History of Political Thought

This year we celebrate the 800 th anniversary of the promulgation of Magna Carta. Amongst the great number of initiatives for this event, Professor Mark Hill QC and the Reverend Robin Griffith-Jones have edited an interesting book, which gives a detailed account about the origins of Magna Carta, the social and political context of the time, and the religious background which forms the very foundation of the main principles of the Charter. I am neither an historian of law, nor a specialist in public law, nor an expert in the field of law and religion. I try only to be a humble comparatist, that is, a “strange” person, because comparative law itself is “strange”, in the sense that, unlike other fields of law studies, it is not a body of rules, but a way of legal learning, looking at law as a phenomenon which is relative and universal at the same time, and trying to identify the profound features which characterize the form and substance of a legal system. I dare to venture gingerly in...

Apresentação: esta série destina-se a publicar estudos de fundo sobre um leque variado de temas e perspetivas de abordagem (literatura, cultura, história antiga, arqueologia, história da arte, filosofia, língua e linguística), mantendo embora como denominador comum os Estudos Clássicos e sua projeção na Idade Média, Renascimento e receção na atualidade. Breve nota curricular sobre a Coordenação do volume

In 1775, a committee appointed by the Colonial Congress, including Benjamin Franklin, consulted with General Washington in Cambridge, Massachusetts, about designing a Colonial Flag. During their stay, they were hosted by a patriotic family, where they met a mysterious and highly educated “Professor” who advocated for Colonial justice. The Professor, demonstrating his knowledge and patriotism, joined the committee and suggested inviting the hostess, a woman of intelligence and patriotism, to join them.

A committee, including the Professor and Franklin, was formed to design a new Colonial Flag. The Professor proposed a flag with thirteen red and white stripes, symbolizing the thirteen colonies, and the Union Flag of England in the union, representing loyalty to the British government. This design was unanimously adopted and became the official flag of the cooperating American Colonies, used by the Colonial Army and Navy.

The Continental Congress adopted the Stars and Stripes as the flag of the thirteen United States on June 14, 1777. This resolution replaced the British Union with a blue field containing thirteen stars, symbolizing a new constellation. While the official record is sparse, it is believed that the design was already informally agreed upon by leading statesmen.

The Stars and Stripes flag design was adopted by Congress on June 14, 1777. The design, featuring thirteen stripes and thirteen stars, was chosen to symbolize the unity of the thirteen colonies and their ideals of freedom and equality. The flag’s colors—red, white, and blue—represent war, justice, and industry, respectively.

The Stars and Stripes symbolize the philanthropic man, aspiring to be a more perfect human being. The colors represent different aspects of humanity: red for desires and aspirations, white for intellect and justice, and blue for physical existence and productivity. The thirteen stripes symbolize progress, perpetuity, and perfection, while the stars represent the unification of aspirations and achievements.

Una aproximación a las teorías de James Buchanan) En los últimos años hemos asistido a la intermitente recuperación del pensamiento de Alexis de Tocqueville (1805-1859), quien durante mucho tiempo fue prácticamente un autor olvidado. Se realizan nuevas ediciones de sus obras, se publican libros directa e indirectamente inspirados en sus ideas o que analizan sus planteamientos; y su pensamiento es objeto de artículos, discusiones y congresos 1 . Ante esta manifiesta actualidad de Tocqueville no podemos menos que preguntarnos a qué se debe este éxito de un autor desaparecido hace casi ciento cincuenta años y cuyas dos principales obras, De la Démocratie en Amérique y L'Ancien régime et la Révolution, hacen una descripción de la sociedad norteamericana de los años 1830, y un estudio de los orígenes de la Revolución Francesa de 1789, respectivamente. La respuesta está, por una parte, en las excepcionales cualidades de observador de su autor y, por otra, en su genio: Tocqueville reúne cualidades repartidas de ordinario, en nuestros días, entre el sociólogo, el historiador y el político; de ahí que su obra enriquezca simultáneamente esas diversas disciplinas y se imponga a la atención de quienes las cultivan. Hay en él una agudeza de observación, una sagacidad para discernir lo esencial, una lucidez en la búsqueda de las causas, que bastarían para fundamentar una reputación científica; pero además a ello se une una profunda reflexión sobre la evolución de las sociedades. Por consiguiente, la actualidad de sus obras es doble, ya que a la actualidad del presente histórico se une la que proviene del pensamiento a la vez analítico y profético de su autor, lo que constituye una contribución permanente a la sociología política 2 .

