Indian Economic problems

Özet: Bu çalışmanın amacı, Türkiye'deki bir üniversitenin eğitim fakültesinde öğrenim gören yabancı uyruklu öğrencilerin sosyo-kültürel ve ekonomik anlamda yaşadıkları sorunları belirlemektir. Bu amaç doğrultusunda sosyo-kültürel ve ekonomik sorunlar; insan ilişkileri, ekonomik sorunlar, barınma, ev özlemi, yemek, giyim ve gelenek-görenek başlıkları altında incelenmiştir. Bu araştırmanın çalışma grubunu 2008-2009 öğretim yılında Türkiye'deki bir üniversitenin eğitim fakültesinde öğrenim gören 7 farklı ülkeden () 15 yabancı uyruklu öğrenci oluşturmaktadır. Araştırmada maksimum çeşitlilik örnekleme yöntemi, veri toplama aracı olarak ise yarı yapılandırılmış görüşme formu kullanılmıştır. Yabancı uyruklu öğrencilerin sosyo-kültürel ve ekonomik sorunlarına ilişkin görüşlerinin analizinde nitel veri analiz tekniklerinden betimsel analiz yaklaşımı kullanılmıştır. Çalışma sonucunda yabancı uyruklu öğrencilerin kendi kültürleriyle Türk kültürünün benzerlik göstermesi nedeniyle Türkiye'de önyargı ya da dışlanma ile karşılaşmadıkları belirlenmiştir. Ayrıca, yabancı uyruklu öğrencilerin ekonomik kaynaklarının sadece aileleri olduğu ve aileleri tarafından gönderilen paranın yetersiz kaldığı görülmüştür. Yabancı uyruklu öğrencilerin tamamına yakınının ise ev özlemi çektikleri ve ailelerini, arkadaşlarını ve memleketlerini özledikleri belirlenmiştir. Anahtar kelimeler: Yabancı uyruklu öğrenci, sosyo-kültürel sorunlar, ekonomik sorunlar

The whole world is looking towards the consequences of climate change and Chindia economic growth. This paper will conceptualize the impacts of climate change on Indian industries by highlighting examples across the world. This approach will guide us to adopt suitable measure(s) to check the negative impacts of climate change on Indian economy. We conclude the paper in the presence of uncertainties related to climate change pattern and comeback of developed economies.

Generally, vision and mission statements are considered as same but they differ from each other. However, they can be complementary. Vision statement tells what a business organization wants to become in future. It is the ideal situation for what company should be known for, whereas the mission statement of the business unit is simple declaration of the underlying purpose and core value of the company. Vision statement indicates about company's future products and area of operation, whereas mission statement outlines about current products and its operation. Mission statement does not have a time-frame to be completed. Vision statement is a qualitative statement, while mission statement can be qualitative or quantitative one. Mission statement can be clearly defined and achievable. It is a blend of ideals and current realities to be pursued. It provides a sense of direction, guides decision making and unifies all people and corporate culture of organization in order to achieve overall vision. Apple's current vision statement was introduced by CEO Tim Cook, who stated, " We believe that we are on the face of the earth to make great products and that's not changing. We are constantly focusing on innovating. We believe in the simple not the complex. We believe that we need to own and control the primary technologies behind the products that we make, and participate only in markets where we can make a significant contribution. We believe in saying no to thousands of projects, so that we can really focus on the few that are truly important and meaningful to us. We believe in deep collaboration and cross-pollination of our groups, which allow us to innovate in a way that others cannot. And frankly, we don't settle for anything less than excellence in every group in the company, and we have the self-honesty to admit when we're wrong and the courage to change. And I think regardless of who is in

Coimbatore is well known for its textile industries, engineering firms, automobile parts manufacturers, health care facilities, educational institutions and pleasant weather. It is the second largest city in Tamil Nadu and one of the fastest growing cities in India situated near foot hills of Nilgiris. Coimbatore is known as Manchester of South India. Now, most of the Indian Software companies have started their development centers in Coimbatore. 76% of India's total textile market is from Erode (Tex-City or Loom-City of India) and 56% of knitwear exports come from Tirupur. Coimbatore has a lot of opportunities in the future with the availability of chief labour, land, water and other raw material facilities etc. Coimbatore industry has become strong and is experiencing strong cyclicality, persistent pressure across the country overall lessening in price due to overcapacity and huge competition. It is getting good reputation in the global markets, rising SME’s, attracting more FDI, exports etc. This research concentrates on the growth and development of Indian Textile Industry particularly in Coimbatore region. Further it discussed about the south Indian textile industry opportunities and challenges.

