Modern Chinese History

Trotz mehrfacher Zugeständnisse -wie etwa die Öffnung des chinesischen Kernlandes für Missionare nach 1860 oder die rechtliche Extraterritorialität der Ausländer -lässt sich die neuere Geschichte Chinas weder allein in Begriffen von Imperialismus und Kolonialismus fassen, noch lässt sich das Geschick Chinas zu Zeiten aggressiver Expansionsbestrebungen allein in Begriffen von Souveränität oder Unabhängigkeit beschreiben. Nichtsdestotrotz, obgleiches China gelungen ist, die Einflussmöglichkeiten der ausländischen Mächte auf ein Mindesmaß zu beschränken, lässt sich die neuere Geschichte Chinas nicht ohne Bezugnahme auf die westlichen Mächte -spätestens seit den Opiumkriegen (1840-42) -beschreiben. Vor allem auch lässt sich die neuere Geschichte des Austausche zwischen China und der westlichen Welt nicht ohne Bezugnahme auf die "Wissenschaft" begreifen, jenes Kulturprodukt, welches als Garant für die Befreiung Chinas aus dem Desaster, in dem es sich spätestens seit 1895 wähnte, gehandelt wurde. Nachdem China im Konflikt um die Oberhoheit in Korea eine empfindliche Niederlage gegen Japan hinnehmen musste und diese Niederlage als Verlust der chinesischen Souveränität in wirtschaftlicher, politischer sowie militärischer Hinsicht im Vertrag von Shimonoseki (1985) festgehalten wurde, setzten die ausländischen Mächte China verstärkt unter Druck, in dessen Folge in den Vertragshäfen Industriebetriebe aufgebaut sowie ausländisch finanzierte Eisenbahnnetze das Land zu erschließen begannen.

This article examines how the masses documented their experiences through writing by focusing on the Write Factory History Movement from the mid-1950s to the early 1960s. It traces how factory workers and grassroots writers, under the coordination of the Chinese Writers' Association and its local branches, collaborated to produce novels, prose, wall paintings, and other literary forms. Drawing on factory history manuscripts, work group reports, literary magazine commentaries, and other local sources, I analyze the processes, strategies, and consequences of this mass writing endeavor for narrating China's industrial transformation. I argue that these writing efforts, by weaving workers' literary labor into the complex processes of China's industrialization, reshaped Chinese historiography and literature from below. Through their literary production, workers contributed to the rise of a new socialist genre known as "mass history" that intertwined individual accounts with collective experiences, factuality with narrativity, and historical records with literary imagination. By foregrounding factory history writing as both a cultural practice and a historiographical intervention, this article reveals the tensions and compromises embedded in mass literary

Yang Guorong is a contemporary philosopher with little need for introduction-and not only because he has been introduced here before. 1 Professor Yang's decades of prolific scholarship cover nearly all major fields of Chinese philosophy, from the pre-Qin Masters to neo-Confucian metaphysics on to modern academic philosophers. That scholarship is accompanied by a series of major works laying out his own original philosophy, comprised principally of his "concrete metaphysics." 2 Most recently he has expanded on that theorizing by formulating the philosophy of "affairs" introduced in the essays collected here. This introduction outlines and contextualizes their main arguments. So what is a philosophy of affairs? "Affairs" translates the Chinese shi, a most commonplace term. You shenme shi? (What's up?) You shi ma? (Everything all right?) Zhe shenme shi? (What's this?) Yet despite its everyday nature, the term itself is strikingly difficult to render into Englishand this is in fact a defining feature of the philosophy. Yang argues that "affairs," shi, offers a view of the world that is distinctively Chinese. It belongs to "Chinese philosophy," shaping and shaped by a unique metaphysical outlook and, most importantly, giving us a unique philosophical framework for understanding our understanding. While we might identify this with the Chinese nation or tradition or ethnicity or culture, in the most deeply important sense Yang describes the ideas and arguments he puts forward here as Chinese in the sense of being deeply rooted in Chinese language and the particular philosophical systems that grew within and through it. We can thus say it is distinctively Chinese philosophy in both the sense of being a philosophy of China and its culture, zhongguo zhexue, and being a philosophy that operates in ways distinctive to and shaped by Chinese language, hanyu zhexue. In fact, it integrates the two in a way so inseparable that it calls into question the contemporary push to distinguish the two. The philosophy of affairs, that is, is shaped by the unique conceptual schemes of its original language; it was also a force that shaped the language itself. Perhaps the most troublesome thing about translating the term shi here is that its closest English equivalent is the informal, slang use of the word "thing": wo you shi (I have a thing-in the sense of some engagement); zhe zhong shi (this kind of thing). But a main point of the essays that follow, in laying out the basic framework of the philosophy of affairs, is precisely the distinction between affairs and things, shi and wu. The core argument of the philosophy of affairs is to point out that it is necessarily through affairs that we engage with things in meaningful ways. Affairs must be conceptually

