploratory spirit ; no firm con clusions are drawn at this time . LF.GISLATIVE CHOICE OF RF.

N. (x) represents the net benefits to district j from a government J activity, project or program carried out at a level, x, where x is a 4 vector of characteristics describing the policy. b.(x ) summarizes the J benefits of the government activity to district j, while c 1j (x) summarizes direct program expenditures in district j. Note that the legislator regards these as benefits, i.e. c 1 costs appear with a plus sign in the net benefit function . Direct program expenditures in other districts, of course, are regarded as costs . These accrue in a total tax bill, T(x), of which district j pays a share, t .• Finally, J c 2j represent the external or indirect costs of a program (e .g. compliance costs, higher prices ). All benefits and costs are presentvalue discounted . The preceding formulation is a generalization of analyses of distributive (i .e. particularized ) policy making (Fior ina, 1981; Weingast, Shepsle, and Johnsen, 1981) . Distributive policy is a special case in which c 2j costs are regarded as zero by the legislator. Shepsle and Weingast (1980) suggest that regulatory policy might be treated as a special case in which the legislator regards public expenditure costs as negligible (Green and Nader, 1973; Weidenbaum, 1980) , thus reducing (1 ) to the following simple formulation: N. (x ) J b/ xl -c 2 / xl

Perhaps be c ause of the importance and visibility of some regulatory agencies and commissi ons , numerous observers have come to regard the administr ative form of regul ation as the ''logical' ' or ''natural' ' method of intervening in the economy or society . In fact , however , regul ation comes in a variety of forms . The administr ative form might seem all perv asive upon first considerati on , but a variety of legisl ative enactments cle arly regulat ory in effect such as large portions of the tax code , direct government subsidies and so forth suggest that delegation of legisl ative auth ority to administrative entities is, not so universal as is often assumed , More over , when viewed in hist ori cal perspe ctive, choice of bureaucratic implement ati on of regul at ory programs does not obviously emerge as the ''logical' ' or ''natural' ' method, at least not in the view of many political actors of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries , This paper surveys a heter ogene ous body of literature on the subject of regulat ory origin in order to identify proposed explanations for legislative choice of administr ative forms of regulation in preference to judicial enforcement of legisl ative en actments , The focus of the survey is on the choices made by legisl ators and the considerations underlying their choices , Among the latter are (1) beliefs in the inherent superi ority of administr ative forms , (2) efforts to escape the costs, political and otherwise , of regul ating dire ctly , (3) ideologies supp ortive of delegation to administr ators, and (4) uncertainty about the future operation of the regulatory pr ocess . These id eas are examined in an exploratory spirit ; no firm con clusions are drawn at this time . LF.GISLATIVE CHOICE OF RF.

Article Type: Research Article The government of the Islamic Republic is the product of a comprehensive revolution by the people of Iran, which is noteworthy from various aspects, such as the role of the people and Islamic law within it. This research aims to achieve an analysis of this government within the framework of modern public law. The study has been conducted using a comparative-historical method, and based on this, it can be said that the foundations of the Islamic Republic of Iran align closely with modern public law principles in many respects, such as national sovereignty, the establishment of founding power, and the role of the people in organizing the government. However, in the areas of legislation and its subsequent implementation within the framework of Islamic law, there is a clear divergence between these two concepts when viewed through the lens of public law principles. Nevertheless, considering that the determination of Islamic law has been accompanied by the choice of the Iranian people rather than imposition from outside, and also in light of recent theories regarding political modernity, including multiple modernities that discuss the possibility of integrating this concept with other cultures, one can refer to the formation of a distinct and tailored model of government (the Islamic Republic of Iran) within the framework of public law, which differs in various ways from other governments formed within the context of modern public law.