One cannot think of economic development in the country deprived the
development of agriculture. Agriculture plays a key role in the development of the Indian economy. The Indian economy has experienced structural changes over time with the expected decline in the share of agriculture in the GDP, fall in its share from 55.1 per cent in 1950-51 to 14.6 per in 2016.1 During the post bank nationalisation in India, financial services have expanded significantly in rural areas. This has included the funding of a large number of rural credit projects, increases volume of formal loans, building many new financial institutions and same mobilization of saving. The loans assistance is valid vehicle for the farmer’s inclusive development. Financial credit is the most world-wide and flexible transferable form of economic resource: with cash obtained via credit one can buy anything that is for sale. (Gordon Donald, 1976).2 The systematic flows of credit through banks have been subject to a number of inhibitions that have worked to eradicate most small farmers. Agricultural Loans provide opportunities for creative development, and small farmers have been distant more limited in access to these opportunities than other sectors. In ideal form, the situation of agricultural crop loans for farmers goes as follows: the government of India and Reserve Bank of India loans money each to an agricultural bank, which in turn relend the funds directly, or through cooperatives to farmers. The farmers use the funds to purchase productive inputs. Which are collective with family labour to produce more output. The additional output have sold and the
earnings are sufficient to repay the loan and leave the farmer better off. The payments received from the farmers by the agricultural bank or any other institution are sufficient to regenerate lending capacity, to cover
administrative costs and to pay the interest on the government loan. Such a program consumes no resource; the money committed simply constitutes a revolving fund. The loans have repaid and the interest charges are sufficient to cover costs and any defaults.

On the issue of denying the payment of GST compensation to the States and instead asking them to borrow, the Centre may have been legally correct, but it must not be forgotten that the states had made a huge sacrifice in surrendering their taxing powers while agreeing to implement the GST regime. In federal relation, trust is as important a legality.

COVID-19 is only the latest in a series of global pandemics that began when the world of disease was united by the establishment of intensive connections by sea after 1500. India was a major participant in this process. A pandemic has both direct and indirect effects. Human reactions to mass illness both mitigate and enhance these effects. The networks of transmission are paralleled by networks of private and public information. But aggregated information only becomes available as governmental information systems take shape. This article explains the use of quarantine as emerging from both. It then explains why it was introduced to India only after 1800. It then looks at three great pandemics: cholera, bubonic plague and lethal influenza and governmental and societal responses to each of these. The article analyses the subsidence of pandemics into chronic presences ('background') that nonetheless contributed significantly ill-health, poverty and early death for hundreds of millions. But there is a paradox after Independence. Successful state action in independent India was nevertheless accompanied by the effective collapse of government information systems. This contributed to the massive economic damage from what should have been a minor episode of plague in 1994. The article thus reviews what we know about the effects of the pandemic, epidemic and chronic background phenomena on the economic life of Indian sub-continent through the past 500 years.

Agriculture has an immensely crucial role to play in the economic development of India. It is still the backbone of the Indian economy by virtue of the fact that more than half of the workforce and also a similar proportion of the country’s population depend on agriculture for their livelihood and income even in the mid-2000s (Chand et al. 2010). Agriculture growth also has numerous, complex and far-reaching linkages, both backward and forward which increase the non-agricultural sectors’ incomes. This is supported by the fact that the growth of the extent and number of cultivated areas for commercial crops have increased over the years and this, in turn, has accelerated the potential of earning through exports of the agricultural commodities manufactured by the fast–developing agro-based industries (Dev, 2013). Thus, agriculture contributes to the overall economic growth and also is a developmental tool for reducing poverty by providing food security and employment (Dev, 2013).

This review looks into both the national and state level issues concerning agriculture.