After World War II, the Chinese government advanced the large-scale prosecution of traitors, namely hanjian 漢奸, with the case of Guan Lu 關露 （1907–1982） being a complex and representative example. However, due to limitations in methodologies, previous related research has largely struggled to grasp the social interactions and general landscape of the historical actor.
Employing a social network analysis, the present article examines the social relationships of Guan Lu to explore how certain structural factors such as the effects of social links affected the direction of her life course. The nodes of analysis, including members of political parties, writing circles, and social movements, mainly come from the “Modern Women’ Journals Database” and the “Research Platform for Modern Women’s Biographies” established by the Institute of Modern History at Academia Sinica. In addition to examining the social-network landscape of Guan Lu, this article takes Ding Ling 丁玲 （1904-1986）, a female writer who had a close relationship with Guan Lu, as an example for the purposes of comparative analysis, namely considering the possible group divisions such as ideological criticism and public opinion on gender that the two may have faced.

The article finds that Guan Lu experienced an acute disconnection with her social network, namely that of the women’s movement against Japanese aggression in Shanghai, after 1939, which may have put her in a more passive position when facing accusations of being a traitor. Additionally, the case of Zhou Yang 周揚 （1907-1989）in the period of the Cultural Revolution, which has been largely overlooked in previous research, was one of the key reasons for the more severe criticism that Guan Lu received.

Keyword: Cultural Revolution, gender, social network, traitor, hanjian, Guan Lu

เอกสารโบราณของจีนได้บันทึกว่ารัฐผานผานได้ถวายบรรณาการแก่กษัตริย์จีนหลายครั้ง ระหว่างพุทธศตวรรษที่ 10 – 12 โดยได้ระบุว่าดินแดนของรัฐผานผานอยู่ใกล้กับรัฐหลางยาซิว แต่ในปัจจุบันยังไม่มีข้อสรุปเกี่ยวกับตำแหน่งที่ตั้งของทั้งสองรัฐนี้ นักวิชาการเชื่อว่าศูนย์กลางของรัฐหลางยาซิวตั้งอยู่ในดินแดนของประเทศไทย โดยอาจจะอยู่ที่เมืองโบราณยะรัง จังหวัดปัตตานี หรือที่เมืองอู่ทอง จังหวัดสุพรรณบุรี ส่วนศูนย์กลางของรัฐผานผานควรจะอยู่ในดินแดนของประเทศไทยเช่นกัน โดยอาจจะอยู่ที่อ่าวบ้านดอน จังหวัดสุราษฎร์ธานี อีกแนวคิดหนึ่งระบุว่ารัฐหลางยาซิวอาจจะตั้งอยู่ที่ศรีลังกา บทความนี้ได้ใช้แนวคิดนี้ในการระบุตำแหน่งที่ตั้งของรัฐผานผาน วิธีการศึกษาเริ่มต้นจากการเปรียบเทียบความสอดคล้องของข้อมูลของรัฐหลางยาซิวในเอกสารโบราณของจีนกับข้อมูลในเอกสารโบราณของศรีลังกาที่เรียกว่า จุลวงศ์ ต่อมาได้ตั้งสมมติฐานว่ารัฐผานผานควรจะอยู่บริเวณอินเดียใต้ที่เรียกว่า ปาณฑยะ และได้เปรียบเทียบความสอดคล้องของข้อมูลของรัฐผานผานในเอกสารโบราณของจีนกับแหล่งข้อมูลอื่นที่เกี่ยวข้องกับปาณฑยะ ผลการศึกษา พบว่า กษัตริย์ของรัฐหลางยาซิว เมื่อ พ.ศ. 1058 คือ กษัตริย์แห่งราชวงศ์โมรียะ ที่ปกครองกรุงอนุราธปุระ พระบิดาของพระองค์ได้เสด็จไปอินเดียและเสด็จกลับมาขึ้นครองราชย์เป็นกษัตริย์ ส่วนกษัตริย์ของรัฐผานผาน เมื่อ พ.ศ. 1178 คือ กษัตริย์แห่งราชวงศ์ปาณฑยะ โดยศาสนาในรัชสมัยของพระองค์ ได้แก่ ศาสนาพุทธ ศาสนาเชน และศาสนาพราหมณ์ การถวายบรรณาการของรัฐหลางยาซิวและรัฐผานผานแก่กษัตริย์จีนอาจจะเป็นผลมาจากการค้าทางทะเลที่เติบโตมากขึ้น

