History of the British Empire

The following essay aims to elaborate a comparative study between the political theories of Kant and Hobbes, based on the second part of the Kantian essay "Theory and Practice". The first part of the essay studies the legitimizing sources suggested by Kant and Hobbes to explain the need for a civil state. The second part analyzes the three republican principles suggested by Kant and compares them with the Hobbesian proposal. The third part studies the direct critique of Kant to Hobbes; it shows how Kant presents his critique in a way that highlights his principle of independence, absent in Hobbes. Finally, starting from an important point of convergence between the authors-the defense of an absolute duty of obedience-, other interpretative possibilities are explored in order to investigate the possibility of finding a recognition or a prudent openness to the question of disobedience.

Questa scheda analizza il territorio di Curaçao ed è parte di Europa d’Oltremare: un Atlante delle culture, realizzato da Arcipelago Europa – Centro di ricerca su Culture, Società e Ambienti nell’Europa d’Oltremare.  Europa d’Oltremare: un Atlante delle culture è un progetto di pubblicazione che mira a diffondere la conoscenza degli Oltremare europei ponendo attenzione alle relazioni sociali e agli ambienti, alle peculiarità linguistiche, culturali e istituzionali, alle relazioni interetniche e alle diseguaglianze socioeconomiche, alle forme di autonomia e alle rivendicazioni di sovranità. Si tratta di un atlante socioculturale composto di schede dedicate ai singoli Paesi e Territori d’Oltremare (PTOM) e Regioni Ultraperiferiche (RUP) dell’Unione europea. Le schede sono curate da Arcipelago Europa in collaborazione con docenti, ricercatori, ricercatrici, specialisti e specialiste degli e dagli Oltremare.

This article examines the material history of the Thomas Thistlewood Papers—diaries of an 18th-century English overseer and enslaver in Jamaica—to show how scholarly labor creates monetary value. Tracing the Thistlewood papers from 1786 through their 2011 sale to Yale University, it demonstrates how the intellectual work of Caribbean scholars transformed these manuscripts from obscurity into one of the most valuable collections for slavery studies. While this scholarship has provided crucial insights into enslaved experiences, it has also enriched private collectors and elite institutions rather than Caribbean communities or descendant populations. Drawing on Saidiya Hartman's concept of "inheritance," Gerbner argues that scholars must recognize how their research creates "archival capital" and calls for reparative approaches to archival acquisition and stewardship.

This essay charts a middle course between the old, basically Pākehā orthodoxy that sovereignty was ceded by Māori in the Treaty of Waitangi, and the newer orthodoxy that Māori never ceded sovereignty to the British Crown. The essay argues instead that government was the main paradigm of the historic treaty: it was government or kāwanatanga that was ceded or agreed to by Māori. The Treaty, or te Tiriti, was designed to remedy the absence of a civil authority or government that could maintain public order amongst Pākehā settlers but also between tribes and settlers. Specific issues were external protection (from foreign powers) and internal regulation of Pākehā settlement, of major crimes, of the trade in land and goods, and of intertribal warfare. Internal tribal (hapū) regulation of whenua and custom (tino rangatiratanga) would be left largely intact. The essay is written against the background of the recent literature on legal pluralism in the British empire, but it primarily conducts a cultural-linguistic analysis of what civil government/ kāwanatanga in te Tiriti, article one, meant in British political tradition. It then argues that this core concept of government and other accompanying symbols or concepts, including monarchy and law (ture), constituted an emerging, hybrid (crosscultural) political tradition during the 1830s-50s in New Zealand. This emerging tradition is reflected in both English and Māori language texts of the Treaty-te Tiriti, and thus, as an interpretive frame, also assists in reconciling the meaning of the two texts.

На зрелом и позднем этапах развития Британской империи образцом применения властями «жёсткой» и «мягкой силы» оставалась Индия. При режимах как автократии (1858–1919), так и диархии (1919–1947) британцы располагали целым спектром инструментов обоих видов силы и их сочетания, которому Дж. Най нашёл название «умной силы». Инструменты «жёсткой силы» включали рычаги прямого управления в провинциях и косвенного в княжествах, а также определённый удельный вес метрополии в индийской экономике. Инструментами «мягкой силы» служили привлекательность Британии как модели парламентаризма и экономического либерализма и поощрение верноподданных системой наград и титулов. «Умную силу» составляли реформирование административной системы Индии в сторону «ответственного правительства» и позиционирование властями себя как прислушивающихся к чаяниям религиозных и этнических меньшинств. Хотя на протяжении периода 1858–1947 гг. колониальные власти пускали в ход инструменты всего спектра, экономическая эмансипация и рост национального самосознания вели к выхолащиванию экономической составляющей «жёсткой силы» и обесцениванию инструментов «силы мягкой». Это побуждало британцев делать всё больший акцент на репрессивную составляющую «жёсткой силы», а также на «умную силу» (кнут и пряник). В условиях подъёма индийского крупного капитала и гандистского движения и то, и другое оказывалось всё более контрпродуктивным.