In 2018, India’s internal evolution was characterised, at the political level, by two main developments, both a continuation of trends already visible the previous year. The first was the weakening of Modi’s aura of invincibility, epitomised by a string of defeats suffered by the BJP in that year’s state elections. The second was the alarming continuation in the erosion of democracy, highlighted, among other negative processes, by the attack on the independence of key state institutions, such as the Reserve Bank of India (RBI) and the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI).
At the economic level the situation was characterised by the apparent recovery of the economy, after the difficulties experienced in 2017. However doubts emerged that this recovery was more apparent than real, as it was the result of untrustworthy government-released figures. Even accepting at face value these dubious figures, the fact remains that India’s economic growth – whatever  its real dimension may have been – appeared unable to resolve a set of major socio-economic problems, in particular the insufficient rate of job-creation and the ongoing agrarian crisis.

... Capital repair 471.0 3.2 987.4 5.4 1,626.2 7.6 Total local expenditures* 14,940.9 100.0 18,220.7 100.0 21,415.4 100.0 Source: Adapted from David Tumanyan, Sos Gimishyan, and VahanMovsisyan, “Enhancing Fiscal Capacities of Local Self-government Bodies. ...

Book Review of Hayek, F. A., The Trend of Economic Thinking-Essays on Political Economists and Economic History, edited by W. W. Bartley II and Stephen Kresge (Volume III of The Collected Works of F. A. Hayek, General Editor: W. W. Bartley, II) Routledge, London, 1991

Foreign Direct Investment is used to boost the domestic ratios of Investment up through technology and managerial skills. The Proposed issue of FDI in multi brand retailing, organised sector and unorganised sector is acknowledged with various myths and realities. The paper is a discussion of it. The FDI is welcome in retail to improve the quality of the product, technology, market mechanism and to achieve capital benefits. It does impact the various policy issues of the economy. The paper provides wide information of this mechanism. The first part of the paper explains FDI and its objectives. FDI in retail sector in India is need of the hour. It is because the growth of retail Industry in India has been slower compared to other developed countries . FDI would help in it growth. But various myths and realities are associated with it. It is the second part of the discussion of the paper. In this context the present paper attempts to analyse the strategic issues concerning the influx of FDI in the Indian retail industries along with the interest of foreign investor and the Indian democracy with its prospects in India. The last part of the paper studies in congruence of the FDI policy with disinvestment policy of the government of India. The disinvestment policy failed to achieve its target of harvesting Rs. 40000 cr. and 30000 cr. in last two budgets of 2012-13 & 2013-14. FDI policy could help in achieving these target of disinvestment policy is the last part of the discussion of the paper.

This article hypothesizes that economic reforms become sustainable when the discursive conditions prevailing in society tip against the existing paradigm under exceptional circumstances. Thus, unless the pro-liberalization constituencies dominate the development discourse, economic reforms, initiated under the exigencies of crisis and conditionalities, or carried out by a convinced executive with or without the stimulus of a crisis, will be reversed. The discursive conditions are determined based on eight factors: the dominant view of international intellectuals, illustrative country cases, executive orientations, political will, the degree and the perceived causes of economic crisis, attitudes on the part of donor agencies, and the perceived outcomes of economic reforms. The paper seeks to prove this “discursive dominance” hypothesis for the Indian case through a cross-temporal, comparative review of the evolution of economic policy in India over six different phases.

"The Industrial Development of Bengal, 1900-1939. By A. Z. M. IFTIKHAR-UL-AWWAL. Delhi: Vikas Publishing House, 1982. pp. 256 (Distributed in the U.S. and Canada by Advent Books, New York.) "

PREFACE:

The present work examines the industrial experience of Bengal during the period 1900 to 1939 with particular emphasis on the role of the government as the main instrument for growth. For this work, available statistical material has been utilized for the sake of precision as well as to strengthen the qualitative evidence. The book contains eight chapters. While Chapter I builds up the case for industrial development, Chapter II examines in detail the industrial policy of the Bengal government in the light of its own limitations as a subordinate authority to the Government of India and that of Whitehall. Chapter III is an investigation of the labour market in Bengal with emphasis on the supply of labour to jute, tea and coal industries in relation to wages and conditions of work. In Chapter IV, I have examined the rates of profitability and security of industrial investments. In this chapter, I have also examined the financial institutions of the time and their role in the industrial development of the province. Chapter V points to some of the difficulties experienced by Indian entrepreneurs, and in the above light looks at their contribution to the larger industrial establishments of Bengal. The next two Chapters VI and VII examine the growth and development of the two biggest manufacturing industries of our period--jute and handloom cotton weaving industries. The concluding chapter is an estimate of the industrial progress made in the province during the period under review.