1. A medida provisória na Constituição Federal antes da EC 32/2001 - 2. O princípio democrático na Constituição Federal de 1988; 2.1 Fundamentos constitucionais; 2.2 Conteúdo normativo; 2.2.1 Dimensões do princípio democrático; 2.2.2 Elementos constitutivos do princípio democrático; 2.3 Princípio democrático e inovação normativa da ordem jurídica - 3. O uso da medida provisória antes da EC 32/2001 e o princípio democrático; 3.1 Compatibilidade no plano da normatividade constitucional abstrata; 3.2 Os Poderes Públicos, o uso da medida provisória antes da EC 32/2001 e o princípio democrático; 3.2.1 Poder Executivo; 3.2.2 Poder Legislativo (Congresso Nacional); 3.2.3 Supremo Tribunal Federal; Referências bibliográficas.

Food fortification is a cost-effective, powerful, and sustainable strategy to combat micronutrient deficiency, with the potential to reach large sections of the population with minimal cost and effort. However, the implementation of food fortification on a systematic and large scale, for instance in national programs, has often been challenging. This paper takes a closer look at food fortification efforts and legislation mechanisms in Vietnam and Indonesia in order to determine specific factors and components in the legal framework that are crucial to the success of fortification programs. Fortification efforts in Indonesia and Vietnam are evaluated using published data as well as unpublished data from detailed evaluation reports, and compared with respect to the specific circumstances, constraints, objectives and results in each country. The legal framework is a crucial factor for the success of food fortification programs, as it shapes to a large extent the implementation of food ...

This paper analyzes the newly institutionalized political system in democratizing Indonesia, with particular reference to the presidential system. Consensus has not yet been reached among scholars on whether the Indonesian president is strong or weak. This paper tries to answer this question by analyzing the legislative and partisan powers of the Indonesian president. It must be acknowledged, however, that these two functions do not on their own explain the strengths and weaknesses of the president. This paper suggests that in order to fully understand the presidential system in Indonesia, we need to take into account not just the president's legislative and partisan powers, but also the legislative process and the characteristics of coalition government.

How do legislators make up their minds when voting on complex issues such as health care reform? This paper seeks to answer that question and provide insight as to which sources legislators rely on for information. This paper uses a research strategy similar to that used by John in his study of congressional voting decisions and David Ray's 1982 study of voting cues in state legislatures. The research is based on the Oklahoma Legislature's adoption of a managed care system for its Medicaid program in 1993. The data for this study are drawn from a survey sent to members of the Oklahoma Legislature and interviews with 25 legislators and others involved in the policy process. In the early 1990s, states began launching efforts to reform their Medicaid programs. Federal mandates in the 1980s and 1990s required states to expand Medicaid eligibility. In Oklahoma, the number of Medicaid recipients increased by over 18 percent between 1992 and 1993 (Oklahoma Health Care Authority). Many states, under tremendous economic and political pressure, sought to change the way Medicaid was administered. Oklahoma's legislature voted to adopt a managed care system for those receiving Medicaid benefits in 1993. It was one of the first states to do so, and thus it did not have a great deal of experience from which to draw.

How do legislators make up their minds when voting on complex issues such as health care reform? This paper seeks to answer that question and provide insight as to which sources legislators rely on for information. This paper uses a research strategy similar to that used by John in his study of congressional voting decisions and David Ray's 1982 study of voting cues in state legislatures. The research is based on the Oklahoma Legislature's adoption of a managed care system for its Medicaid program in 1993. The data for this study are drawn from a survey sent to members of the Oklahoma Legislature and interviews with 25 legislators and others involved in the policy process. In the early 1990s, states began launching efforts to reform their Medicaid programs. Federal mandates in the 1980s and 1990s required states to expand Medicaid eligibility. In Oklahoma, the number of Medicaid recipients increased by over 18 percent between 1992 and 1993 (Oklahoma Health Care Authority). Many states, under tremendous economic and political pressure, sought to change the way Medicaid was administered. Oklahoma's legislature voted to adopt a managed care system for those receiving Medicaid benefits in 1993. It was one of the first states to do so, and thus it did not have a great deal of experience from which to draw.

