Late Imperial China

This article examines how the Ming empire's need for cavalry horses gave rise to a distinctive mode of pastureland and human-animal governance in the borderland ecotones of fifteenth-and sixteenth-century northwest China. Termed "bureaucratic pastoralism," this mode involved the rationalized management of livestock, labor, and land through formal institutions, administrative oversight, and infrastructural investment. The focus is on the Shaanxi Pasturage Office in Pingliangfu and it traces the creation, transformation, and partial unraveling of horse-rearing operations within a broad context of imperial land use, labor organization, and environmental governance. These institutions provisioned horses and moreover materialized a scheme of territorial control through infrastructure, bureaucratic discipline, and regulated human-animal relations. Over time, demographic pressures and ecological constraints prompted a shift from mobile horse provisioning to sedentary agro-pastoral practices and monetized procurement. Rather than indicating institutional decline, this transformation shows the adaptive capacities of Ming governance in response to changing border conditions. By situating bureaucratic pastoralism within the trends in monetization and imperial border governance, the article contributes to a comparative understanding of state-managed pastoral regimes in premodern empires.

Using Chinese Muslims in the Qing empire as a case study, this paper discusses how dispersed Muslim minorities may acquire non-territorial autonomy in a secular legal order. I seek to explore: Invisible under the territorially based system of Qing imperial plurality, were Chinese Muslims able to attain certain autonomy in practicing Islamic law? If so, how and in what aspects were they able to bring in Islamic law or authorities? To examine the questions, I focus on both legal discourses of the imperial state as well as everyday legal practices of Chinese Muslims. Sources include official legal records of the central and county-level governments, late-Qing newspaper reports, as well as Chinese Muslims' stele inscriptions, genealogies, literary and religious writings. I argue that on the one hand, without formal juridical autonomy, Chinese Muslims generally held a pragmatic attitude towards law and dispute settlement. They were willing to resort-and indeed very frequently did so-to the Qing law and government even for family and religious matters. On the other hand, as a form of informal or normative legal pluralism, the Qing Code left room for extrajudicial handling of nonsevere legal matters in China proper. Chinese Muslims were thus able to take advantage of such design and negotiate a place for Islamic law and authorities at the community level. Their everyday legal practices serve as counter-evidence against the presumed incompatibility between Islamic law and China's secular legal order in premodern times.

Fear and anxiety are on the rise. With an estimated prevalence of 4% of the global population and an increase of as much as 25% after the pandemic, anxiety disorders are bound to present in the clinics of Chinese medicine practitioners. From its canonical texts through the present day, Chinese medicine has always recognized emotional imbalances as a disease category. We surveyed a number of Chinese medicine texts from the late Imperial Ming and Qing periods, looking for discussions of fear, its etiology and pathogenesis and its treatment with Chinese herbal medicine. While all sources surveyed acknowledged the fundamental role of the Kidney organ system in pathoconditions of excessive fear, some advocated for further differentiation among the traditional organ systems. Supplementation was the most common strategy but additional treatment principles were also considered important, depending on the diagnosis. Understanding how earlier generations of physicians viewed and treated fear and anxiety can be of benefit to the present and future generations of Chinese medicine practitioners.

Xiaoxuan Lu’s Shifting Sands is an ambitious and engaging study that brings a fresh interdisciplinary perspective to the burgeoning literature of China’s borderland studies. The book, structured into three parts, investigates different dimensions of cross-border exchanges and state-building endeavours in the China-Laos borderlands in the southwest, the China-Kyrgyzstan corridor in the northwest, and the China-North Korea frontier in the northeast. By connecting three case studies while maintaining a coherent analytical framework, this book offers an innovative understanding of infrastructure, borderland urbanism, and resource commodification in China’s peripheries.

元祐大臣的笔记、 自传、 日记是 《续资治通鉴长编》 等南宋史书的重要史源。 然而， 元祐大臣在对元祐史事的追述中常因维护自身及盟友而曲写史事。 梳理元祐时期与 “调停”说相关的史实经过， 对勘苏辙 《颍滨遗老传》 等私人记述， 可以说明苏辙所述吕大防、 刘挚力主 “调停” 的说法不实。 另外， 苏辙、 刘安世等人叙述的朝局因 “调停” 转向 “绍述” 的逻辑亦不妥。 终元祐时期， 太皇太后高氏、 吕公著、 吕大防、 刘挚、 范纯仁等人为巩固元祐政局而实行有限度的人事包容， 但在元祐中后期， 这一做法被元祐强硬路线限制而难以展开。 元祐政治失败的主因， 是一些倾向熙丰却隐藏心志的后进， 借助元祐大臣的提拔， 参与政争， 并逐步攻去元祐大臣， 最终鼓动宋哲宗绍述。 苏辙的自传， 含有推卸参与政争及提携变政者之责的用意。