This article examines the double standard in British colonial discourse in India: the fierce rejection of stereotypes about British officials contrasted with the routine stereotyping of Indians as a homogeneous, backward “native race.” Drawing on administrative records, literary portrayals, and famine-era policies, it highlights how such representations justified economic extraction, political exclusion, and catastrophic neglect during famines. Case studies of figures from Lord Lytton to Winston Churchill reveal a continuity of racial hierarchy across the late Raj, culminating in attitudes toward the Bengal Famine that, to contemporary Indian observers, blurred the moral distinction between Britain’s wartime leader and its fascist adversary.

This article examines the cadet system paying special attention to its curriculum, aims and objectives in the context o f the discourse o f masculinity and martial orientation o f young lads as it afforded the young boys with a frontier o f experiences. The term cadet system refers to the physical training andpractical;..: teaching of young boys in the use and handling o f military< weapons as was done in almost all White dominated schools in Southern Rhodesia. The idea was mainly to instil a high sense o f civil defence and obedience among the youth in a society suffering from a strong siege mentality’. Furthermore, the British spirit o f volunteering was not popular among some of the White male settlers especially in a situation where every sector was facing manpower shortages. Lack o f involvement among settlers could have been caused by a strong belief in British naval ability as well as the use o f local natives as examples from India had proved successful. With regards to y...

In this paper we apply Anscombe's account of human linguistic practices and of intentional action in a novel way-to the acts, by members of the Ngāi Tahu tribe in colonial-era Aotearoa New Zealand, of writing Letters to the Editor of local and regional newspapers. We identify the salient contexts of those acts and then draw on Anscombe's work to identify intentional and moral actions that otherwise risk going unnoticed. Our analysis exemplifies Anscombe's and Wittgenstein's view that we can read off intentional action from behaviour in context and also yields a rich historical and conceptual account of the letter-writers. We argue that this approach has theoretical advantages for Indigenous and Postcolonial Studies.

This work brought a new dimension of cultural diffusion in the mid-seventeenth-century Mughal Bengal, highlighting the growth of European settlement and the spread of Christianity. There has been an established notion in the history of medieval Bengal that focused mostly on the relationship between Hindus and Muslims as a part of syncretism or composite culture. However, hardly any study has been conducted on the role of European settlement in the process of social and cultural diffusion. The discussion of this work is based on four fundamental aspects: firstly, the European settlement and spread of Christianity; secondly, a theological discourse between Hinduism and Christianity as reflected in a vernacular text; thirdly, the creation of new linguistic and cultural identity among the native converted Christians of Bengal; fourthly, Job Charnock and his relation with native Bengali society. This work used contemporary accounts of foreign travellers, vernacular texts, and secondary missionary and colonial records.

This collection emerges from a 2013 conference on cultural exchange in late medieval Britain, Ireland, and Italy, part of an ongoing project devoted to reception studies. For readers of this journal, interest is likely to focus on three central chapters dedicated to the social and economic history of Italians in late medieval England. The highlight is Helen Bradley's chapter, which makes use of a broad range of source materials including tax and customs records, bank records, and merchant correspondence. Then as now, crossing borders was a complex matter: brokers had to be found, taxes paid, licences obtained, and transport arranged. Relations were sometimes tense: Italians might face hostility from locals, and the anti-alien legislation of the fifteenth century further complicated matters. Although only a minority of Italians sought denization as a way of overcoming such barriers, citizenship offered a middle route that was taken up by many. Despite the background of hostility, Italians often forged close relations of credit and trust with their English customers. Exchange was also facilitated by the use of bank transfers: 129 Londoners had accounts with the Borromei bank in the 1430s. Italian merchants often married English women, and they took young Englishmen into their households to teach them the trade. Nor was contact confined to London: although the Italian community was clustered around Austin Friars in the City, merchants also had to travel out to provincial fairs to do business with suppliers. The paper presents a fascinating study of the practical aspects of doing business for Italian merchants at a variety of levels. A similar approach is taken in Bart Lambert's chapter, with a specific focus on the Lucchese community in London, drawing on fragmentary evidence from London, Bruges, and Lucca. Like other Italian merchants, the Lucchese exported English wool and cloth, but they specialized in the import of luxury silk cloths and in banking. Close relations were maintained with the community in Bruges, and many firms had employees split between the two cities. Again, some merchants found it convenient to take up formal denization, or purchased citizenship. Focusing on the Gigli family in particular, the chapter shows how merchant wealth, knowledge, and contacts could feed into successful careers for children, as in the case of the son of a Lucchese merchant who later became papal nuncio to England.

The paper describes the continuation in 1993–4 of the investigation into the Canal of Xerxes in the Chalkidiki, N. Greece. Effort was concentrated in the central sector of the isthmus, where geophysical survey using seismic methods revealed a channel-like structure some 14–15 m below the present ground level. Encouraging support for the hypothesis that this structure is a canal came from the analysis of cores from two boreholes in the central sector: there was a marked discontinuity in the sediments at a depth of c.14.6 m. Radiocarbon dates of some sediments from these boreholes provided useful ancillary information.