Motto: "Macież wy odwagę Lenina, żeby wszcząć dzieło nieznane, zburzyć stare i wszcząć nowe? Umiecie tylko wymyślać, szkalować, plotkować. Macież wy w sobie zawzięte męstwo tamtych ludzi -virtus niezłomną, która może być omylną jako rachuba, lecz jest niewątpliwie wielką próbą naprawy ludzkości? Nikt nie myśli o tym, żebyście byli bolszewikami, lecz czy posiadacie ich męstwo? [...] chodzi [...] o męstwo postawienia nowej idei. Jaką wy macie ideę Polski w tym świecie nowoczesnym, tak nadzwyczajnie nowym? Jaką? [...] Nic nie wiecie. Nie macie żadnej idei" -Stefan Żeromski, Przedwiośnie, 1924 Sięgając po jakikolwiek podręcznik z zakresu prawa ustrojowego czy konstytucyjnego sprzed kilkudziesięciu lat, spotkamy się z nazwą "prawo polityczne" 405 . Będąc przyzwyczajonymi do pojawiających się we 405

בשנת 1992 נפל דבר בישראל. הכנסת חוקקה שני חוקי יסוד חדשים, חוק יסוד: חופש העיסוק (שהוחלף ב - 1994) וחוק יסוד: כבוד האדם וחירותו. אין אלו שני חוקי היסוד הראשונים. קדמו לאלה חוקי יסוד רבים, מהם נחקקו לפני שנים רבות .
ובכל זאת, ההתייחסות הכללית (כמעט) אל שני חוקי יסוד אלו לא הייתה כאל חוקי היסוד האחרים. הגורם להתייחסות השונה היה בכך ששני חוקים אלו נתפסו כמסמיכים את בית המשפט העליון לערוך ביקורת שיפוטית על החקיקה הראשית של הכנסת וכמעגנים בנורמה חוקתית חלק מזכויות אזרח בסיסיות. מתוך מאמרים ופסקי דין נשבה רוח אחרת, שבמידה מסוימת הייתה ביטוי לאופוריה בקהילייה המשפטית בישראל: הנה יש לישראל בסיס מוצק לחוקה דמוקרטית וליברלית, הכוללת גם פיקוח שיפוטי על חקיקת הכנסת, שעד אז נתפסה ככל יכולה בתחום זה.
עבודה זו תתמקד בשתי שאלות הנוגעות לעבודת בית המשפט העליון  ולפסיקתו לפני חקיקת שני חוקי היסוד החדשים ואחרי חקיקתם.
השאלה הראשונה היא מה היה תוכנה של הפסיקה בנושאים חוקתיים עד לחקיקת שני חוקי היסוד החדשים? ביתר פירוט אבדוק מספר תת נושאים המתבקשים משאלה זו: האם בית המשפט העליון נמנע מלהעביר תחת שבט ביקורתו את החקיקה הראשית של הכנסת? אם התשובה היא שלילית (ואכן במידה מסוימת ומוגבלת בית המשפט העליון נכנס גם לתחום הביקורת השיפוטית על חוקים), מה היה הבסיס לפסיקה זו, בעיקר בהעדר חוקה או חוקי יסוד שיסמיכו אותו, ולו בעקיפין, לערוך ביקורת שיפוטית? שאלה נוספת באותו תחום נוגעת להגנתן ולשמירתן של זכויות אזרח ע"י בית המשפט העליון, הגם שלא נקבעו בחוקה כלשהי. כיצד ביסס בית המשפט פסיקה המגינה על זכויות אזרח ואדם, בלא חוקה?
השאלה השנייה היא מה קרה לאחר מכן? האם בית המשפט העליון, באמצו את שני חוקי היסוד החדשים כחלק מחוקה חדשה לישראל, אכן עשה בהם שימוש לביקורת שיפוטית ולהגנת זכויות האזרח?
שתי שאלות אלו קשורות באופן הדוק לתהליכים העוברים על בית המשפט, תהליכים הקשורים לחברה הסובבת את בתי המשפט, כגון תהליכים חברתיים, פוליטיים, כלכליים וכיו"ב, ולאו דווקא לתהליכים משפטיים. דומה שבתחילת שנות התשעים השתנו מספר תהליכים, שבסביבת בית המשפט. חלק מהתהליכים המוכרים נעלמו, הופיעו תהליכים חדשים, חלק מאלה שהיו דומיננטיים עד אז נחלשו, וחלק אחר התחזק. 
למרות שעבודה זו מניחה קיומו של קשר חזק בין התהליכים החברתיים במדינה ובין התהליכים המשפטיים, אבדוק כאן רק את ההשתקפות של התהליכים החברתיים בתוך התהליכים המשפטיים ואת השפעת הראשונים על האחרונים. לצורך זה, אזכיר בקצרה את אותם תהליכים שהשפיעו על עמדות בית המשפט.
השתנותה של הסביבה החברתית של בתי המשפט בראשית שנות התשעים, התרחשה במקביל לחקיקת שני חוקי היסוד החדשים. למרות שחוקי יסוד אלה היו אמורים לחזק את מעמדו של בית המשפט ולהמשיך תהליך של התחזקותו עד אותה תקופה, נראה שלא כך הם פני הדברים היום. בית המשפט העליון שעד אז, צבר כוח רב בתוך המערכת השלטונית, איבד חלק ניכר מכוחו, והוא היום בעמדת מתגונן, ומנסה, תוך מלחמת מגננה קשה, לשמור על מקומו. נראה כי מ"בית משפט מחשק" , שבפעולתו הצטייר כמבקש לשים חישוקים ומוסרות ערכיות על החברה ועל רשויות השלטון במדינה, בניסיון לבלום תהליך של פיחות ערכים, הפך בית המשפט בכלל ובית המשפט העליון בכלל לבית משפט "תחת אש" , לבית משפט מתגונן מפני התקפות חיצוניות, לרבות חילוקי דעות בין שופטי בית המשפט העליון עצמו, שהלכו והתחזקו והפכו לפומביות.
המהפך שחל במעמדו של בית המשפט העליון והשינוי מבית משפט "מחשק", שמתנגדיו טענו שהוא ניהל את ענייני המדינה, לבית משפט "תחת אש", בית משפט מתגונן, שמעמדו נתון בסכנה, אם בסכנה מצד אנשים וגופים בתוך המערכת השלטונית  ואם מצד אנשים וגופים פרטיים  שרואים בבית המשפט מטרה נוחה ואמצעי קל על מנת להגיע למטרותיהם, יהיה המוקד של עבודה זו.