This paper investigates the evolving dynamics of Ming-Joseon tributary relations during the late sixteenth century, with a particular focus on the diplomatic misalignments and trust deficits that contributed to the delayed response and coordination failures during the early stages of the Imjin War (1592–1598). Drawing upon Korean, Chinese, and Japanese primary sources—including Joseon Wangjo Sillok, Ming Shilu, and collected writings of late-Joseon officials—this study traces Joseon’s oscillating policies between Ming and Japan and the fraying of ritual-based diplomacy. Through case studies such as the 1590 embassy led by Hwang Yun-gil and Kim Seong-il, this paper reveals how cultural superiority, rhetorical rigidity, and systemic misunderstandings within the tributary framework hindered effective crisis management. By reassessing the tributary system through the lens of trust-building, this study offers a nuanced reinterpretation of East Asian diplomacy, where ritual hierarchy masked complex, evolving political and strategic calculations among ostensibly subordinate and dominant states.

[This article is a Chinese translation of the previously published book chapter, "Proved foundations with pentatonic inflections — 'Longing for Home,' the first art song of Huang Zi and Wei Hanzhang," found in the book "The Art Song in East Asia and Australia, 1900 to 1950" (2023, Routledge)

Abstract: Huang Zi (Huang Tzu, 1904–1938) is the representative composer of Republican China. Following his studies in the United States, Huang returned to Shanghai in 1929, where he was soon appointed academic dean of the National Conservatory of Music. There, he and his colleagues and students became engaged in the question of how to create a music that employed the theoretical resources of Western music yet was distinctly Chinese. Encouraged by Xiao Youmei (1884–1940), the leader of the conservatory, creating new songs and song lyrics became the main thrust of their efforts.

This chapter analyzes and contextualizes Huang Zi’s first art song, “Longing for Home” (Sixiang). Composed in 1932 to lyrics by his colleague Wei Hanzhang (Harold H. T. Wei 1906–1993), the song displays Wei’s affinity for classically influenced Chinese poetry and Huang’s secure grasp of conservative Western harmonic constructs. Yet, woven into its melodic contours are pentatonic inflections that subtly infuse the song with a Chinese flavour. Textually grounded in Chinese culture and musically modern, it powerfully answered Xiao Youmei’s call for a new style of song reflecting the voice of a new nation.

摘 要 :本文以黄自与韦瀚章合作的首部艺术歌曲《思乡》为研究对象，探讨其艺术创作中的文 化隐喻、音乐形态特征及其在近现代音乐史上的意义。《 思乡 》不仅超越了个体乡愁的情感抒发， 还承载了战时知识分子的集体文化记忆，更以音乐创作实践回应了萧友梅关于“ 新体乐歌 ”兼具 民族特色与国际视野的构想。作为代表性成果，在歌词文本层面，韦瀚章既延续了文言诗词的凝 练意境，又以白话句式增强文本的现代性，反映了新文化运动时期“ 传统文脉与现代意识的交融 ” 这一文化命题 ;在音乐创作方面，黄自展现了其对西方作曲技法的娴熟掌握，并践行了“中西音 乐元素有机融合 ”的理论主张。