The introduction of the article includes the justification of the necessity to determine the role of the English Muscovy Company in the study of the geography of North America in the last quarter of the 16 th century. The monopoly of the Muscovy Company and the significance of this commercial firm in the discovery of the northeast coast and Arctic waters of North America have not yet been studied. Documents (charters, reports, letters, petitions, and treatises) directly related to the organization of English voyages to the American Arctic waters, as well as diplomatic documents, are used as materials. Analysis. The reasons and circumstances of the Muscovy Company's monopoly on the search for the NorthWest Passage in North America are studied. The company's contribution to the organization of the expeditions of Martin Frobisher in 1576 and John Davis in 1585-1587 is determined. The attempts of the Cathay Company and Humphrey Gilbert at the turn of the 1570s-1580s to deprive "Muscovite" merchants of this privilege are analyzed. It is proven that even at the beginning of the 17 th century, the Moscow Company retained a monopoly on the exploration of the Arctic seas. Results. With its monopoly on the search for the NorthWest Passage and its organizational and financial support, the Muscovy Company made an important contribution to the exploration of the northeastern coast of North America in the last quarter of the 16 th century. English navigators had the opportunity to explore Arctic waters, step by step shaping the modern geographical shape of North America on maps.

Т. Данная статья публикуется онлайн в сетевом научном журнале открытого доступа "Tractus aevorum" на условиях лицензии Creative Commons Attribution License, которая позволяет другим распространять эту работу с обязательным указанием ссылок на еѐ автора и оригинальную публикацию.

The nineteenth century competition between the Russian and British empires for control of Central Asia, known as “The Great Game,” is crucial to understanding twentieth-first-century American policy toward Afghanistan, Pakistan, and India. Until our involvement in the War on Terrorism after the attack on the World Trade Center in September 2001, Americans had little understanding of the geopolitical importance of Central Asia. The British and the Russians, on the other hand, had a history of diplomatic and military maneuvering in the nineteenth century for dominance in the region. From the Russian point of view, it was part of a larger struggle against Muslim conquest by the Tatars of southern Russia and the Crimean Peninsula; against the Safavid Persians in what is today Iran, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan, and Tajikistan; against the Ottoman Turks in the Crimean Peninsula and the Caucasus; and against the Mughals in India, China, and Tibet. For the British, the motivation was to protect the “Jewel in the Crown,” that is, its colony in India from Russian incursion by establishing a buffer in Afghanistan, the Sindh, the Northwest Frontier (Pakistan, today), Kashmir, and Tibet. Both countries sent out explorers to map and establish alliances with the Muslim nations, or khanates, that controlled the passes through the knot of mountains in the region. These khanates played one nation against another, and when trade ties and diplomacy failed, the British and the Russians sent military forces to conquer them.

The result of this “Great Game” has been the establishment of artificial nations created as buffer zones, such as Afghanistan (combining the Tajiks and Uzbeks in the north and the Pashtuns in the south and east), Pakistan (combining the Sindhs in the southwest, the Sikhs in the Punjab, and the Pashtuns in the Northwest Tribal Region), as well as a continuing dispute between India and Pakistan of Kashmir (where a Hindu maharaja ruled a mostly Muslim population). The so-called Durand Line of 1893 established a border between Afghanistan and India (later, Pakistan) that divided the Pashtun tribesmen on either side of the border and created an “unorganized area” in what has become known as the Tribal Areas (which includes the city of Peshawar and the strategic Khyber Pass) and North and South Waziristan (familiar to use today as the stronghold in Pakistan of the Taliban).

The Boshevik Revolution in 1917 may have replaced the Tsarist government with Communism, but it didn’t change Russian foreign policy toward Afghanistan. The Russian policy in the region culminated with the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan between 1978 and 1989 and the American support of the mujahedeen, the fundamentalist Muslims who eventually forced the Russians to withdraw from this region, which became known as “Graveyard of Empires.” This defeat led to the fall of the Soviet Union in December 1991 and the subsequent establishment of the independent states of Kazakhstan, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan, and Tajikistan. The Turkish-speaking Uighurs in the province of Xinjiang remained under Chinese domination as does the Buddhist mountain province of Tibet.

After the decline of the British Empire in the wake of World War II, the subcontinent in 1947 was divided into mostly Hindu India and mostly Muslim East and West Pakistan (the latter being divided after a brief war in 1971 into Bengali-speaking Bangladesh and Urdu speaking Pakistan). However, ethnic issues were left unresolved by borders established by the British that divided ethnic groups. In Afghanistan consists of Tajik and Uzbek tribes in the north, Pashtun tribes in the center, Baluchs in the southeast, and Hazari in the west. Pakistan has Pashtun tribes in its Northwest Frontier, Baluchs in the southwest, and Sikhs in the Punjab. And the dispute continues between Pakistan and India over India’s control of the mostly Muslim province of Kashmir.