Ancient Chinese texts documented the existence of the Panpan State  (盤盤國). From the fifth to the seventh centuries, this state sent tribute many times to the Chinese court. Ancient Chinese documents indicated that the Panpan State was near the Lang-ya-xue State  (狼牙脩國). However, the identification of their location is not concluded. Some scholars believed that the center of the Lang-ya-xue State was situated in Thailand. It may be located at Yarang ancient city in Pattani province or U-thong ancient city in Suphanburi province. It was also assumed that the center of the Panpan State was on Bandon Bay, in Surat Thani province, Thailand. Another idea was that the Lang-ya-xue State may be located in Sri Lanka. Based on this idea, the location of the Panpan State was identified in this article. First, information about the Lang-ya-xue State in ancient Chinese documents was compared with information in the ancient Sri Lankan chronicle, Culavamsa. Second, the hypothesis is stated that the Panpan State was the Pandya Kingdom in South India. Finally, information about the Panpan State in ancient Chinese documents was compared with other sources about the Pandya Kingdom. The study findings show that the king of the Lang-ya-xue State in 515 CE was from the Moriya dynasty and ruled Anuradhapura. His father went to India and returned to become a king. The king of the Panpan State in 635 CE was from the Pandya dynasty. In his period, there were three religions: Buddhism, Jainism, and Brahmanism. The contacts of the Lang-ya-xue State and the Panpan State with the Chinese court may result from the growth of maritime trade.

This essay examines the contested landscape of contemporary Chinese She-SF as a queer utopia-an intricate blend of literary genre, highly gendered imaginings, and socio-cultural blueprints. The first section explores and defines She-SF in its socio-historical context, providing a brief introduction of the She-SF panorama. The second part introduces two crucial concepts: China's "new women" and "queer utopia." The term "new women" is derived from Tani Barlow's analysis of the historical catachresis nüxing 女性 and the intricate historical context surrounding this concept in modern China, as well as the concept of "queer utopia" built on queerness found in Virginia Woolf's endorsement of "androgyny." I connect these two concepts to situate She-SF within the realm of Chinese feminist development and Western queer theory, complicating our understanding of Chinese new women.

This article analyses several self-portraits by Sino-Thai artist Tang Chang, renowned for his abstract paintings and concrete poetry. It examines how these works extend beyond mere self-representation to reflect his views on social roles, family, and the political climate of his time. Self-portraits were a significant part of Chang's body of work, with over 400 pieces created throughout his life. His self-portraits reveal his deep connection to his family, particularly his close relationship with his wife. They also played a key role in his artistic experimentation and served as teaching tools for his students. Additionally, his most renowned selfportrait in Thai society reflects his response to the political landscape. These self-portraits not only represent his identity but also function as autobiographical narratives, offering deeper insights into his life and beliefs.

对仇英的杰作《汉宫春晓图》进行PEST分析，揭示了它是明代中期的一件复杂作品。从政治角度来看，它对和谐汉代宫廷的理想化描绘，成为那些对嘉靖皇帝腐败混乱统治感到焦虑的精英阶层的一种微妙批判和政治逃避。从经济角度来看，这幅画作是当时以繁荣的苏州为中心的新兴富商阶层的奢侈品。它以昂贵的矿物颜料在昂贵的丝绸上创作，成为拥有者经济成功的象征。从社会角度来看，这幅作品反映了艺术家自身的工匠地位——一个局外人，正在塑造精英生活的景象，同时也美化了宫廷女性在“镀金牢笼”中受束缚的生活。从技术角度来看，其手卷形式决定了观看体验的私密性，而仇英对高难度材料的精湛技艺是其商业成功的关键。

We recently learned that the Chinese government has deemed the term "civil society" [gongmin shehui 公民社会] too sensitive to use in Chinese news reports. Apparently, even the mention of Chinese citizens voluntarily joining together for a common cause challenges the authority of China's rulers, especially when that cause is political. Such aversion to autonomous organizations goes back to imperial China, and it was not until the last throes of the Qing dynasty that the first truly political Chinese organization emerged and grew. And that organization had no choice but to be based outside of China. Chinese civil society took a big step forward in 1899 with the founding of the Chinese Empire Reform Association, or the Baohuanghui 保皇会 (literally the "Protect the Emperor Society"), in Victoria, Canada. In effect a proto-political party, the Baohuanghui was founded on the premise that the first step in reforming China was the launching of an organization of like-minded Chinese who believed in its mission and would support a variety of methods, from uprisings to newspapers, to achieve their goals. This kind of voluntary association, or qun [群 group], was distinguished from the traditional Chinese organizations that formed around native place, clan, guild, or religious identities, which only reinforced the cliquishness and infighting of Chinese people. From the qun, it was hoped, would come the guo [国 the nation]. The Baohuanghui became the largest and most influential overseas Chinese political organization during its late Qing heyday, far surpassing Sun Yat-sen's revolutionary groups in scope and influence, both inside and outside China. By 1905, more than 150 chapters had been established in Chinese communities in North and South America, Southeast and Northeast Asia, Australia and even Africa, totaling perhaps 100,000 members with a broad reach into China. Its ultimate objective-transforming China's autocratic system into a constitutional monarchy, much like that of Great Britain or Japanfailed, but it was crucial in spreading the acceptance of constitutionalism, nationalism, and popular sovereignty among Chinese both outside and inside China. How did the Baohuanghui arise, expand so rapidly among overseas Chinese, and get its message inside China? And why has it received so little attention by scholars of modern Chinese political history?