Конференция " Русский Харбин и П ерм ь" посвящена 100-летию со дня основания Х арби на. Г о р о д был заложен в мае 1898 года, когда началось строительство Китайской Восточной железной дороги. Тема конференции может показаться неожиданной: история Харбина известна далеко не каждому. Э тот русский городе Китае стал вгоды гражданской войны оплотом белой эмиграции, понятно, что писали об этом в советское время не так уж часто. Еще меньше бы ло известно о связи П ерми с далеким Х ар б и н ом . М ежду тем связь существовала издавна. Пермяки участвовали в строительстве КВ Ж Д наряду с другими россиянами. И позднее там работали пермские железнодорожники, инженеры-путейцы, рабочие. А после революции, когда из России буквально хлынул поток эмигрантов, наверно, лишь немногие из тех, кто оказался в Харбине, миновали нашу Пермь. Здесь жили и те, кто воевал против советской власти с оружием в руках, и бывшие пермские предприниматели, и просто рабочие и крестьяне, спасавшиеся от голода, разрухи, бесправия. В Харбине, а затем в Ш анхае и других китайских городах жили и работали бывшие преподаватели П ермского университета основатель "см еновеховства" Н .В.У стрялов и Вс.Н.Иванов,ставший впоследствии известным советским писателем. Здесь были написаны воспоминания о Перми, рассказы о революционных событиях на Урале. О бо всем этом и шла речь на конференции. Г осу дарственный архив по делам политических репрессий Пермской области подготовил выставку документов "Страницы трагедии" -о судьбе харбинцев. вернувшихся на родину в 1920-30 годы. Среди выступавш их были пермские учены е-историки, журналисты , краеведы. С особенным вниманием и интересом слушали участники конференции воспоминания самих бывш их харбинцев тех, кто приехал вСоветский Союз уже в пятидесятые годы. Это были, в основном, дети и внуки эм и гр ан то в, лю ди, родившиеся в Х арби н е и прож ивш ие там значительную часть своем жизни, будучи твердо уверенными в том, что когданибудь они вернутся на родину, в страну, которой еще не видели. К сожалению, не удалось поместить эти воспоминания в настоящем сборнике. Русский Харбин и Пермь: Сб. материалов научно-практической конференции.(15мая 1998г.).-П ермь, 1998.-48с. « У Состав! ггельТ. И. Быстрых. 129,6 млн. пудов багажа, казенных и частных грузов. Среди перевозимых грузов "местного сообщения" первое место занимали хлеб и зернопродукты, затем шли мануфактура, соль, бакалейные товары. Из России, главным образом со стороны Забайкалья, в Маньчжурию ввозились посуда, лес, керосин, масло и т д . Транзитом в Россию следовал чай (в 1903 г. -2 млн. пудов)8. В результате развития торговли и притока в Маньчжурию русского и китайского населения эта прежде пустынная местность стала бы стро осваиваться. Общ ество К В Ж Д придавало большое значение привлечению русского населения в район дороги, что позволяло не только включить в оборот ранее незаселенныеземли, но и в большей или меньшей степени обеспечить их безопасность. П о линии К ВЖ Д вырастали станционные поселки, появились первые города, центральное место среди которых занял Харбин. По справедливому утверждению известного китаеведа Г.В.Мелихова Харбин был спроектирован и заложен русскими инженерами и создавался как русский город9. Временем основания Х арбина является 1898 г., хотя точная д ата его возникновения в современной литературе определяется не столь однозначно. Т ак, автор одной из р а б о т по истории " русского города в М аньчж урии" Л.И.Чугуевский считает, что "официальным днем рождения Х арбина" следует считать 23 апреля (6 мая по нов. сг.) 1898 г.10 Вэтот день инженер А.ИШидловский, руководивший одной из изыскательских партий, от имени управления дороги заклю чил д о го в о р на приобретение зем ельного участка под городское строительство. Иную дату основания го рода-2 8 мая 1898 г.-называет другой выходец из Харбина Л .П.М аркизов''. Однако не вызывает никакого сомнения тот факт, что успешному развитию Х арбина содействовал ряд благоприятных обстоятельств: его удачное расположение на пересечении железной дороги с рекой Сунгари (сам поселок назывался первоначально Сунгари), а также базовая рольХарбина как экономического и административного центра КВЖД. Китайско-Восточная железная дорога, пересекая всю территорию города, разделялась здесь натри направления: Западное-дост. Маньчжурия,Восточное-дост. Пограничная и Ю ж н о е-до П орт-А ртура и Дальнего. Примечательно, что никакой другой населенный пункт, возникший вдоль линии железнодорожной магистрали, не развивался н оль быстро и неимеп таких больших земельных площадей, отведенных под застройку, как Харбин. Для этой цели первоначально было отчуждено 5,6 тыс. десятин земли, а в 1902 г. ее площадь была увеличена до 11,1 тыс. десятин1\ Динамика хода строительства Харбина была следующей. 11о существовавшему к началу 1899 г. плану строительства города здесь велось сооружение трех поселков: С тарого Х арбина, Н ового города и Пристани. Первое время более быстро развивался Стары й Харбин -наиболее удаленная от р. Сунгари часть города, где размещалась тогда резиденция строительного управления. Другие районы -Пристань и Новый город-ещ етолько наиинали складываться15. Тем не менее, с самого начала XX столетия лидерство в развитии захватил Новый город. Он рос на возвышенном месте в двух километрах от Сунгари. Здесь находилось управление д о р о г и , п о ч то в о -тел егр аф н ая к о н т о р а , т ам о ж н я , здание Общественного собрания, учебные заведения. Н а территории Н ового города располагались также паровозные депо и центральный железнодорожный вокзал (построен в 1899 г.). В центре всего комплекса застройки был возведен Свято-Николаевский собор (декабрь 1900 г .)-в свое время один из крупнейших в мире деревянных храмов1 *.