Освіта як основа соціального, політичного, економічного, духовного та культурного розвитку суспільства проголошена державним пріоритетом. Як державний і громадський інститут освіта передбачає відповідальність держави і суспільства за стан її функціонування

Parte 6
A quem interessar, ouça também em podcast a Série 480 dias no governo Lula 3: https://open.spotify.com/show/2M6KOqq50xoMaoaDLP6AVf?si=7cfae285847b4011

Esses relatos compõem uma experiência baseada em mais uma tentativa — ainda que frustrada, mas sempre esperançosa — de um trabalhador da educação de colaborar com a construção de um governo que se elegeu como progressista, fruto de uma “frente ampla” para retirar do poder um governo de aspirações fascistas e golpistas.

Não esperem rigor e disciplina teórico metodológica e acadêmica neste relato. Pretendo escrever essa história com calma, com dois apêndices analisando as políticas agrária e ambiental mais tarde. Não esperem periodicidade. De início, serão textos de cunho terapêutico. Se, por acaso, alguém os ler, agradeço.

This paper outlines a forward-facing framework for integrating artificial intelligence into the lawmaking process-not as a replacement for human deliberation, but as a supervisory, interpretive, and coherence-preserving actor. As legal systems face increasing complexity, speed, and transnational entanglement, AI offers the capacity to maintain consistency, detect contradictions, and simulate outcomes. The key is designing the integration ethically, transparently, and with dignity as the core anchor.