The article discusses the life, activities and work of the forgotten anarchist poet of Polish-Belarusian origin, Anatol’ Konse (1898–1937/38). The tragic fate of the forgotten revolutionary is set against the backdrop of the era, the intensifi cation of repression by the Soviet power apparatus, and within the context of the political practice of the anarchist movement in the USSR during the 1920s and 1930s, as well as its connections with foreign representatives of anarchism.

The aim of the article is to reveal the sources of the political conception that dominated Lower Mesopotamia from 2350 BCE, when the city-state order that lasted for 1000 years in came to an end and the territorial states emerged, to 1763 BCE, when Hammurabi of Babylon united Lower and Middle Mesopotamia. For this purpose, we focus on Sumero-Akkadian mythology and conclude that the Mesopotamian elites based their legitimacy on the Mesopotamian pantheon, which was also characterized as the "heavenly kingdom". The most important function of the mythological narratives that were organized through writing was to personify the forces of nature that constituted the pantheon and present them as supernatural elements. When the gods of the pantheon were integrated with the cities and temples that formed the basis of Mesopotamian civilization, it would be argued that the civilization was the most appropriate form of society for the continuity of Life and the gods could be presented as elements that established both cosmic and social order. Accordingly, An, the personified heavens, represented the Static-Potential Authority in the earthly kingdom. Enlil (Atmosphere), the Lord of the Heavenly Kingdom, represented the Founding and Destructive Power (Tangible Power) in the earthly kingdom. Mother goddess Ninhursag represented the transmission of the kingdom from father to son. Enki, the lord of the freshwater, represented the institutions-rules-offices-crafts that established the order of civilization. Following these four personified forces of nature, Nanna (Moon) represented the power of human kings to bring fertility to society, Ninurta (Storm-Rain) represented abundance in fields and pastures, Utu (Sun) represented righteousness and justice, Ishkur (Rain) represented the subjugation of rebellious communities, and Inanna represented war-sexuality-youth-fertility. The main purpose of Sumerian-Akkadian mythology was to sanctify Life and all its constituent elements by depicting them as deities, and to claim that the entire cosmos, defined as the heavenly kingdom, was reflected on earth as state. For human societies, Life meant the seasonal cycle, rainfall, freshwater, agriculture and pasture. Even the urban population (artisans, merchants, soldiers, bureaucrats) was dependent on the surplus products transported from the fields and pastures to the cities. Interrupting the cycle of life could have fatal consequences for everyone, and the main function of the king was to guarantee the cycle. The king, of course, could not control the rainfall, but he could regulate the flow of freshwater through canals and he could assume the redistribution of the surplus product. Since human societies' understanding of Life was that the Routine should not be disrupted by the surprises that Nature had prepared for them, especially drought, the political elite had to convince the masses that the main function of the State was to maintain the Routine, and therefore Order. Kings were not just randomly placed at the head of cities or larger territorial states; they were figures chosen by a divine council (destined to be kings).

The article presents an experiment in which a historian engages ChatGPT 4.0 Plus to assess the capabilities and limitations of generative AI in historical research, specifically regarding its adherence to foundational methodological principles. The introductory section sets out the rationale for the test: determining whether AI goes beyond probabilistic information synthesis towards genuine factual verification, particularly in the absence of explicit training or supplied source material. Through a series of questions about Victor Hugo’s purported opinions on ethnographic exhibitions at the 1867 Paris Exposition, the researcher identifies the AI’s tendency to plausibly fabricate sources—most notably a letter from Hugo to Mary Weston Chapman, for which no verifiable historical basis exists. The Q&A section reveals how ChatGPT, when pressed for details and documentary evidence, shifts its narrative and eventually admits its inability to provide genuine sources, disclosing its reliance on probabilistic reasoning rather than strict historical rigor. The conclusions underscore the risks of relying on AI for historical inquiry without critical oversight, emphasizing the essential role of human researchers in verifying evidence and maintaining methodological integrity. The article advocates for transparency about uncertainty in AI-generated outputs and cautions against the uncritical adoption of AI tools in historical scholarship, suggesting that specialized or custom-trained AI models could enhance reliability but still require vigilant human supervision.