本文主旨在分析明代江西寧藩後人朱多𤏳（1530–1607）一生的情感轉折，一窺其在宗室身份制度與寧府謀反的歷史事實下，如何自處？朱多𤏳成長在寧府廢府後的紛爭與宗室祿米供應不足情況下，以諸葛亮為典型，欲為良臣，輔佐明主，成為宗室的楷模。但在宗藩條例禁令限制下，朱多𤏳無能考科舉，只能轉向詩文之藝，並獲得好評。然而朝廷禁令遲遲未開，再因宗正落選之故，晚年又臥病在床，以往的抱膝經世之志已棄，轉而容膝念佛。雖然在朱多𤏳逝世前一年科考禁令開放，但此時的他早已無心也無力。透過分析朱多𤏳的情感轉移，一窺藩府文化下的宗室心理與生命情調，寫實出不同以往宗室既定光鮮亮麗印象的另一面。

The present article is a section from a larger study entitled The History and Culture of Chinese Characters and serves as a continuation of my first article named The History and Origin of Chinese Characters (I).  The purpose of this article is to exemplify the changes Chinese characters have underwent during its history of evolution. Each of the 7 stages of development led to the final Simplified Characters that Chinese speaking people use nowadays. Chinese characters evolved from pictographic characters, created on the foundation of a picture, to pictophonetic characters, based on the meaning of strokes; from the Traditional complex characters to the Simplified easy to write characters; from different writing tools and materials to ink and paper; thus so far one of the most widely used language created its own unique method of writing. Throughout the paper I will retell stories that contribute to the discovery of the Chinese characters, sustain my paper with either self-drawn characters or with pictures exemplifying the calligraphy of the specific script.

Keywords: Wang Yi Rong, Bronze ware, Qin Shi Huang, Scribe, Ancient characters, Modern characters, Zhong Yao, Zhang Xu, The Chinese Reform Committee, Simplified Characters

One of the basic characters of the ancient Chinese bureaucracy was the avoidance system based on officialsnative place. lt was greatly different from the Western tradition. This system reached its peak in Qing. Concerned debatesnever silenced,extending from the early Qing down to late Qing aspiring to rehabilitate itself, Finally this system was loosened in Qing's last endeavor embodied in the New Policies.The present author examines consistence and difference existing in Qing's debates with a view to shedding light on China's modern transformation.

Global wetlands have experienced great loss over the past century. Accurately reconstructing wetland change processes and elucidating their evolutionary mechanisms are crucial for wetland ecological restoration and protection.On the basis of previous studies, our research expanded the types of wetland reconstruction, and took small wetlands into consideration. The Jianghan Plain, which has experienced the most typical wetland changes during the past century, was selected as the study area. Combined with the 1:50000 topographic map of the Republic of China and the interpretation results of modern remote sensing images, were constructed the centennial-scale evolution of the wetland landscape in the Jianghan Plain. Then the influencing factors of wetland landscape changes to natural and human-induced factors were analyzed. The results show that the total area of wetlands in the Jianghan Plain 1920s was about 11613 km'. Over the past century, the wetland area has showed a process of first decreasing and then increasing, and the total wetland area in 1985, 2000 and 2022 was equivalent to 57.3%, 62.6% and 63.6% of the 1920s, respectively. In the 1920s, lakes, marshes.rivers and mudflats accounted for 52.8%,32.0%, 12.8% and 2.4% of the total wetland area.respectively, and the proportion of marshes in the total wetland area decreased significantly.Over the study period, the average area of wetland landscape patches decreased, and the distribution of wetland landscapes tended to be discrete. The shape's complexity and landscape's contagion of wetland landscape continued to decrease from the 1920s to 2000, and slowly increased after 2000. During the past century, the wetland landscape pattern of the Jianghan Plain has been affected by both natural and human factors, with obviously diverse dominant influencing factors in different periods, The results of this study can provide a reference for re-understanding the reclamation and wetland loss of the Jianghan Plain over the past century, as well as for the current wetland protection and restoration.

The substitution of punishment by imprisonment (huanxing quanjin) was the main method of punishment for the imperial clansmen in Qing Dynasty. This method incorporated the punishment of the imperial clansmen into Great Qing Legal Code, coordinated the legal order within the imperial clansmen, and influenced the appearance of the Qing Dynasty’s imperial clansmen. To address the inconsistency between the imperial clansmen punishment and the Qing law, as well as the issue of different sentencing between the Zongshi and Gioro, the system of substitution of punishment by imprisonment was officially established in the twelfth year of the Yongzheng reign. The reforms of the Qianlong, Jiaqing, and Daoguang periods brought the punishment of the imperial clansmen closer to the legal provisions of the Qing Dynasty.  Although there were twists and turns in the process of reform and implementation, they were all based on the principle of Qing law. The substitution of punishment by imprisonment reflects the Qing Dynasty’s philosophy of shaping the moral image of the imperial clansmen to ensure the legitimacy of its rule and strengthening the rule of law to ensure orderly governance of a diverse and unified country.