This book is a slightly revised version of my Ph.D. thesis submitted to the University of London in 1978. In the preparation of this thesis, I have accumulated an enormous debt of gratitude to my Supervisor, Dr. K. N. Chaudhuri whose careful vigilance and timely intervention saved me from many factual errors and infelicities of style. My thanks are also due to Mr. I. B. Harrison, who went through some of my preliminary chapters during the absence of Dr Chaudhuri in 1975-76 and made many useful observations. I am also indebted to Dr. Sirajul Islam of Dacca University for helping me with some necessary corrections.

Here I take this opportunity also to express my deep gratitude to the UK Commonwealth Commission which offered me a scholarship for three years which enabled me to undertake this research work. Needless to say, without their financial help it would have been virtually impossible to pursue this course of studies. I also wish to thank the University of Dacca for granting me the necessary study leave.

There remains also a special group of people - without whose co-operation, patience and tolerance, this work would not have seen the light of day. In this group belong the library staff of the British Library (including the Newspaper Section at Colindale), Senate House Library, the library of the School of Oriental and African Studies, and particularly, the India Office Library and Records (including their Newspaper Section at the Bush House). I take this opportunity to thank Mr. J. Sims of the India Office Library and Records for being so helpful in tracking down apparently untraceable official documents. I wish to thank the staff of the Bangladesh Secretariat Record Room and of the Secretariat Library, Dacca for extending me all possible facilities in carrying out my research work. Finally, I owe a special debt of gratitude to my wife, Lilly whose support and constant encouragement over these years was invaluable in completing this work.

ABSTRACT Although Kautilya does not provide any formal analysis, his approach contains almost all the ingredients of a game theory. He was certainly not aware of the numerous new jargons, such as sequential rationality, Bayes-Nash equilibrium, subgame perfection, backward induction, and forward induction, which have been added to the vocabulary during the past few decades to study strategic interactions. However, he clearly lays out an extensive form of a game and lists all the possible options available to a king on each node. He incorporates foresight, asymmetric information, and the possibility of ‘time inconsistency’ into his analysis of strategic interactions.

The Timi-Kurm or Whale-Turtle festival is a novel effort that links a diverse group of stakeholders to share a collective appreciation of our natural environment and facilitate holistic conservation of marine, coastal, and terrestrial resources in Karwar, India. Besides environmental education, a key focus the 3-day Timi-Kurm fest was to build monetary and in-kind support for the true environmental stewards — the traditional and vulnerable small-scale fishing communities of India.
The word “timi” in Sanskrit means a whale, and “kurm” means a turtle – the name was chosen to signify the cultural and enduring relationship Indians have with the marine environment since ancient times. Dolphins and whales are aquatic throughout their life but sea turtles need both the land and the sea, for example, a female sea turtle buries her eggs on the beach sand for incubation.
The link between land and sea is not limited to these magnificent creatures, but the same bond exists between humans and the sea. Our coastal communities and the wider world depend on the oceans for food. But the oceans play a more prominent role in our lives by influencing earth’s climate, by being a source for oil, minerals, and other valuable resources, and by housing an incredible diversity of animals and plants that have spawned eco-tourism activities worldwide.
Cultivating an enduring relationship with the marine environment and making critical links with the coastal communities, especially traditional fishing communities is integral to all of Terra Marine Research Institute (TeMI’s) activities and the Timi-Kurm fest!
To meet this goal, TeMI networks with the local fishing community and public, and government & non-government environmental organisations, academic, corporate and non-profit sectors from coastal, rural, and urban areas. Smart wildlife conservation happens best when conservation awareness, responsibility and positive action are inspired by people from different backgrounds and disciplines.
Traditional subsistence fishing communities are found throughout the Indian coast including the islands of the Andaman and Nicobar and Lakshadweep. Their methods of fishing are largely environment friendly, but are sadly being displaced, due to pressure from industrial fisheries, leaving them with scarce fish to catch.
The Timi-Kurm fest has made its beginning in Karwar and will simultaneously cater to similar needs in the bordering state of Goa, primarily due to significant environmental concerns and collaboration interests expressed by major stakeholders and participants during the 2013 Timi-Kurm fest held in Karwar.