This chapter explores the modern Chinese paintings featured in the 1937 "Second National Arts Exhibition," shedding light on the significant transformations that occurred within Chinese painting during the pre-WWII era of the Republic of China. The exhibition played a crucial role in shaping the discourse on modern Chinese painting in two main ways. First, this section of the exhibition incorporated visual references from various historical periods and schools, showcasing a revival of traditional styles with a sense of national art history. Second, attention was given to the works of the younger generation of artists, who were educated in modern art disciplines and actively engaged in the arts and humanities. These artists embraced a more pictorial approach and explored socially relevant themes.

These proceedings of the 16th conference of the international society for the study of early cinema Domitor includes 26 studies and numerous rarely seen figures dealing with the often overlooked history of the crafts, trades and techniques of early cinema. By examining material culture and the institutionalization of practices into trades during the late 19th and early 20th centuries, this new investigation into the skills and the techniques that defined the cinema in its early decades aims to foster a better understanding of the medium in its varied industrial and professional aspects. The art and gestures of craftspersons—including performers, camera operators, editors, directors, designers, engineers, projectionists, programmers, and critics—, like those of the factory or laboratory workers, are considered for their emerging specificity, as well as in relation to existing cultural, material and technological forms. This book shows how the industrialization of cinema, the professionalization of workers, and the standardization of techniques led to the creation (or at times, subversion) of norms, and consequently legitimized certain skills, crafts and techniques at the expense of others.

The intermedial approaches deployed in this collection bring into focus the influence of multiple professional worlds and cultural practices on the nascent film medium, as well as the necessary adaptations and transformations required by the latter. This circulatory dynamic concerns people and practices, studied in a non-diffusionist approach taking into account transcultural interactions. Chapters examine the mechanisms of professionalization and identity-building as they relate to professions such as filmmaker or colorist, as well as to more unexpected occupations such as accountant, censor, or chemical engineer.

The notion of technique is broadly defined. Several of the volume’s chapters deal with cameras or special effects, as well as with new historical investigation into mysterious technical devices such as shutters, cue systems or working samples. Going beyond this preoccupation with materiality, the collected studies also approach technique as a human and cultural activity, and thus as a set of gestures, crafts, and expertise. The book more specifically opens up a reflection on the skills of screen performers and on the training that brought the institutionalization of body techniques and film acting. The book further illustrates to an unprecedented extent that the first film workers were frequently women.

Several chapters are dedicated to the unconventional careers of specific film workers, with particular attention being given to the diversity and complexity of professional trajectories. Indeed, this book demonstrates that the invention of cinema was deeply enmeshed with the rise of international networks, which resulted in the standardization of technical practices within corporate and national contexts being ultimately shaped by globalization.

第一次世界大戰後，中國知識界出現了明顯的文化保守主義傾向，這是中國對西方科學現代性破產的反應。不同於將中國文化保守主義作為國家現代化理念的普遍解釋，本文考察了梁啟超及其同儕張君勱和張東蓀獨特的文化保守主義興趣以及他們為恢復戰後世界普世道德的構想。在對實證主義的全球性反叛中，研究系（梁啟超派）哲學家將中國文化重新定義為一種地方性的、有助於創造新世界文化的普世道德源泉。本文闡明瞭他們的文化保守主義如何將普遍性（the universal）歷史化（historicize）為透過有意識的人類努力而恢復普世道德，並與不同的地方文化相一致的目標。

Xiaoxuan Lu’s Shifting Sands is an ambitious and engaging study that brings a fresh interdisciplinary perspective to the burgeoning literature of China’s borderland studies. The book, structured into three parts, investigates different dimensions of cross-border exchanges and state-building endeavours in the China-Laos borderlands in the southwest, the China-Kyrgyzstan corridor in the northwest, and the China-North Korea frontier in the northeast. By connecting three case studies while maintaining a coherent analytical framework, this book offers an innovative understanding of infrastructure, borderland urbanism, and resource commodification in China’s peripheries.