In April 1905, a Qing imperial official met an unfortunate fate in a narrow valley outside Batang town on the road linking Chengdu with Lhasa. Several days later, Batang’s indigenous rulers and others involved in the ambush prepared a petition to the Qing Emperor seeking both to explain their actions and to forestall retribution. Although the petition could not prevent the dispatch of a punitive military expedition from Sichuan, one character appearing in the text only six times proved more influential on both historical understanding of the Assistant Amban’s slaughter and opposition in subsequent decades to intrusive Chinese policies across Tibetan regions. The authors of the petition implicitly blamed policies implemented by the Assistant Amban, policies which the Bapas perceived as contrary to imperial will. Yet a brief characterization of the demeanor of the Assistant Amban’s bodyguard as yang 洋 (foreign) came to be emphasized by Sichuan officials. A narrative thus emerged in subsequent decades that simultaneously drained agency from the indigenous residents of Batang, characterizing their opposition as inspired either by external forces—the Dalai Lama and the great monasteries of Lhasa—or by foreign imperialists—typically the British. This article explores the process by which brief characterization of the Assistant Amban and his bodyguard as “foreign” displaced the real catalyst articulated by the petitioners and established a template for interpreting all future opposition to Chinese policies in Kham and Tibet as instigated solely by external or foreign forces rather than the result of indigenous unhappiness with those policies.

The present paper sheds new light on the provenance of the Chinese medical manuscripts collected by Paul Ulrich Unschuld. It introduces and analyses an unpublished acquisition notebook in which Unschuld recorded the date and place of purchase for close to 800 manuscripts that he acquired between 1996 and 2006. By synthesizing the data contained in the notebook with data retrieved especially from archival records, it was possible to gain provenance information on 518 manuscript volumes now listed under 498 separate shelf marks in the “Unschuld collection” of the Berlin State Library. Statistical analysis shows that the bulk of the manuscripts was acquired in Peking and Shanghai; a significant number also derives from Xi’an, Chengdu and Guangzhou. Although the data from the notebook reflects the times and places at which Unschuld acquired the manuscripts – not the times and places at which they were produced –  it is invaluable for any further investigation into provenance. The findings of this paper also provide a starting point for future research into regional particularities of circulating medical knowledge as well as into varying local healing practices in nineteenth and early twentieth-century China.

This paper calls into question the investigation of the changing process of women's social status that can be seen as the development process of Chinese civilization and the ideological change of Chinese society. In Chinese history, women's status has roughly experienced three stages of development: first, women are relatively respected by men, that is, in the early primitive society, people were mainly engaged in collecting fruits and making simple life tools. Women are outstanding in social life and become the protagonist of social activities; Second, men are supreme and women have no right, that is, the traditional society. With the emergence of private ownership in this period, men have become the main force in social life and entered the patriarchal period. In order to consolidate and strengthen men's dominant position, they have formulated a series of creeds of patriarchal ethics, and women and sons have become men's vassals; Third, men and women are relatively equal, that is, the present and future society. With the socialization of economic activities beyond the family, women's daily life and work are more connected with the market, so they go out of the family, enter the society, participate in the market and social life, gradually have the right to speak in the society, and begin to pursue the idea of equality between men and women. In China's history, the three development stages of women's status make us realize the importance of gender equality. The study of female images in literary works also directly reflects the role of women in society and the social attitude towards women at various times. In the literary works of the first stage, women are the leaders of the times. People only know their mother and their father. Their children also follow their mother's surname. Women's status is much higher than that of men and is respected. In the feudal society, the abstinence thought of literary works at this stage became the mainstream, making women gradually become male vassals and low living status. In modern times, with the spread of new ideas, equality between men and women in literary works has increasingly become mainstream thought, and women have begun to play a unique role in social life. Therefore, the investigation of women's status is of great significance.

In ancient texts, the characters Ren（任）and Ren（妊, meaning
pregnancy) are often used interchangeably, as the Ren meridian is closely
associated with a woman's ability to conceive.

Li Shizhen, in the 《Compendium of Materia Medica》, recorded disease
names such as "pregnancy-related disorders"（妊病）and "infertility"（不
妊）， referring to conditions affecting reproductive capacity.
According to Daoist medicine, when the Ren meridian is obstructed, Yin and
blood cannot flow into the uterus. The imbalance of Qi and blood leads to
the inability to conceive, thus resulting in infertility.

Guyin by Du Ben collected works of reclusive poets in Jin, Song and Yuen. Rather than focusing on the works of the central government literati, this literary anthology with rare content is able to show the complete structure of the Yuen poetry and revise the biased description in the literary history. Unfortunately, the value of Du Ben’s book has long been underestimated in the modern time. This article is going to success the former discussion and further explore the content of Guyin. First, it focuses on the short biographies placed before the works of every poet and discusses the writing strategy of Du Ben, which is avoiding linking with the historic facts especially the tragic memory of the fallen dynasties. Secondly, it talks about how Du Ben built up the image of the reclusive poets in the book with specific aims. Last but not least, by comparing with the Jianghu Ji, another anthology from the Sothern Song, it analyses Du Ben’s consideration of canonization when designing Guyin.