The Timi-Kurm  festival does not conclude as a mere three day event. Its objectives are long-term, and include:

1)  To empower coastal communities in India to holistically conserve marine and terrestrial resources in the  Western Ghats bordering the coasts.
2) To support the welfare of artisanal or traditional fishing communities in the Karwar region and nationally.
3) To engage in conservation-oriented research and awareness efforts with local communities, integrating local traditional knowledge and scientific approaches.
4) To boost the local economy where the fests is held and build capacity by encouraging conservation champions among both the wildlife enthusiast and marginalized communities.

The lending environment in the Indian commercial banking industry changed considerably in the reform years following widening of priority sector definition, dismantling of Credit Authorisation Scheme and introduction of risk-based supervision. In this context, the present article attempts to compare the performances of commercial banks in the reform period in respect of lending (in a cost minimisation framework) making use of Data Envelopment Analysis-a non-parametric method which is quite suitable for making inter-(productive) unit comparison.

The paper analyses the total factor productivity (TFP) of crop sector at the district/region levels and identifies the sources of TFP growth in the Indo-Gangetic Plain. The study concludes that TFP growth is decelerating and large areas under crops in a number of districts are ...

Even after nearly two hundred years of British rule over Bengal, the industrial development of the province remained pitiful. Various causes such as lack of enterprise and industrial aptitude among the people, shyness of capital, want of skilled manpower, smallness of market, underdeveloped communication system, religious and social structure, lack of sufficient raw materials, uneconomic outlook of the people, etc. have been held to be responsible for the poor industrial performance of the province. However, most of these alleged inhibiting factors were not altogether irremovable ills. Armed with unlimited power, the state by undertaking a positive role could not only remove hindrances to industrial development, but also through appropriate policy decisions promote its cause.

The pioneering role of the state in the industrialisation of the West and Japan are shining examples in this direction. This was exactly what the people of India also demanded from the state. They piously hoped that by the joint cooperation of the Government and the people, there appears to be no reason why India, with all its natural advantages, should not reach equal, if not a higher standard among the manufacturing nations of the world. But were their expectations fulfilled? Did the government (government at all levels) pay heed to the needs and potential of industrial, development? If so, how large was their participation? This paper is an attempt to bring forth the amount and degree of state endeavours in resolving the basic problems of Bengal's industrialisation.

The paper is divided into five sections. Policy measures pertaining to tariff questions, stores purchase, the question of capital supply and enterprise are discussed in the first four sections, and the fifth is a general survey of the industrial activities of the government during the period under review.

This article examines the implications penetration and expansion of what is often called “organised retail” or “modern retail” , though “corporate retail” would be the more accurate term.  Those who support corporate retail have argued that this is a positive development, one that will lead to a sea change in the conditions of consumption and production in India.  It will herald lower prices, more choice, less wastage and economic growth.
We argue here that this positive picture is a misrepresentation.  The growth of corporate retail not only will not address the key problems plaguing India's economy today – it will greatly exacerbate many of them.  In particular, the crisis in agriculture, environmental destruction, declines in land productivity, urban unemployment, price volatility and unequal access to resources would all be worsened by unchecked growth of corporate retail.  This article focuses on food retail, the subject of most of the debate.