Todos os anos o CPOL-LAB elege um eixo temático específico para discussão e pesquisa. Nesse ano de 2025 iremos dar alguns passos atrás nas discussões mais específicas que permearam os últimos anos (Assembleia Nacional Constituinte, Jurisdição Constitucional e Reformas Constitucionais) para trabalhar com leituras analíticas de textos sobre história e teoria constitucional e política a fim de criarmos um conjunto de ferramentas intelectuais para o manejo de futuros projetos de pesquisa.

artykuły * Z języka czeskiego przełożył Bolesław Banaszkiewicz. Niektóre przypisy zostały dodane, za zgodą autora, przez tłumacza. styczeń 2011 | FORUM PR AWNICZE 47 artykuły zainicjowane wyłącznie indywidualną skargą konstytucyjną 5 jednego posła, który zarzucał, że naruszono jego bierne prawo wyborcze, ponoć zapewniające mu sprawowanie mandatu przez pełną kadencję 6 . Omawiany wyrok, wraz z poprzedzającym go postanowieniem tymczasowym, stanowi przejaw tendencji sądów konstytucyjnych do powiększania własnych kompetencji na drodze faktów dokonanych. Jest to poniekąd naturalna skłonność każdego organu władzy. Nasz trybunał korzysta z tego, że Konstytucja Republiki Czeskiej nie ustanawia kontroli jego orzeczeń, chociaż i one mogą być niekonstytucyjne. Ograniczoną kontrolę ewentualnych naruszeń prawa przez SK sprawuje, i to tylko w zakresie podstawowych praw i wolności, Europejski Trybunał Praw Człowieka, udzielając ochrony osobom, które nie znalazły jej przed krajowym sądem konstytucyjnym. W innych dziedzinach SK korzysta z pozycji niekontrolowanego dzierżyciela władzy. Dotyczy to nie tylko kierunku jego orzeczeń, lecz także zakresu jego kognicji. Jeśli ma ochotę rozstrzygnąć o jakiejś sprawie, to zawsze znajdzie argumenty uzasadniające, że należy ona do jego właściwości. Niżej rozważam sześć aspektów komentowanej sprawy. W każdym z nich aktywistyczne podejście Sądu Konstytucyjnego budzi zasadnicze zastrzeżenia.

Parte 2
A quem interessar, ouça também em podcast a Série 480 dias no governo Lula 3: https://open.spotify.com/show/2M6KOqq50xoMaoaDLP6AVf?si=7cfae285847b4011

Esses relatos compõem uma experiência baseada em mais uma tentativa — ainda que Esses relatos compõem uma experiência baseada em mais uma tentativa — ainda que frustrada, mas sempre esperançosa — de um trabalhador da educação de colaborar com a construção de um governo que se elegeu como progressista, fruto de uma “frente ampla” para retirar do poder um governo de aspirações fascistas e golpistas.

Não esperem rigor e disciplina teórico metodológica e acadêmica neste relato. Pretendo escrever essa história com calma, com dois apêndices analisando as políticas agrária e ambiental mais tarde. Não esperem periodicidade. De início, serão textos de cunho terapêutico. Se, por acaso, alguém os ler, agradeço.

The 1994 elections were watershed elections in several respects. Perhaps most significantly, the Republicans gained control of both chambers of Congress for the first time since 1953. In the process, the 1994 elections also swept into office a large, relatively homogeneous group of 73 House Republican freshmen determined to change the political system. With size comes an opportunity for power in Congress, and the 73 Republican freshmen elected in 1994 were determined to exert considerable influence over the legislative process. Not since the 1974 elections produced the 76 freshmen Democrats (i.e., the Watergate Babies) have political scientists focused so much attention on a single class of legislators. Timothy Barnett's Legislative Learning is a nice complement to similar books already written about this interesting group of legislators, including Richard Fenno and Michael Armacost's Learning to Govern: An Institutional View of the 104th Congress (1997) and Nicol Rae's ...