十三世紀中後期，蒙元大舉宋室。南宋朝臣為保存皇室血脈，安排宋度宗之子益王昰（1269-1278）和衛王昺（1272-1279）撤退至嶺南一帶，期間於官富場（即現今九龍城一帶）建立行宮。隨著宋室告亡後，宋王臺石刻豎立於該地，成為悼念象徵，而歷代踏足香港的騷人更不時以之為寫作題材。前人討論香港古典詩歌的宋王臺意象時，往往聚焦於蘇澤東（1858-1927）編纂的《宋臺秋唱》。其文化與文學價值，學者多有論述，成果豐碩。然值得注意的是，作為詩歌意象，宋王臺的含義未有因此固定下來，反而隨香港歷史的變遷，表現出可觀的流動性。故本文擬以1917年至1949年為範圍，考察此意象的流變。概括而論，其中的線索分作三部分：首先是早期對《宋臺秋唱》的續和和延伸；其次為遺民視角的消退與感慨對象的變更；最後，在日軍侵華時期，時代的創傷又為「宋王臺」增添前所未有的新意義。藉此，本文期望能夠呈現出「宋王臺」與香港舊體文學、香港歷史的緊密關係，以補充現有論述。

Female characters occupy a crucial position in The Three Body Problem series. The mature "social network analysis" method from the field of digital humanities plays a vital role in constructing and analyzing the character relationship network in the text， revealing the central role these female characters occupy in the novel' s social structure. Ye Wenjie， having experienced repeated betrayals of trust， distances herself from human society and chooses to trust the Trisolarans. In stark contrast， Cheng Xin makes a drastically different decision. Meanwhile， characters like Zhizi and others present varying trust models and political metaphors through their actions. From the feminist perspective， these female characters gradually break free from the constraints of the traditional patriarchal social structure， achieving a rebellion against patriarchy in the future society. This is manifested in their acquisition of the discourse power within the social network's resources. This transformation not only highlights the multifaceted identities of female characters in the novel but also reflects a profound reflection on gender politics and social structure.

This essay is about the publication of anthologies in Song and its relationship with the poetry circle formed by the Song poets. It also shows the way how the poets intervened other social aspects. As the theoretical framework, this essay will introduce the concept of ‘Field’ suggested by Pierre Bourdieu, a French sociologist and philosopher. Analyzing the situation of the poetry circle by Bourdieu’s concept, it shows that the publication of anthologies was an important phenomenon in the ‘field of poetics’ while the powers from the ‘field of education’ and the ‘field of politics’ also frequently intervened in it. This essay contains four parts. First, it talks about how the Songs edited and published their anthologies. The statistics of publication and the features of the books are the focusing point. Next, it discusses the use of anthologies in the competition among the schools of Song poetry. It was an affair occurring inside the ‘field of poetics’. Then, it concerns the anthologies which are used as the textbooks in the education system. Finally, it discusses how the poets who did not belong to the ruling class expressed their standpoints and struggled with the court. The series of Jianghu Shiji was a typical example of the issue.

thank Danni Cai for all her help and support in checking translations and giving feedback on the article as a whole. All errors are my own. Data for this study derives from my dissertation, "The Veins of the Earth: Property, Environment, and Cosmology in Nanbu County." 1. For an overview on the history of cremation in China, see Ebrey, Women and the Family in Chinese History, 247. Ebrey notes that "archaeological evidence suggests that cremation declined very rapidly in the Early Ming." Women and the Family in Chinese History, 162. 2. The Great Qing Code 276. 01, 276.02, 276.06, and 263.01.

Beginning in the early seventeenth century, the Qing Empire gradually expanded its territories toward Inner Asia and its maritime frontiers. This expansionism and the pressure of rapid population growth within Qing China proper created favorable conditions for Han Chinese immigration into the frontier regions, giving rise to different forms of settler nativization dependent on the region. The term "nativization" as coined in the present article means the phenomenon of a settler acquiring the identity of the native peoples in the ethnocultural, institutional, and legal sense. But for the Qing court, settler nativization led to challenges in maintaining its prohibition policies in the borderlands and segregation policy toward its multi-ethnic subjects. Drawing on Mongolian and Chinese sources, this article explores the nativization of Han settlers on the Qing Mongolian and Taiwan frontiers, discussing the differences in the modes of nativization as well as the reaction of the Qing court. This article argues that the Han Chinese settlers utilized similar adaption strategies despite facing different environments, cultures, and peoples on the two frontiers, with the prohibition policies also playing a significant role in settler nativization. The differences in the channels, frequency, and degrees of nativization largely depended on two factors: (1) the level of Qing respect for the native cultures and institutions and (2) the level of autonomy of local elites.