Regimes around the world are experimenting with combinations of economic liberalization and revived state-activist strategies, producing 'new developmentalist' hybrids. This article suggests that a distinctive variant of new developmentalism is emerging in India. Its paradigmatic example crystallized in Gujarat, before and during Narendra Modi's tenure as chief minister (2001–14), and was taken national during Modi's first term as India's prime minister (2014–19). While scholars have highlighted the aggressively pro-business industrial policy of the 'Gujarat model', closer examination reveals that this state intervention was more direct and extensive than previously acknowledged. The state took on a diversity of functions, particularly focused on infrastructure. These included not only classic developmental activities such as midwifing new industries or supporting select private enterprises, but also corrective functions: disciplining consumers, compensating reform losers, and repairing the bureaucratic apparatus. Today, in the face of predictions of radical deregulation or corporate rule, this reinvented statism is visible at the all-India level. However, its history also illustrates the brittleness of India's new developmentalism, including its tendencies towards incumbency bias, resource misallocation, and debt. Political responses have often weakened accountability rather than tackling underlying problems. Both in India and elsewhere, the sustainability of new developmentalism appears uncertain.

Since 1951, India has fully fledged as a planned economy. The first few plans focused on growth with strengthening  of  the  manufacturing  and  industrial  sector  to  form  the  backbone  of  the  Indian  economy.  Other principal  areas  of  planning  were  agriculture,  poverty  alleviation,  employment generation,  social  development etc.  Back  in  1991,  India  saw  itself  battling  its  most  critical  economic  and  currency  crisis  ever,  but  after economic  reforms  and  adopting  the  policy  of  LPG  (Liberalization,  Privatization,  and Globalization)  Indian economy  performed well. Then again due to global financial crisis in 2008 Indian economy  again interrupted and going through another turbulent phase. This paper analysis Indian economy from 1991-2013.
Key words: Indian Economy, Economic crisis, Global financial crisis

It has become common in the literature to compare India and China, two remarkably growing economies, but these comparisons often do not take into account the institutional differences between these two countries. We have in this paper done a comparative analysis of banking institutions in China and India taking into accounts the contentious issue of nonperforming loans along with the issue of use of banks to provide countervailable subsidies to exporting organizations.

This article, published at www.thehinducentre.com critically assesses the implications of a debate on the contributions of two distinguished economists, Amartya Sen and Jagdish Bhagwati, and revisits issues of growth and equity. It argues that that to better understand, and gain, from the debate, it is essential to place it in the context of India’s fight against poverty and the performance of its social sector.

The implementation of economic reforms under new economic policies in India was associated with a paradigmatic shift in monetary and fiscal policy. While monetary policies were solely aimed at “price stability” in the neoliberal regime, fiscal policies were characterized by the objective of maintaining “sound finance” and “austerity.” Such monetarist principles and measures have also loomed over the global recession. This paper highlights the theoretical fallacies of monetarism and analyzes the consequences of such policy measures in India, particularly during the period of the global recession. Not only did such policies pose constraints on the recovery of output and employment, with adverse impacts on income distribution; but they also failed to achieve their stated goal in terms of price stability. By citing examples from southern Europe and India, this paper concludes that such monetarist policy measures have been responsible for stagnation, with a rise in price volatility and macroeconomic instability in the midst of the global recession.

With the May CPI numbers raising fears of stagflation, and the US Fed announcing overnight that it will start taking baby steps towards tapering bond purchases, new issues arise as to how macroeconomic policy in India should respond.With both stagflation and the trilemma rearing their ugly heads at the same time it is difficult to see what more the central bank can do. Fiscal policy needs to address triple whammy of inflation, low growth, threat of capital outflows

A new IMFG Forum Paper, Requiem for an Institution: The End of the Indian Planning Commission, brings together commentaries on the birth of the National Institution for Transforming India Aayog (NITI Aayog). While it is early days for this new advisory body, these preliminary commentaries offer insights into its likely direction, and raise universal questions about how to get the relationship between central, state, and local governments right.

Value Added Tax (VAT) has been introduced in India in place of Sales Tax with effect from April 1, 2005. These taxes are in the domain of different state governments within the federal set up in India. Although VAT is widely acclaimed to be a better system than the sales taxes on grounds of efficiency and tax collection, there is no study undertaken which has addressed the direction of this tax reform from the angle of its possible impact on poverty reduction. This paper analyses this question with the help of concentration curves, Lorenz curve and consumption dominance curves of various orders. The conclusions reached from six major states in India, namely Bihar, Gujarat, Karnataka, Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra and West Bengal using National Sample Survey Unit Level data for the 55 th round is that there are scopes of improvement in the design of VAT reform with respect to some items predominantly consumed by the relatively poorer groups.