A debate in the early 1940s between two social scientists, Yang Kaidao and Zhou Xianwen, reinvigorated a national conversation about China's relationship with agriculture. Clearly China's roots were agrarian, but was it destined to remain "a country founded on agriculture" with the rural village as the focal point of the state and the nucleus of society, or must the republic industrialize in order to survive? If the answer seems obvious to the present-day observer, it remained debatable on the eve of the communist revolution. This paper uses the Yang-Zhou debate as a window on past visions of an agrarian future that were impassioned yet full of irony: agricultural fundamentalists pointed to settled agriculture as a distinctive and transhistorical feature of the Chinese state, but their arguments and policy recommendations echoed similar movements in Japan, Italy, Latvia, and many other twentieth-century states. We contend that China's twentieth-century agrarian fundamentalism should be acknowledged both as a pivotal yet underexplored cornerstone of Chinese nationalism and as a key link in a broader global agrarian-nationalist movement that largely dissipated after the Second World War.

从“均平”的角度，可重新审视中国古代赋役史中政治理念、制度设计和技术性知识三者的深层联系。 首先，不同于无差别的平等、平均，以差等为前提的“均平”才是传统中国的秩序正义观念，也是合理的财产分配、赋役征发的出发点。 其次，“均平”的实践方式随社会经济环境变迁而改变，在制度上也从财产合理分配向税制公平设计转移，从追求最理想状态向重视实践中防弊转换。 最后，传统算学也发展出与实践均平观念相对应的计算技术：秦汉时期已有按差等的比例系数进行分配运算的“衰分”问题，至迟在宋代进一步发展出“鼠尾”法，这些都是明清以后“均平”计算的原始雏形。

The first big crush of incipient China specialists after World War II marched into America’s graduate schools in the early and mid-1960s, particularly after the enactment of the National Defense Education Act made large amounts of federal money available for “Foreign Area Studies” and “Critical Language Studies.” I was one of the marchers. Having finished college, with virtually no exposure to anything Asian, in the spring of 1964, I began six long years of graduate study that fall. The new life began at 8 a.m. on, I think, September 22, in my first language class: Chinese I. It was a helpful day; even now, whenever someone Chinese tells me how good my Chinese is, I blurt out my first teacher’s first injunction: always reply, “Wo jiu hui jiang jiju hua” (I can only speak a few words). Our generation is now “senior,” in the way that, for us, John Fairbank and George Taylor and Martin Wilbur and, slightly younger, Arthur and Mary Wright and Doak Barnett and John Lindbeck and others we...

During the late Ming dynasty, Fang Yizhi had extensive contact with Catholic missionaries and exhibited a strong interest in the astronomical knowledge introduced from the West. While eagerly embracing new knowledge, Fang maintained the capacity for critical thinking and self-reflection. When considering the medieval European theories that blended astronomy and theology, Fang employed verification-based calculations to challenge the theories and data disseminated by Matteo Ricci and his colleagues. When Fang encountered new paradigms developed by scholars of the European Scientific Revolution, such as Galileo, Copernicus, and Tycho Brahe, he appreciated their scientific merits and incorporated their theories into his own study of object-observation ("Zhi ce"). To investigate the transformations of old and new visual representations of the cosmos from both Eastern and Western perspectives in the 17th century, as well as to inspect the dissemination and interpretative models of new doctrines during the Ming dynasty of China, this paper begins by examining Fang's learning process of Western knowledge and then proceeds to investigate Fang's evaluations of various cosmological discourses, including the concept of Spherical Earth, the model of crystalline celestial spheres, the theory of Guangfei Yingshou, the Three-Region Theory, and the Theory of the Four Primordial Elements. This research deepens our understanding of the changes in Fang's cosmological views and the significance of his thoughts in the history of ideas and technology during the Ming-Qing transition.

Chinese rural society has played a significant role in the modernization, industrialization, and economic development of the People’s Republic of China from the 1950s onwards, albeit at great cost. This process was characterized by, among others, the siphoning of resources away from the rural areas; the ongoing expropriation of land; human and environmental degradation; the erosion of local enterprises in the name of export-oriented growth; and the undercutting of local governance. Rural China has also absorbed the attendant crises— massive unemployment, among others—that have been generated by the country’s economic policies. Despite the fate that has befallen rural China, it will and should continue to play a role in the future developmental trajectory of the country. It is in this light that the historical and contemporary manifestations of rural reconstruction movements in China, which are based on the small peasantry and village community, provide an alternative to destructive ...