Pity the poor county magistrates responsible for investigating and preparing homicide reports in eighteenth-century China. Homicides were complicated and emotionally charged crimes that inflamed passions and disrupted social order. Homicide investigations required patience, tact, intelligence, and forensic skills. With twenty different statutes that carefully delineated punishments on the basis of the relative status of victim and perpetrator and the manner in which the killing occurred, homicide law was complex. Recommending punishment, an important component of each homicide report, also required careful and precise deliberation. Despite the complexity of the law and the gravity of the crime, it was expected that each report would be concise and unambiguous. Once completed, the magistrate's report formed the basis for an elaborate two-tiered process of review. Except under extraordinary circumstances, Qing law mandated automatic judicial review for all capital crimes, at each level of government administration.1 The initial process of judicial review established culpability. Upon completion of this judicial review, the Autumn Assizes, an equally exhaustive process, reviewed sentencing for almost all capital crimes.2 Ultimately, only the emperor himself could authorize capital punishment. Thus, the county magistrate's homicide "I wish to thank the editors and readers of Late Imperial China, my co-panelists Mark Allee and Robert Antony and commentator, Melissa Macauley at the Midwest Conference on Asian Studies where an earlier version of this piece was presented, and my colleagues at the University of Tulsa, Patrick Blessing, Kermit Hall, and Michael Mosher for their comments and suggestions. Of course, any errors which remain are my own. This article draws on research which was supported by the Committee on Scholarly Communications with China, with funding from the Department of Education, the Office of Research at the University of Tulsa, and the Oklahoma Foundation for the Humanities. 1 Summary executions, such as the wangming zhengfa, were exceptions to this rule. This type of execution was reserved for serious crimes involving rebellion, piracy, and secret societies. 2Some cases were sentenced to "immediate" execution, in which case sentence was carried out without further review at the Autumn Assizes. In the eighteenth century such

The unprecedented population growth of the eighteenth century had a major impact on the rural economy of Guangdong province. Most importantly, it shifted the relative value of two key factors of production, land and labor. As the relative scarcity of land increased, the existing property rights structure and the traditional concept of land as inalienable patrimony came under pressure. As land increasingly became a commodity, the incidence of violent disputes over property rights multiplied. For the purpose of this essay, I define property rights as the sanctioned behavioral relationships among individuals that govern their possession and use of land. These rights may be formal or informal, expressed or implied, written or unwritten, and they find their expression in the laws, customs, and mores of a society. In eighteenth-century China property rights were usually expressed in written contracts grounded in customary law. By focusing on records of a concurrent phenomenon, violent disputes over property rights, I will attempt to uncover the economic conditions that transformed the customary structure of property rights in land. These disputes, specifically those involving homicide, were rooted in the tension between the emerging concept of land as commodity and the historical concept of land as patrimony. An examination of the reports on homicide related to violent disputes over land will allow me to recreate the social tensions engendered by the transformation of property rights in land, and the reformulation of the concept of land as private property. The model which serves as a springboard for this discussion is a theory of structure and change in economic history that Douglass North has elaborated over the past twenty years. *I wish to thank the editors and readers of Late Imperial China, and Patrick Blessing and James Feinerman for their comments and suggestions. This article draws on research which was supported by the Committee on Scholarly Communications with China, with funding from the Department of Education, the Office of Research at the University of Tulsa, and the Oklahoma Foundation for the Humanities.

From 1877 to 1880, just after Zuo Zongtang reconquered Xinjiang, drought and Locust plague swept through Turpan and its surrounding areas, including Changji, Hutubi, Manas, Yangiand Kuche. The locust plague resulted in crops failure. In 1878, Turpan peasant could only finish half amount of two main kinds of land tax, The reorganized government took a rapid and effective response to relieve victims and to control and prevent locust plague. This historical event was worthy to be paid attention, On the one hand, a more severe drought and locust plague also struck north China at the same time, It can be called the same drought event in climate history, On the other hand, some adjustments of Xinjiang’s ruling policies in the late Qing Dynasty could saw through the government response in this locust plague, Different from the 18" century and the first half of 19th century,management system and ruling policy in Xinjiang were becoming more and more same as the proper of China from 1877. Xinjiang was on the way to establish a province.