The United States became involved in the region once we became a world power (or empire) after World War II. But we inherited a world of countries, whose borders were established by Russia and Britain in the nineteenth century. During the Cold War the United States supported Pakistan over neutral India and the mujahedeen against the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan. But after 9/11 the United States embarked upon the War on Terror overturning the Pashtun Taliban government because it gave shelter to Osama bin Laden and Al Qaeda. We replaced the Taliban with a corrupt Pashtun government led by Hamid Karzai, while the government of Pakistan played a double-hand, giving token support to the United States, but secret support to the Taliban so as not to alienate the Pashtuns in the Northwest Frontier Region. Now, with the American withdrawal from Afghanistan, the Taliban is on the verge of retaking the Afghan capital of Kabul. In that eventuality, the country might well divide into Pashtun and Tajik states. Pakistan continues to be threatened by Pashtun separatists, yet supports Muslim separatists in the Indian state of Kashmir. Meanwhile, Russia continues to suppress Muslim separatists in Chechnya and Daghestan, and China maintains control over Muslim Uighurs and Tibetan Buddhists.

Today, American diplomats think about this region in terms of those Islamists who have resorted to terrorism, such as the Taliban in Afghanistan and Pakistan, the Chechens and Daghestanis in the Caucasus, and the Uighurs in Xinjiang Province, China. Looking at the issues in the region in terms of the War on Terrorism has blinded our leaders from seeing the underlying issues of self-determination. By the same token, the Russians have convinced us that they are fighting terrorism in the Chechnya and Daghestan, the Chinese that they too are doing the same against the Uighurs. The reason why these Muslim populations are resorting to Islamist fundamentalism and terrorist tactics is not being addressed by military solutions. These issues are all related, and might better be resolved by diplomatic negotiations based on the principle of self-determination, rather than war.

Mustafa Kemal, later Paşa and Atatürk, wrote a letter to his longtime friend Nuri (Conker) in 1914 from Sofia, Bulgaria, where he was then the military attaché.  The letter was subsequently published in Istanbul in 1918 – the delay attributed by Mustafa Kemal to unspecified “restrictions”.  The letter focused primarily on the essence and virtues required for soldiering in the Ottoman Army and, in particular, on the need to espouse “initiative” at all rank levels.
At the end of the letter, Mustafa Kemal quoted from notes he took during battles with the Italian Army at Derne, Libya, during the Ottoman Army’s 1911-1912 guerrilla campaign with local Bedouin fighters against the Italians.  This is the last entry Mustafa Kemal included in the letter: “I was wounded by a bullet in my right arm.  Yet, even though I have been losing a great deal of blood, I will not withdraw from the battlefield so as not to adversely affect the troops’ morale.  If I die, Remzi Efendi is here with me and he will manage my troops in my stead.”
This is the English translation of Mustafa Kemal’s letter to Mehmet Nuri (Conker).

In Ocean of trade, Pedro Machado has successfully produced an engaging narrative that is a 'detailed and systematic study of particular South Asian [Vāniyā] merchant networks who, while operating under the umbrella of the Portuguese imperial state and contributing to its fiscal income, were attached to broader Indian Ocean currents' (p. 9). This book is extremely well-written, documented, and edited. Machado acknowledges that the focus of his opus in not entirely original: 'the extent of Indian commercial and financial dominance of the Portuguese imperial economy [in India and in East Africa] has been recognized to a certain extent' (p. 9); nevertheless, the strengths of this work outweigh that point altogether. There are three notable facets of this work that account for its strength. The first is its framework. Influenced in part by the late Jerry Bentley's focus on oceans, Machado does the oceanic framework justice as he situates Vāniyā merchant dexterity in trade and finance and moves them, their networks, and the primary objects of their commerce (Indian cotton piece-goods, ivory, slaves, silver) adroitly from production, markets, consumers, and exchange in Gujarat, by their ships at sea on and in the western Indian Ocean to the production, markets, consumers, and exchange on the shores and in the hinterlands of Mozambique in East Africa over the latter half of the eighteenth and first half of the nineteenth century. The second is its organization. After clearly outlining his framework in the introduction, Machado uses five chapters to develop his narrative and arguments. It is fair to say that the author's development of both is heavily influenced by, and almost fixated on, demand, consumers, and consumption, since this is how he launches into a good number of his chapters and organizes the individual analytical development of almost all of them (i.e. those chapters dealing in part or completely with discussions concerning inanimate and animate objects or commodities). This means almost the entire work i.e. in sections of chapter 2 where he discusses ships; in chapter 3, Indian cottons; in chapter 4 ivory; and in chapter 5 slaves. The latter incorporates and interweaves silver into a discussion of the wider world of slave trading and it also serves as the conclusion for this study. The third notable facet accounting for the strength of this study is Machado's analysis of this topic. Controlling and marshalling his evidence, he demonstrates ability in presenting and communicating complex and inter-related activity comprehensively and convincingly. This work and his analysis demonstrate both qualitative and quantitative acumen. He presents, describes, and comprehensively analyses the prowess of his protagonists (Vāniyā merchants), without exaggerating their theoretical and conceptual underpinnings, in worldmaking, with regard to power, wealth, and knowledge. Machado accomplishes this by navigating their and the Indian Ocean world they inhabited, employing, in a de facto manner, commodity chain analysis of the goods that dominated the milieu and environment and commercial world at that time of the Indian Ocean and the emerging global economy. As with most (if not all) ground-breaking work, Ocean of trade does have some weaknesses. They are obviously explicable and do not detract, in my opinion, from my highly favourable opinion of it. They may be categorized as a missed opportunity and I have some minor questions and quibbles about the interpretation of some of the evidence and about the state of the fields. However, I do not have the space to explore them here. Over the latter half of the eighteenth and first half of the nineteenth century, Vāniyā merchants, who are clearly Machado's protagonists, operated within and on the outside of, at the minimum, four (Portuguese, British, Maratha Confederacy, and Omani) imperial structures and spaces. Machado competently contextualizes his merchants' contacts and encounters with all of them. However, I found his examination of the Portuguese imperial