Although the link between the stock market and monetary policy is nebulous in the Indian context, it is perceived to be significant in popular perception. Towards explaining this disconnect, we probe the impact of Indian and US monetary policy announcements on disaggregated sectoral stock indices using the identification through heteroscedasticity approach. Our findings suggest differential impact of monetary policy on stocks across sectors. Illustratively, in terms of monetary policy surprises, the impact on the stocks of banking and financial services as well as the realty sector turns out to be significant. In contrast, sectors like media, metal, pharmaceuticals, information technology or fast moving consumer goods are found to be unresponsive. Interestingly, US unconventional monetary policy (quantitative easing) measures are found to have an impact on fast moving consumer goods and the media sector. These findings are attributed to: (1) dominance of the bank lending channel; (2) predominance of public sector visa -vis private banks; (3) significant influence of monetary policy on demand for housing and automobiles; (4) relative ineffectiveness of the asset-price channel of monetary transmission; and (5) sectorspecific affects arising out of financial liberalisation.

In view of the changed scenario in the Indian banking sector during the reform period, the present paper tries to make a comparison of fund based operating performance and total factor productivity growth of select Indian commercial banks (20 public sector, eight private sector and two foreign commercial banks) for the five year period 2000-01 to 2004-05 using Data Envelopment Analysis and Malmquist total factor productivity (TFP) index. The results obtained from the exercise indicate substantial fluctuations in mean technical efficiency scores for the observed years. The mean technical efficiency of the in-sample private and foreign banks is somewhat higher than the in-sample public sector banks. Further, most of the in-sample banks exhibit decreasing returns to scale. In so far as total factor productivity growth is concerned, the in-sample public sector commercial banks exhibited relatively higher Malmquist Total Factor Productivity index than the in-sample private sector banks. Decomposition of the total factor productivity growth rate into technical efficiency change and technical change components reveals that across the groups the commercial banks exhibit rising technical efficiency but negative technical change.

It has been estimated by the Integrated Energy Policy of Planning Commission of India (in August 2006) that to achieve the target power generation capacity of 8 lakh MW by 2031-32 in the country, India would need a massive coal availability level of over 2 billion tons / annum based on the present quality of domestic coal. India currently holds the position of being the world's third largest coal producing country producing 638.05 (Provisional) million tons in 2015-16. It also is the fourth largest importer of coal with 199.88 Mt (Provisional) being imported during 2015-16. The import requirement projection by 2016-17 is 265 Mt under the 'business as usual scenario' and about 185 Mt under the 'optimistic scenario'. Now due to the constantly rising demand for coal and the availability of lesser amounts of indigenous and low-quality coal, India has had to rely on such hefty imports which have increased over time. And this gap has been projected to widen further due to the burgeoning demand from infrastructural and heavy investment sectors. In this context, this paper shall look into the trends of past imports of coal of India and how it has complemented domestic coal production in bridging the demand-supply gap of coal in the country by augmenting the supply of coal.

This paper presents an evolutionary algorithms based constrain-guided method (CGM) that is capable of handling both hard and soft constraints in optimization problems. While searching for constraintsatisfied solutions, the method differentiates candidate solutions by assigning them with different fitness values, enabling favorite solutions to be distinguished more likely and more effectively from unfavored ones.

This article hypothesizes that economic reforms become sustainable when the discursive conditions prevailing in society tip against the existing paradigm under exceptional circumstances. Thus, unless the pro-liberalization constituencies dominate the development discourse, economic reforms, initiated under the exigencies of crisis and conditionalities, or carried out by a convinced executive with or without the stimulus of a crisis, will be reversed. The discursive conditions are determined based on eight factors: the dominant view of international intellectuals, illustrative country cases, executive orientations, political will, the degree and the perceived causes of economic crisis, attitudes on the part of donor agencies, and the perceived outcomes of economic reforms. The paper seeks to prove this "discursive dominance" hypothesis for the Indian case through a cross-temporal, comparative review of the evolution of economic policy in India over six different phases.