Andrés Manuel López Obrador (AMLO) ganó la elección presidencial en México en 2018 y a pesar de sus varias promesas dirigidas a mejorar la calidad de la democracia, múltiples trabajos han encontrado que en su gobierno se aceleró la erosión democrática. Frente a estas circunstancias, la pregunta de este trabajo es: ¿cómo las prácticas y los discursos de AMLO
fomentaron un proceso de erosión democrática? Para responder, realizo una revisión de la literatura sobre este tema y la sistematizo con base en los conceptos de “innovaciones autoritarias” y “repertorio autoritario”. Los hallazgos destacan ocho innovaciones en el repertorio autoritario de AMLO. Además de presentar un panorama de la literatura sobre la erosión democrática en México, el texto respalda la utilidad de conceptos recientemente propuestos y ayuda a identificar las prácticas y los discursos que los líderes políticos electos democráticamente utilizan para dañar la calidad de la democracia.

Esta pesquisa examina as ausências de vereadores de um município da região metropolitana de Porto Alegre em votações específicas entre os anos de 2018 e 2022. A partir de observações das tomadas de posição dos parlamentares cujas bases eleitorais encontram-se nas comunidades evangélicas locais, tornou-se evidente que os vereadores ausentavam-se das deliberações que concediam honrarias aos representantes de religiões de matriz africana ou a seus respectivos templos. A partir dos registros das votações nas quais se evidenciam a temática, foi possível verificar tais ocorrências e definir padrões de posicionamento para a presente análise. Ainda, para proceder a este estudo, fez-se necessário delinear o perfil da vereança, a partir de observações empíricas e dos dados disponibilizados pelo Tribunal Superior Eleitoral. Além disso, foram exploradas as características municipais, para que, a partir dos quadros constituídos, fosse possível estabelecer relações com o fenômeno identificado. A importância deste trabalho reside no fato de tais posicionamentos escaparem da análise pública, comumente potencializadas por reações imediatas nas redes sociais. Pretende-se, dessa forma, atribuir certa luz ao observado, já que, embora participem de uma narrativa de representação democrática, os parlamentares, a partir de suas ausências, tornam-se agentes cujos posicionamentos contrapõem-se aos valores democráticos constituintes do cargo político ocupado. Dessa forma, este trabalho contribui para identificar as variáveis veladas do discurso conservador, em especial os posicionamentos reiterados de negação, que dispõe os vereadores em posições contrárias à valorização da pluralidade religiosa e à negação da identidade de um grupo social.

Lesotho’s High Court has, for the first time in history, been confront-
ed with an issue relating to the review of a constitutional amend-
ment. In February 2024, the court made a ruling declaring the Ninth
Amendment to the Constitution null and void.

Research on transparency in the EU and at the European Parliament, in particular, has extensively examined the adoption and implementation of transparency initiatives as well as the conditions under which interest groups have access to and influence on EU policy-making. However, the question of whether Members of the European Parliament (MEPs) are transparent regarding their interactions with interest group representatives has been overlooked by the literature. This study addresses the question of the conditions under which MEPs are more likely to provide information about their meetings with interest groups. The study engages with institutional theory by emphasizing that formal and informal rules incentivize MEPs' behaviour. Drawing on a dataset on MEPs' reports on their meetings with interest group representatives, the study demonstrates that procedural rules, party's position on the cultural dimension and the national corruption tradition affect legislators' propensity to disclose information about their meetings with interest groups.