Table of Contents
PAGE
Introduction. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 5
I. The Fundamental Basis of Internationalism ........... 7
II. Geopolitics and the Background of Modern Wars ..... 11
III. The Eastern Question. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 17
IV. The Concert of Europe. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 23
V. The European Concert Ends in the East. . . . . . . . . . ... 26
VI. The New Order of Freedom. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ... 34
VII. The New Order Ends in the East. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .... 43
VIII. The Liberals Against the Conservatives and War ..... 50
IX. The Money Power in Power Politics ................. 59
X. The Secret Sixth Great Power ....................... 67
XI. A Study in Power. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 72
XII. The Problems of The Peace. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 79
XIII. The Five Ideologies of Space and Power. . . . . . . . . . . . .. 86
XIV. Conclusion........................................ 98
Index 106

«Любощі» — унікальна спроба реконструкції інтимного світу селян Речі Посполитої на тлі ранньомодерної Європи. Ґрунтуючись на доробку світової та польської історіографії, опрацювавши сотні судових справ сільських судів, значна частина яких походить із русько-польського прикордоння, Томаш Вісліч відтворив життя пересічних селян XVII–XVIII століть і показав їхнє приватне життя, що завжди перебувало в тіні великих історичних наративів та привілейованих верств суспільства. У книжці докладно описано дошлюбні стосунки, шлюб, позашлюбні зв’язки посполитих, їхні уявлення про тілесність і мораль, індивідуальний досвід та сексуальні практики, а також їхнє співіснування з усталеними релігійними та суспільними нормами. Для істориків, етнологів, соціальних та культурних антропологів, а також для широкого кола читачів, які прагнуть знати більше про неформальну сторону нашого минулого.

Поселенческая археология позднесредневекового и Нового времени сегодня находится на стадии формирования источниковой базы. В связи с этим актуальным является введение в научный оборот историко-археологических материалов изучения этих селений. В статье анализируется историческая топография деревни Коджа (Ходжа)-Сала. Для чего привлекаются документальные, письменные, картографические, фотографические и археологические источники. Деревня Ходжа-Сала располагалась у северного подножия мыса Чамну-бурун Мангупского плато, на стыке Каралезской долины и балки Джан-дере в Юго-Западном Крыму. Впервые она упоминается в дефтере № 370 1520 г. В последующем и особенно в XIX в. сведения о селении увеличиваются. В 1980-е гг. и начале XXI в. здесь были проведены археологические раскопки, лишь отчасти затронувшие несколько объектов. К интересующему нас времени относятся пять памятников: деревня Коджа (Ходжа)-Сала (XVI в. -1944 г.), деревянная мечеть XVIII - начала XX в., мусульманское кладбище, расположенное на югозападном склоне горной возвышенности Чердаклы-баир, водосборник второй половины XIX в. и остатки землянки (?) периода Крымской войны у входа в церковь Кильсе-Тубю (1855-1856 гг.). Собранные и проанализированные материалы позволяют говорить, что в селитебную зону входили постройки деревни, мечеть и мусульманское кладбище. В тальвеге Каралезской долины и в балке Джан-дере располагались сельскохозяйственные поля.

e kadar diğer devletler nezdinde daimî elçilikleri bulunmayıp gerekli durumlarda geçici olarak diğer devletlerin başkentlerine elçiler göndermekteydi. III. Selim Dönemi'nde Osmanlı mukim elçiliklerinin kurulmasıyla öncelikle Avrupa'nın önde gelen başkentlerinde sürekli diplomatik temsilci bulundurma geleneği başladı. Diğer yandan 19. yüzyılda çeşitli vesilelerle fevkalade elçi gönderme geleneği devam etti. Bahse konu fevkalade elçilikler, yabancı devletleri ve hükümdarları farklı vesilelerle tebrik etmek, baş sağlığı dilemek, Osmanlı coğrafyasına yakın bölgelere gelen Avrupalı hükümdarlara nezaketen hoş geldin ziyaretinde bulunmak, belirli konferans, kongre gibi uluslararası platformlarda Osmanlı Devleti'ni temsil etmek gibi sebeplerle oluşturulmaktaydı. Osmanlı dış siyasetinin ve diplomasisinin önemli yapı taşları olarak görülebilecek ve özellikle 19. yüzyılın ikinci yarısında göze çarpan bu gibi fevkalade elçilikler, Osmanlı Devleti'ni ve padişahı temsil etmek görevi dışında, dönemin önemli iç ve dış meseleleri hakkında ilgili devletlerin hükümdarları ve bürokratlarıyla görüş alışverişinde bulunmak, ilgili konu hakkında o devletin fikrini ve tavrını anlamak, kısacası uluslararası meseleleri tartışma imkânı bularak buna göre siyaset geliştirmek üzerine bir fonksiyonu da yerine getir-* Bu çalışma, Türkiye Bilimler Akademisi, Üstün Başarılı Genç Bilim İnsanları Ödülleri Programı (TÜBA-GEBİP) tarafından desteklenen "Son Dönem Osmanlı Diplomasisinde Emperyal Tebrik: Cülus, Jübile ve Taç Giyme" başlıklı projenin ürünüdür. (TÜBA-GEBİP-2017/35).