The American Volunteer Group (AVG), famously known as the "Flying Tigers," represents one of the most storied yet succinct chapters in the history of World War II. Operating for a mere seven months in the China-Burma-India (CBI) Theater, this group of American pilots and ground crew achieved a legendary status that far outweighed its numerical size. This paper argues that the AVG's remarkable effectiveness was not a simple product of individual pilot skill, but rather the direct result of its unique dual nature: its foundation as a private volunteer force and its implementation of revolutionary tactical innovation. Freed from the rigid doctrines of the formal U.S. military structure, Claire Chennault crafted a tailored combat doctrine that maximized the strengths of his aircraft and pilots while exploiting the specific weaknesses of the Japanese Air Force. By examining the group's formation, training, combat operations, and dissolution, this study demonstrates how the AVG served as a crucial morale-boosting force for the Allies during a period of consistent defeat and provided a successful, though ultimately fleeting, model of military improvisation and international cooperation.

The 1892 collision between the British merchant ship Ravenna and the Japanese torpedo boat Chishima generated a three-year legal debate over jurisdiction in territorial waters. Challenging the conventional notion that the coastal State enjoyed full sovereignty over its maritime territory, this article argues that contested jurisdiction in territorial waters was ubiquitous at the turn of the twentieth century. In addition to imperialism, which played a pivotal role in transforming the coastal waters of semicolonial countries into overlapping legal zones, political speculations and the absence of a uniform legal standard also put the coastal State's assertion of maritime sovereignty into question. On the one hand, semi-colonial states, such as the Meiji government, sometimes strategically avoided asserting maritime sovereignty when they deemed it appropriate for national interests. On the other hand, there was also a wide cleavage of opinions among Western powers regarding coastal jurisdiction. Scrutinizing the entangled currents of imperialism, political speculations and maritime laws in the Chishima case, this article contributes to the burgeoning scholarship on the polycentric oceanic world by displaying the rarely discussed contested jurisdiction in territorial waters before World War II.

近代同盟怠工运动策略(sabotage) 经历了从西欧到美国、 日本再传 入中国的旅行历程。１ ９世纪末伴随西欧工人运动高潮迭起， 怠工、 破坏机器等消极 斗争方式被法国工团主义组织认可， 产生了独特的概念， 发展出一系列劳 工斗争浪潮。这一斗争方法在２０世纪早期传入美国， 得到发扬光大， 但已削弱了激进性。一战后， 日本无政府工团主义复苏， 工人运动开始采用sabotage策略应对日本 当局的严酷压制， 引发了社会广泛关注。中国知识界通过日本舆论与工团主义文献 开始了解并引介sabotage斗争。这一概念在全球流转过程中激进性减弱， 进入 中国职工运动实践时， 工团主义色彩几乎消失， 怠工的策略性与技术性得到保留与发展， 在民国时期的民众运动中持续发挥着作用。

The term “soviet” had two faces in the early twentieth century: on the one hand, a certain form of democratic reform, and on the other, a new development in political power, as established by Vladimir Lenin in the Marxist context of the dictatorship of the proletariat. During the May Fourth Movement, the concept of the soviet, in which specific professions each created its own body for political representation, was introduced into China and recognized by Chinese intellectuals. The Chinese Communists later chose Lenin’s theory and followed the Soviet-Russian path. But there
was disagreement within the Comintern in Moscow as to which of the lessons of the Russian path should be transferred to China. Under Stalin’s leadership, the CCP decided to create a soviet shape for the regime it was imagining, rather than a revolutionary organization, but this ran into roblems. The Chinese Soviet of Haifeng and Lufeng was often reduced to an empty slogan because it lacked the advantages of a peasant ssociations and other socalled mass organizations. Thereafter, the CCP had to adjust its Soviet Union orientation and grope for a Chinese way.

Extreme weather events are increasing in frequency and intensity, raising urgent questions about how citizens engage with such crises, especially in authoritarian and developing countries. We analyze citizen engagement on China's Local Leaders' Message Board, a government-run petition platform, to examine how residents communicate demands for public safety and infrastructure. Using a mixedmethods approach combining quantitative analysis and topic modeling of petition data, we demonstrate that the 2021 Henan flood, one of the deadliest in China's recent history, led to a sharp increase in petitions concerning drainage, neighborhood safety, and flood prevention. These demands, although not framed in climate-specific language, reflect calls for state-led adaptation that is concrete and localized. We also find that concern about the disaster and preparedness extended beyond Henan, prompting appeals in unaffected provinces. These findings suggest that climate risk can catalyze political engagement in non-democratic settings, highlighting the value of citizen input in adaptation planning.