研究干旱区聚落的空间演变过程对探究历史时期干早区的土地利用变化和人地关系具有重要意义本文结合历史文献、现代地方志、遥感影像等数据,运用核密度分析、标准差椭圆等方法研究1759-1949年新疆天山北麓中部木垒-奇台-吉木萨尔地区聚落的演变规律及其影响因素。结果表明:①1759-1949年聚落主要分布在坡度10°以下,且海拔为500~800m的潜水溢出带和海拔为1100~1400m的低山丘陵地区。②)1865年前聚落演变主要表现为数量增多,分布范围扩大;1870年后聚落演变主要表现为空间集聚,密度增加。③聚落分布格局是多种因素综合作用的结果,自然因素是限制聚落分布的根本因素,人文因素是影响聚落增长速度和发展方向的重要因素。研究天山北麓中部的聚落空间演变,能够揭示干早区人类与自然环境的互动过程。

Ping-Chang Su  蘇平章,  Hung-ping Tsao曹恆平and Lawrence K. Wang 王抗曝(2025). “The Slaphappy Frog Encounters the Black Swan《癩青蛙 邂逅 黑天鵝》”,  In: "Evolutionary Progress in Science, Technology, Engineering, Arts and Mathematics", Lawrence K. Wang 王抗曝 and Hung-ping Tsao曹恆平 (editors).  Vol. 7, No. 5B,  May 26, 2025, 26 pages;  Lenox Institute Press, MA, USA; lenox.institute@gmail.com; DOI:10.17613/nc698-r3s23; DOI (newest version): 10.17613/0yk1p-06q95    ABSTRACT:  This publication is one of the academic works accomplished by the classmates of Experimental Class 5 at the Affiliated Senior High School of National Taiwan Normal University (HSNU). These old classmates studied together at HSNU from 1952 to 1958, and some have since passed away. To celebrate their past and current friendships, they are publishing their untold stories and poems, disseminating the loving brotherhood that started from a young age to the entire world.  "The Slaphappy Frog Encounters the Black Swan" is a poetic reflection on love, nostalgia, and the unpredictability of relationships. The narrative follows the protagonist's youthful romance, recalling cherished moments along a riverbank under starlit skies. A symbol of affection—an intricately designed porcelain vase—becomes central to the relationship, embodying the intensity of love and its eventual heartbreak. The story explores the fleeting nature of emotions, contrasting idealistic devotion with the reality of change. Ultimately, it is a meditation on love’s impermanence, its vibrant highs, and its inevitable dissolution. ( Authors’ note:  “Slaphappy Todd Yearning For Swan Meat” is a Chinese idiom, meaning one is carried away by one's wishful thinking and overestimates one's abilities. However the authors change Todd to Frog, dye Swan with Black, insinuating such encounter is in fact well matched. Therefore the closing colorful episode is by no means nonsensical continuation.) 這本出版物是由國立臺灣師範大學附屬高級中學（HSNU）實驗五班的同學完成的學術作品之一。這些老同學於1952年至1958年在HSNU共同學習，其中一些人已經去世。為了慶祝他們過去和現在的友誼，他們正在出版他們未曾講述的故事和詩歌，將從小開始的深厚友誼傳播到全世界。《癩青蛙 邂逅 黑天鵝》是一篇詩意盎然的回憶錄，描繪愛情、懷舊與人生無常。故事講述主人公年少時的戀情，憶起在星空下水岸共遊的美好時光。精心製作的彩瓷花瓶作為愛的象徵，見證了激情與感傷的交織。然而，愛情如流光般稍縱即逝，終究難逃分離。故事刻畫情感的脆弱與人生的變遷，在甜美與苦澀間，留下深刻回憶，也映照愛情的夢幻與現實。「癩蛤蟆想吃天鵝肉」是中國的一句成語，意即一個人被他的妄想牽引因而過度高估了他自身的能力。然而作者易蛤蟆為蛙，染天鵝成黑，暗喻此番邂逅乃屬門當戶對，因而收尾的添香一節顯非狗尾續貂。

The tax record and the boundary description are both important evidences in determining the property rights of mountain land. However, the importance of the two differs at different times. In the middle and late Ming period, tax reform diversified the livelihood model centred on forestry, making poll tax a fundamental basis of mountain land allocation in Lijia里甲, while mountain tax became the legal certificate. In the early Qing period, with the practice of dividing the poll tax into land, Lijia里甲 lost its basis for allocating mountain land. As a result, the number of transactions and disputes increased. Against the backdrop of a booming forest economy, many family lineages strengthened joint control over the collective mountains through the prohibition convention for the restoration of the exclusivity of the mountain land boundary. The internal logic of this process of transformation is to move from the regulation of the tax system to the mechanism of the market. With the disappearance of the poll tax, the mountain tax is only used as a legal certificate. The mountain land transactions and the joint control of property rights by the family lineage mainly express the demands for economic rights. This change in the property rights of mountainous areas can be seen as the weakening of legal rights and the strengthening of economic rights.