Statements made by Argentine politicians declaring that the Argentine population was expelled from the Falklands by the British in 1833 are false. It is evident that settlers remained, enabling them to send produce to Buenos Aires after the garrison was evicted. Pinedo’s statement made on 16th January 1833 confirms that the settlers were encouraged to stay on by the British and Bonifacio Del Carril's statement to the UN Fourth Committee in 1965 confirms that the British only evicted a small Argentine garrison.

This paper is concerned with States and statecraft in Borneo. It explores the
demands that States made on the populations that they claimed and sought to rule and the contributions to the lives of those people that States offered. It seeks to identify the forms and expressions of domination and dependency, as well as the forms and expressions of collaboration, compliance and resistance. In doing so, it also explores the extent to which the need for conflict resolution and peace-making was an inevitable product of the political economies and political cultures of States and tribes and, additionally, the factors which inhibited the establishment by either States or tribes of widespread or enduring peace.

The paper draws on traditional Malay narratives such as the Silsilah Raja Raja Brunei, Tufhat al Nafis, Silsilah Melayu dan Bugis dan Sakalian Raja-raja-nya and Hikayat Banjar, Dayak oral traditions and contemporaneous European records.

The British Raj in India was maintained through the colonial armies and the bureaucracy. While the British Indian Army was in charge of controlling the colony through the military force, the bureaucracy was functioning as a vital element to sustain the administration system of India. Indian civil officers were having dual identities due to their special condition within the colonial context. As civil officers working for the colonial government, majority of them were internally closer to the British Raj, hence they were mentally isolated from the people of their race in his community. Simultaneously, they cognized the existence of the discrimination based on the colonial hierarchy. This article aims to trace the scenes that conflict of their identities generated within the colonial hegemony of the society they belonged to.

revolutions are system failures, they don't erupt out of nowhere not born from chaos, but from coherence breaking down and stems from a frustration of a class. They're signals that the system still functionsbut not for everyone They arise when a system continues to functionjust not for everyone. A revolution is the scream of a class left behind, excluded, or exploited by structures that benefit others. The system worksbut selectively. It distributes wealth, opportunity, power, and justice in ways that feel rigged or inaccessible to a growing segment of the population.

In the new issue of the journal "Humanitarian Vision" were published articles by Oleksiy Moroz about the military component of the European Union's security activities in the context of russian-Ukrainian war; the article by Lesia Dorosh, in which she analyses and clarifies the options for cooperation of 26 EU Member States within the framework of PESCO; the article by Nataliia Khoma about African vector of Ukrainian foreign policy; the article by Bohdan Peredrii on the transformation of the concept of transgression in Nick Land’s philosophy, particularly in relation to Georges Bataille’s philosophy and Land’s project of accelerationism. Also, there were published two reviews. The first is prepared by Andriy Hnativ, who reviewed Augustyn Babyak’s book “For love of his people. The heroic life of Metropolitan Andrey Sheptytsky (1865–1944)” (2023) envisaging a virtuous life of apostolic and prophetic voice, a charismatic figure in the history of the Ukrainian nation and church. The researcher shapes heroic virtues of Metropolitan Andrey Sheptytsky’s spirituality providing a more systematic presentation of his historical mission among the Italian audience. The second is prepared by Andrii Kadykalo, who reviewed  Denys Pylypovych's monograph "Skoworodiana polskie: Recepcja myśli filozoficznej i twórczości literackiej Hryhorija Skoworody w Polsce." (2022). It is a good complement which helps to rethink Skovoroda’s literary and philosophical heritage in the history of Ukrainian philosophy and Slavic studies.

The recording of two unpublished moulds in the storeroom of the Prehistoric Collections of the National Archaeological Museum, Athens, presented here, provide the stimulus for a re-examination of the construction method of the bezeled/signet rings of Mycenaean times. The moulds, one of semi-cylindrical shape and the other rectangular, belong to a limited class of items from Crete, Mainland Greece, and Enkomi, Cyprus.It is possible that such moulds have served for the construction of the wax model of the artefacts, in the lost wax technique and not directly for the cast of gold, since the very construction of them, which is time-consuming and necessitates the skills of specialized craftsmen, indicates that they did not serve for a single use but rather for several uses. On the other hand, even steatite, the stone mostly used for such moulds, cannot adhere to continuous pressure to high temperatures, necessary for casting gold.Στην παρούσα μελετη καταγράφονται δύο αδημοσίευτες μήτρες ...