Whistleblowers, and their cooperation with journalists, constitute a key element in preventing wrongdoings and protecting public interests. This contribution examines how they are protected in the recent Directive (EU) 2019/1937 on the Protection of Persons Reporting on Breaches of Union Law. It highlights that the final wording of the Directive still raises a number of potential concerns. The legislative process behind the Directive is outlined, illustrating the lack of consensus between the European Parliament and the Council during its drafting procedure. It is furthermore explained how the Directive aims to protect individuals from suffering retaliation in cases where they report violations of EU law. Finally, common criticisms regarding certain solutions such as the sectoral and tiered approach are addressed. These issues will have an effect on the whistleblowers’ motivation in raising the alarm, thereby diminishing their role as a journalist source.

Whistleblowers, and their cooperation with journalists, constitute a key element in preventing wrongdoings and protecting public interests. This contribution examines how they are protected in the recent Directive (EU) 2019/1937 on the Protection of Persons Reporting on Breaches of Union Law. It highlights that the final wording of the Directive still raises a number of potential concerns. The legislative process behind the Directive is outlined, illustrating the lack of consensus between the European Parliament and the Council during its drafting procedure. It is furthermore explained how the Directive aims to protect individuals from suffering retaliation in cases where they report violations of EU law. Finally, common criticisms regarding certain solutions such as the sectoral and tiered approach are addressed. These issues will have an effect on the whistleblowers’ motivation in raising the alarm, thereby diminishing their role as a journalist source.

One of the basic topics in economics is the definition and explanation of the relationship between “government” and “market.” In this concept, there have been numerous disputes among economists and political scientists for a long time; and by the same token, there have been various perceptions of the extent of government involvement in the market as well as the optimal market management by the government, which has resulted in different approaches in political economy. The concept of “self-regulation” makes sense in the classical liberal political economy; and in its new concept, it relies on the relative independence of the market under government management, supervision, and regulation.

Skrátené legislatívne konanie, tak ako je zadefinované v rokovacom poriadku Národnej rady Slovenskej republiky, je len výnimkou zo štandardného legislatívneho procesu, ktorú možno aplikovať výlučne za mimoriadnych okolností, keď môže dôjsť alebo dochádza k ohrozeniu chránených hodnôt. Slovenský parlament, ktorý je zároveň jeho tvorcom, však v praxi chápe tento inštitút tak trochu fluidnejšie, používa ho podľa vlastného uváženia (alebo skôr podľa uváženia vládnej väčšiny), a to aj v prípadoch očividnej neexistencie mimoriadnych okolností a ohrozenia chránených hodnôt. Skrátené legislatívne konanie sa tak javí najmä ako nástroj politického boja. Tento príspevok sa pokúša nájsť odpoveď na otázku ústavnej udržateľnosti takejto svojvôle parlamentu a dať ju do kontextu ohrozenej liberálnej demokracie.

Research on European legislative decision-making has entered a stage of quantitative analysis. The quantitative approach promises to advance the current dialogue by allowing for the evaluation of competing approaches across multiple policy domains and over time. At the same time, the quantitative study of EU decision-making introduces a number of drawbacks: it is difficult to identify one definitive source for legislative information, and case-level data are not directly accessible in a machine-readable format. In order to identify the most crucial pitfalls and provide a reliable data source, we evaluate the most frequently cited, publicly available EU legislative database, CELEX, and compare it with a less publicized legislative database referred to as PreLex. We find that CELEX documents legislative events, whereas PreLex records inter-institutional activities in the legislative process. Unsurprisingly, each of these databases has particular advantages, and we discuss which of the...

The growing evolution of technological means as gears of modern life become responsible for the constant generation of data, which in turn imply the most diverse aspects of society. In this sense, data analysis is a powerful device when it comes to predicting and describing information, in order to improve decision-making. Thus, the insertion of open data in the space of public management enables greater transparency with the citizen, making social control and the consolidation of democracy possible. Based on this bias, the present study aims to implement Data Mining techniques on the open data of the Chamber of Deputies, aiming to broaden the understanding of legislative activities and present the knowledge discovered from the relationships and patterns found in the datasets. Therefore, this is an exploratory study, based on the CRISP-DM methodology, covering the steps of understanding the business, understanding and preparing data, modeling, evaluation and implementation, corresponding to post-processing.