No contexto da disputa ideológica da Guerra Fria, havia uma tendência para que os nacionalistas africanos estabelecessem contactos e procurassem apoio das superpotên-cias. A escalada da divisão sino-soviética no início de 1960 aumentou ainda mais a com-petição desses países por influência. Tomando de empréstimo a famosa citação de Mao Zedong, nacionalistas africanos como Viriato da Cruz assemelhavam-se a «faíscas» espo-rádicas, que seriam mobilizadas para um revolucionário «incêndio na pradaria» em todo o continente. As suas aventuras intelectuais e de vida, experienciadas para além dos limites das fronteiras nacionais e das estruturas nacionalistas, revelam a natureza móvel e trans-nacional da libertação da África Austral. O artigo recorre sobretudo a fontes de arquivo chinesas, literatura africana e biografias políticas para demonstrar as diversas plataformas e redes sociais que foram usadas para desenvolver as relações entre a China e a África Lusófona. A ênfase em atores individuais distintos e significativos enriquecerá sem dúvi-da as narrativas existentes de solidariedade e mobilidade global das lutas de libertação na África Lusófona.

Throughout the 20th century, the landscape of religion in the Peoples republic of China had gone through a series of tremendous challenges; The widely known is the rise of the Chinese Communist party to rule in 1949 and its atheist policy for decades. After various periods of bans and prosecution of religious practices and institutions under the Communist leader Mao Zedong, religious traditions have gone through a period of revival throughout the past decades. Nevertheless, throughout the return of religion to the public sphere, even the PRC's acknowledged and permitted religious traditions are under changing regulations and limitations. This situation is exacerbated under the rule of the current CCP leader Xi Jinping, with various restrictions and prohibitions on religious groups and practices. This chapter examines the different examples of liminality, which the author argues, plays a part in expressions of religious life, which can be seen as religious resistance. Liminality is used in a broad sense, a paradigm between different poles: secular and sacred, legal and illegal, rural and urban, human and machine. The author suggests that religious actors thus employ various aspects of "in-betweenness" to uphold and revive traditions and maintain religiosity in innovative and creative forms. De-facto, this serves to resist harsh regulations on religious freedoms. Presenting case studies from Christianity, Confucianism, and Buddhism, the chapter argues that religious spaces, practices, identities, and organizations are nurtured by liminality for their survival.

This article explores the history of the Tibetan and Mongolian Morse codes, devised by the Nationalist government between 1934 and 1937, by situating them within the infrastructural and political transformations that took place in China and Tibet during these four years. On the one hand, it demonstrates that the engineering of Tibetan and Mongolian Morse codes coincided with the global emergence of shortwave radio telegraphy which, for the first time, enabled communications between geographically distinct regions, such as Tibet and China. On the other hand, it also shows that the codes were devised at a critical political moment in Sino-Tibetan relations: with the death of the Thirteenth Dalai Lama in 1933 and the subsequent political ascendance of the Ninth Panchen Lama, the government believed that the Tibetan and Mongolian Morse codes would help the party rule over the Buddhist frontiers through an alliance with the Ninth Panchen Lama. This plan ultimately failed, as the Panchen Lama died in 1937, before he could take control of Tibet. In short, the government-funded coding project offers a lens into pondering the infrastructural politics of state-building in China.

The narrative concept has gained significant traction in International Relations (IR), yet its expanding scope has raised concerns regarding conceptual ambiguity. This article provides an overview of the narrative literature in IR, categorising it into two dominant streams: agencycentric and structure-centric approaches aiming to provide clearer orientation for newcomers to the rising research agenda. While agency-centric perspectives focus on how actors construct and deploy narratives to shape political outcomes, the structure-centric approaches emphasise the broader discursive and institutional contexts that influence narrative formation and reception. Through a systematic literature review, this article highlights the need for further theorisation of the interaction between these two perspectives. As one of the possible ways forward, it suggests adopting a historical or longitudinal perspective to better understand how narratives evolve over time, capturing both their continuity and transformation within international politics.

The narrative concept has gained significant traction in International Relations (IR), yet its expanding scope has raised concerns regarding conceptual ambiguity. This article provides an overview of the narrative literature in IR, categorising it into two dominant streams: agency-centric and structure-centric approaches aiming to provide clearer orientation for newcomers to the rising research agenda. While agency-centric perspectives focus on how actors construct and deploy narratives to shape political outcomes, the structure-centric approaches emphasise the broader discursive and institutional contexts that influence narrative formation and reception. Through a systematic literature review, this article highlights the need for further theorisation of the interaction between these two perspectives. As one of the possible ways forward, it suggests adopting a historical or longitudinal perspective to better understand how narratives evolve over time, capturing both their continuity and transformation within international politics.