Surprisingly few histories of British-Habsburg diplomatic relations have appeared over the years; both during the period when the Austrian/Austro-Hungarian empire was seen as an historical anachronism, and in the more recent renaissance of Habsburg and Austrian studies. This paper serves to remedy that situation through an analysis of British political cartoons published during the reign of Franz Joseph I (1848-1916), a time in which the conduct of foreign affairs was still very much an elite preoccupation, and in which popular attitudes towards diplomacy were expressed ever more stridently in the press. This was especially so in the medium of political cartoons. Political cartoons are a useful tool to the historian for more than one reason, as this paper will show.

Tous droits réservés © Les Éditions Cap-aux-Diamants inc., 1990 Ce document est protégé par la loi sur le droit d'auteur. L'utilisation des services d'Érudit (y compris la reproduction) est assujettie à sa politique d'utilisation que vous pouvez consulter en ligne. Cet article est diffusé et préservé par Érudit. Érudit est un consortium interuniversitaire sans but lucratif composé de

During the period of Aurangzeb, Hanafi Fiqh was an integral component of Islamic jurisprudence in the Mughal Empire when the Muslim population also saw a tremendous rise. This paper examines Hanafi Fiqh during that period with a focus on Fatwa-e-Alamgiri, which is regarded as the most significant work of Aurangzeb, functioning as an all-inclusive legal codex of marriage, divorce, inheritance, and criminal law. Being a devoted Muslim and having been a prolific writer in his time , Aurangzeb played an effective role in promoting Hanafi principles. This paper investigates the historical context of the Fatwa-e-Alamgiri, its worth in advancing Hanafi Fiqh, and effects on subsequent scholars such as Shaikh Nizamuddin Burhanpuri and Shah Waliullah. Moreover, it will discuss the predicaments faced by Hanafi jurists and their subsequent responses. Finally, this dissertation will contribute to enhancing our understanding of Mughal Empire's Islamic jurisprudence and its continuing legacy upon the Muslim world today.

Выдающийся левый лидер Индийского национального конгресса Субхас Чандра Бос (1897-1945?) в годы Второй мировой войны ради освобождения Родины сотрудничал с Германией и Японией. В его деятельности ярко проявилась проблема восточного коллаборационизма, т.е. сотрудничества доли азиатских элит с державами «оси». После войны таких восточных политиков безоговорочно клеймили как предателей. Однако к концу XX в. к проблеме стали подходить взвешеннее, в том числе под влиянием работ Э. Саида.
Проблема восточного коллаборационизма неоднозначна. С одной стороны, союз таких фигур, как Бос, со странами нацистского блока вносил некоторый вклад в укрепление позиций этих стран. С другой стороны, вменение в вину антиколониальным деятелям сотрудничества с «осью» чревато европоцентризмом.
Восточный коллаборационизм был предсказуемой реакцией колониальных обществ на тяготы империализма. Мировоззрение борцов с ним было сформировано десятилетиями гнёта, хуже которого они ничего не видели. Союз Боса с «осью» был не идеологическим, а лишь геополитическим. К тому же он ограничил союз действиями против Раджа. И хотя действовал Бос в отведённом ему «коридоре», называть его марионеткой едва ли правомерно.
Клеймо коллаборациониста служит не столько причиной неприятия Боса, сколько предлогом. Британцы не прощают ему того, что именно он стал могильщиком их империи. Конгрессистские лидеры замалчивали заслуги Боса, так как его образ выставлял в невыгодном свете их как соглашателей с уходящей колониальной державой.
И всё же выбор Босом союзников представляется неверным. Последовательность завела его не туда: стремясь к свободе Родины, Бос «сформировал туннельное видение» (Р. Мукерджи). В неоднозначной политической позиции Боса в годы Второй мировой войны отразилась сложность индийского национально-освободительного движения. Будучи многосоставным, оно неизбежно разрывалось между попытками конституционного диалога с колониальным хозяином и стремлением избавиться от него любыми средствами.

During the Second World War the outstanding left leader of the Indian National Congress Subhas Chandra Bose (1897-1945?) for the sake of his Motherland’s liberation cooperated with Germany and later with Japan. In his activity the problem of Oriental collaborationism manifested itself clearly, i.e., the cooperation of the part of Asian elites with the Axis powers. After the war such Oriental politicians were unreservedly branded as traitors. But by the late twentieth century the problem began being tackled in the more considered manner, among other things due to the influence of E. Said’s works.
The problem of Oriental collaborationism is an ambiguous one. On the one hand, the union of such figures as Bose with the Nazi block countries made some contribution to the strengthening of the positions of these countries. On the other hand, the anti-colonial leaders’ incrimination of collaborationism with the Axis powers is fraught with Eurocentrism.
Oriental collaborationism was a predictable reaction of colonial societies to the hardships of imperialism. The world view of its antagonists was formed by the decades of oppression, and they had not seen anything worse. Bose’s union with the Axis was not ideological but merely geopolitical. Besides he confined this union to the actions against the Raj. And although Bose acted in some “corridor” designated to him, one can hardly call him a puppet.
The brand of collaborationist serves not so much the cause of resentment towards Bose as the pretext. The British do not forgive him the fact that actually it was he who proved to be the grave digger of their empire. Congress leaders hushed up Bose’s merits since his image put themselves in an invidious position as the compromisers with the leaving colonial power.
Yet in the final analysis Bose’s choice of allies seems to be false. His consistency led him astray: striving for his Motherland’s freedom Bose “cultivated a tunnel vision” (R. Mukherjee). In Bose’s questionable political position during the Second World War there reflected the complexity of the Indian national liberation movement. Being multicomponent, it inevitably was torn between the attempts of a constitutional dialogue with the colonial master and the aspiration to get rid of him by any means.