The article examines the legal mechanisms associated with the participation of fractions of political parties in the legislative process. The legislative activity of fractions of political parties in the Legislative Chamber of the Oliy Majlis has been analyzed with the help of reliable statistics. The legislative activity of the fractions of political parties in the Legislative Chamber of the Oliy Majlis is analyzed by accurate statistics. The article provides suggestions for improving the participation of fractions of political parties in the legislative process.

The article examines the legal mechanisms associated with the participation of fractions of political parties in the legislative process. The legislative activity of fractions of political parties in the Legislative Chamber of the Oliy Majlis has been analyzed with the help of reliable statistics. The legislative activity of the fractions of political parties in the Legislative Chamber of the Oliy Majlis is analyzed by accurate statistics. The article provides suggestions for improving the participation of fractions of political parties in the legislative process.

Almost one third of all who served in the US Senate between 1943 and 2020 ascended to their positions in that legislative body directly from the US House of Representatives. Thus, we model the legislative branch of the US government as an internal labour market, wherein members of the lower chamber seek 'promotion' (that is, election) to positions in the more prestigious upper chamber. This process includes the possibility that some US representatives are being promoted to positions in the Senate for which they are not competent, a situation referred to as the Peter Principle. Another possibility is that the 'most ineffective' US representatives are using this internal labour market to attain promotion to the Senate, an outcome that is referred to as the Dilbert Principle. Gallup polling data on the job approval by the public of the US Congress, along with absenteeism data on members of the US Senate, support both possibilities from our formal model.

Donald Trump est largement considéré comme un leader populiste, connu pour sa rhétorique anti-élite, ses politiques nationalistes et son style de communication directe qui a mobilisé une large base de partisans. Photo de Gage Skidmore (CC BY-SA). Jusqu'aux années 1990, le populisme était principalement perçu comme un phénomène des régions en développement du monde. Mais avec les changements survenus dans les politiques libérales occidentales au cours des dernières décennies, le concept est passé de la "périphérie" de la politique mondiale (comme l'Amérique latine et l'Asie du Sud) au "coeur". Les chercheurs ont commencé à utiliser ce concept pour analyser les démocraties institutionnellement solides de l'Occident. Ils ont employé le populisme pour identifier les forces radicales de droite et de gauche qui remettaient en question les arrangements libéraux en Occident.

The construction initiated by Monnet, Schuman, Adenauer and De Gasperi had a remarkable evolution not only concerning the number of the Member States, but also in terms of institutional and functional development, the European Union being one of the most important changing factor concerning the governance and the policy-making process at European level and not only. The number of researches studying the European Union from the perspective of its role or its impact in the development and implementation of public policies has increased in the last decades, emphasizing the various approaches of this issue. Using the theoretical, analytical and empirical framework, described by various scholars, the paper aims: to explore the conceptual dimension of Europeanization and European integration, stressing the differences and similarities; to achieve a progressive analysis of the reforms made by the European Union in the European policy framework, outlining the methods used in elaboration of its policies; to emphasize the efforts of regulatory and institutional change made by Romania in its policy-making process, as a result of the European integration and Europeanization processes.

The construction initiated by Monnet, Schuman, Adenauer and De Gasperi had a remarkable evolution not only concerning the number of the Member States, but also in terms of institutional and functional development, the European Union being one of the most important changing factor concerning the governance and the policy-making process at European level and not only. The number of researches studying the European Union from the perspective of its role or its impact in the development and implementation of public policies has increased in the last decades, emphasizing the various approaches of this issue. Using the theoretical, analytical and empirical framework, described by various scholars, the paper aims: to explore the conceptual dimension of Europeanization and European integration, stressing the differences and similarities; to achieve a progressive analysis of the reforms made by the European Union in the European policy framework, outlining the methods used in elaboration of its policies; to emphasize the efforts of regulatory and institutional change made by Romania in its policy-making process, as a result of the European integration and Europeanization processes.