Shi Tuo’s short story cycle Records from the Orchard Town (1946) depicts the love and hate of ordinary people in a small town in China, aiming to unravel the good and evil in humanity as well as its external manifestations. The author eulogizes the humble and enduring women in the countryside who fight against the injustices and atrocities in their lives with stubborn and even stupid ways. He also criticizes the local despots and villains who bully ordinary people and thus digging their own graves, which suggests the inevitabilities and causality loops in one’s life. Shi Tuo expresses his sorrows towards the fact that all good things come to an end. Besides, the author adopts the second-person narratives to strike conversations with the readers. Records from the Orchard Town demonstrates a modern stance and a gesture of rebellion against the feudal cultural tradition. Zbigniew Slupski reckons that Shi Tuo’s fiction contains a “departure from narrow literary Realism,” which is right to the point. Therefore, Anti-Romanticism is not an accurate phrase to conclude Shi Tuo’s fiction since Realistic Romanticism is the defining feature of Records from the Orchard Town.
Keywords: Shi Tuo; Modernity; Intertextuality; Allegory; Romanticism

The essay attempts to analyze and summarize the rhetorical techniques as well as the stylistic characteristics of Eileen Chang’s fiction in the 1940s in which Psychological Realism finds its expression, adding a touch of unique Modernist aesthetics to the literary texts. Eileen Chang consciously adopted stream of consciousness and internal monologues to enrich the connotations of her works of fiction, which serve as a perfect paradigm of combining classical Chinese aesthetics with Western Modernism. The “discovery of the Interiority,” a defining feature of modern Japanese literature according to Kojin Karatani, was achieved by mild or stark contrast in Eileen Chang’s fiction in the 1940s.
Key words: Eileen Chang; Interiority; stylistic characteristics; Western Modernity; Psychological Realism

Mythology is an important early human art form, as well as a form of oral and intangible cultural heritage, carrying rich historical and cultural information. A “motif” is the basic unit of which a mythology is composed, and motifs appear repeatedly in mythologies from different time periods, regions and cultures. Motifs can exist independently in the process of handing down, and can also be represented or combined within other popular narrative genres such as epics, legends, folktales, and ballads. The “motif” is favored by scholars due to its representativeness and universality and has become a convenient tool. The 56 different ethnic groups in China have numerous mythologies, both rich in content and handed down in various forms. Historically, literatures of the Han people have enjoyed a high degree of attention, while the collection and research of mythologies from ethnic minorities has been poorer. Most of these ethnic groups have not developed their own written languages and t...

In Chapter 7 I draw my dissertation to a close with an epilogue and conclusion. Reflecting on Taiwan as a trigger point in the US-China relationship, I return to my goal of inductively seeking ethical sources within the historical context. Using Taiwan as a case study, I examine its complex internal history and external relationships with mainland China and the US.

In Chapter 4 I examine social ethics in China, drawing from sources spanning the late Qing dynasty to the current communist-socialist regime. I contextualize the diverse ideological influences-Confucianism, liberalism, republicanism, Marxism, and socialism-that shaped China's reconstitution following the collapse of the dynastic order.

The first chapter offers a concise account of Chinese history to clarify the intellectual context where certain concepts and themes shape personal, social, and political life in China. This historical overview presents well-established facts and aims to help readers recognize the unique development and ongoing significance of Chinese moral traditions as understood within their own culture. Alongside these foundational perspectives, I provide a brief portrait of contemporary China as of 2024, bringing current moral dilemmas and paradoxes into focus.

The increasing focus on the significance of negative heritage, along with ongoing discussions about its definition, has led memorial museums in China to place a greater emphasis on the exhibition of negative heritage. This study identifies current issues in the exhibition language at the Nanjing Museum of the Site of the Lijixiang Comfort Station -a site associated with negative heritage -and introduces relevant concepts from literary narrative theory to address these challenges. It proposes solutions for constructing narrative exhibitions of negative heritage by examining four dimensions: characters and clues, narrative approach, logical relationships, and the integration of first-and third-person perspectives. The objective is to enable museums to characterize the comfort women system as an institutional system of military sexual slavery through exhibitions using artifacts and survivor testimonies.

This book delivers crucial historical background in these times, as bloc-building returns to the global economy and China and Russia massively intensify their economic cooperation. It gathers global cutting-edge research on the economic exchanges in the early years of the Cold War between the newly formed People’s Republic of China and Soviet Eastern Europe.

Based on multidimensional archival sources from China, Eastern Europe, and beyond, this book departs from the traditional Cold War accounts of superpowers and geopolitics and looks into economic practices: how Chinese officials tried to access foreign markets via the Leipzig trade fair, how the Soviet-modelled car industry had to be built with US-trained Chinese engineers, or how socialist bureaucrats rationalized the giant projects of factory-building in China with developing future markets for industrial products on a global scale. Such a perspective helps to understand how economic rationales and second-tier actors contributed to the forming of the short-lived but far-reaching alliance and how cooperation on the ground for a while was able to survive, while generally mutual disappointment about the quick exhaustion of the cooperation’s benefits benefitted the swift split. These insights also provide a basis for rethinking the relationship between politics and economy in socialist regime-building during the Cold War.