هذا الكتاب "العجيب" الذي نضعه اليوم بين يدي القارئ (والصادر للمرَّة الأولى في الإسكندرية عام 1878م)؛ ليس عن أفغانستان كما قد يبدو للوهلة الأولى بأثرٍ من عُنوانه، وموضوعه، ومقدار التفاصيل المبسوطة عن إقليم الأفغان ومعيشتهم! ولكنه -على نقيض ظاهره تمامًا- الحلقة الأولى من عناية السيد "المدوَّنة" بالشأن المصري.
إذ ما الذي قد يدفع السيد جمال الدين -وهو السياسي المحنَّك البصير- إلى تأليف كتاب عن أفغانستان وهو مُقيمٌ في مصر مشغولٌ بحالها، إبَّان ما ستكشف الأيامُ عن أنه أخطرُ مُنعطَف سياسي في تاريخها الحديث؟! وهل لهذا النمط من التأليف المركَّب -والأشبه بالمرآة- من سلف في التقاليد الفلسفيَّة الإسلاميَّة؛ يمكن من خلاله استيعاب طبيعة ما يفعله السيد؟!
كل ذلك سيُجيب عنه هذا النصُّ الفذُّ الذي صار بين يدي القارئ؛ إذ ينفتح له بالتصدير الماتع الذي تقَدَّمه. بيد أن ما يعنينا الإشارةُ إليه في هذا المقام هو أن السيد قد اتخذ من تاريخ الأفغان وجهادهم "القريب" ضد البريطانيين مرآة، أراد للمصريين أن يشهدوا فيها الحجم الحقيقي لأعدائهم البريطانيين بعيدًا عن المبالغات الصارِفَة لهم عن المواجهة، وأن يُدركوا العيوب والإشكالات التي تتسلَّط على نفوسهم، وتعوق إيقافهم لزحف البريطانيين الطامعين في بلادهم. أما كيفيَّة تحقيق هذه المهمة الشريفة والمدهشة، من خلال نصٍّ تَندُرُ فيه الإشارة إلى مصر؛ فهذا ما سيبوح لك به النصُّ وتصديرُهُ الماتع.

T he grant of the 1921 constitution was part-fulfilment of a quest that had spanned more than a century. It was the result of sustained pressure by the Maltese political elite that had always aspired to local autonomy. The question is, why 121 years? And was this something that in fact had been anticipated by the Maltese? The fact that such a prolonged struggle ensued is evidence of an initial and a rather na•ive Maltese trust in Britain's willingness to enter into a partnership under which they would gain British protection, administer their own affairs while Britain gained a Mediterranean fortress that would eventually become a great commercial depot. This is what they promised. The Maltese had sought and thought that they had secured the blessings of a benevolent paternalism only to discover that they had entrusted themselves to a form of benign despotism. They had failed to take into account two main things: Britain's determination to retain a free hand in the running of the fortress, this was axiomatic as far as they were concerned. If this was a fortress, we call the shots. We cannot have a civilian government interfering. And secondly, official British contempt regarding Maltese political and administrative

“The History of Education at Six Nations of the Grand River, 1828-1939.” In Ontario Since Confederation: A Reader, Second Edition. Edited by Dimitry Anastakis and James Onusko. University of Toronto Press, December 2024, 87-108. https://utppublishing.com/doi/book/10.3138/9780802082343

Во время Англо-бурской войны 1899–1902 гг. в России развернулась общественная кампания в поддержку независимости республик на юге Африки, противостоявших Британской империи. В историографии ее связывают преимущественно с консервативными изданиями и деятелями, поскольку наибольшую активность проявляла проправительственная пресса. Выдвигались предположения, что пробурское движение в Российской империи было инспирировано правительством, для отвлечения россиян от политико-экономических проблем на родине. Впрочем, документы российского МИД, а также материалы департамента полиции МВД свидетельствуют, что правительство наоборот ограничивало некоторые проявления симпатии к защитникам далеких республик. Сотрудникам этих министерств было известно, что внимание общества к Англо-бурской войне использовали в своих интересах не только умеренные монархисты, но и крайне правые, а также противники самодержавия и сторонники национальных движений. Настойчивые требования общественности вмешаться в южноафриканский конфликт дипломатическим или даже военным путем воспринимались правящими кругами как покушение на монополию государства в определении внешнеполитического курса. Судя по сохранившимся архивным документам и воспоминаниям современников, правительство стремилось предупредить и пресечь проведение «демонстраций», т.е. публичных политизированных акций солидарности с антиимпериалистической борьбой народов Южно-Африканской Республики и Оранжевого Свободного Государства.