The paper distinguishes between three positions concerning the relationship between natural and political rights as articulated during the French Revolution. The first, termed here the discontinuity view and associated with Abbé Sieyès, regards the two types of rights as distinct but not antagonistic. This perspective affirms the importance of political rights, viewing them as instrumental in safeguarding natural rights within society-a function best fulfilled by representative government. The second position, referred to as the reinforcement view and attributed to the Marquis de Condorcet, posits that political rights are a subset of natural rights. This conceptual continuity serves to justify a robust regime of political rights and a strong democratic order that blends elements of representative and direct democracy. The third position, dubbed the antagonism view and ascribed to the later writings of Robespierre and Saint-Just, assumes that natural and political rights are in conflict. According to this perspective, natural rights can obstruct the development of political rights, thereby justifying a non-democratic regime wherein political decision-making is entrusted to a narrow revolutionary vanguard. This paper examines the underlying concept of natural rights that informs each of these three perspectives.

Jego biografia przypadła na okres szczególny; zmierzch starego dziewiętnastowiecznego świata związanego z porządkiem wiedeńskim z 1815 r., Przymierzem Trzech Czarnych Orłów i początkiem nowej ery – globalnych konfliktów zbrojnych, „nowoczesnych” totalitaryzmów, ludobójstwa, ale i dalszego postępu cywilizacyjnego i – co ważne – niepodległego bytu Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej w latach 1918-1939.

The paper explores the relation between philosophy and rhetoric from a new perspective by highlighting the dramatic nature of the dialogue and paying attention not only to what is said about philosophy and rhetoric but also to what is shown, especially through Gorgias' intervention throughout the dialogue in order to save a community of dialogue that inquires into the good and the just. This re-conception of the relation between philosophy and rhetoric implies a re-conception of the practice of politics itself, rooted in a philosophy concerned with turning individual souls toward the good and a rhetoric that motivates individuals to be turned in the same direction by the words of others.

This essay aims to explore the central role that Thucydides attributes to fear in the initiation, continuation and intensification of political processes. Essential to the thesis of this paper is that, according to Thucydides, fear not only accidentally accompanies the most important events, decisions and turning points of the  Peloponnesian War, but also triggers, flanks, deepens and seals their outcome.

Fear, and in this Thucydides deviates substantially from the sophistic theories of power with which his thinking is often compared and which were in circulation in his time, is elevated to a singular, history-moving
force. For the “heuristics of fear” pursued here, the article focuses on the first speech of the Athenian envoys before the Spartan popular assembly (431 BC), which is to be enriched with meaningful cross-references to the Pentecontaetia digression, Pericles' last speech (430 BC), the Mytilene debate (427 BC) and the Melian dialogue (416 BC).

In order to achieve a comprehensive overview of the phenomenon of fear, the fundamental reinterpretations of concepts and physical
violence during the stasis on Kerkyra (427 BC) are also examined.

QUADERNI FIORENTINI per la storia del pensiero giuridico moderno 54 (2025) PIER GIUSEPPE PUGGIONI IL GIURISTA DEMIURGO. PLURALISMO, SOVRANITÀ E POLITICA DEL DIRITTO IN FILIPPO VASSALLI 1. Premesse. Vassalli nella teoria del diritto del primo Novecento.-2. Diritto romano, diritto comune e uso delle fonti nelle allegazioni processuali di Vassalli.-3. Il diritto dello Stato come ius proprium: il discorso pluralistico di Vassalli.-4. Il ruolo del giurista nella costruzione dell'ordine: l'unità del diritto e il problema della sovranità.-5. Non più « strumento d'una classe dominante »? Liberalismo, proprietà e politica del diritto.

The French Revolution had a major impact on German intellectuals, and particularly the early Kantians. In 1791, Johann Heinrich Tieftrunk published On Statecraft and Legislation, a work in which he set out the principles of a method for “preventing and healing” revolutions. In his view, it is the political community's leader's duty to guide the citizens towards “freedom,” defined in Kantian terms of autonomy, in order to avoid popular insurrection. If he fails to do so, and revolution does occur, it is a sign of his despotic government style. In a Wolffian vein, Tieftrunk asserts that at the heart of every state lies the citizens' education in autonomy, resulting in the moral perfection of the community and its citizens. He also claims that this is most effectively achieved by a non-republican monarchical regime in which the regent has absolute power and behaves like the “father of the nation.” This article argues that, despite his intention to be faithful to Kant, Tieftrunk endorsed a form of paternalism that Kant rejected in his later works.

In Indian tradition use of dandaniti, is considered an obligation to check the criminal, protect the helpless, and restore social order. Such a use of force is considered constructive as it strengthens orderly conduct by restraining disorderly behaviour. It works for the ultimate good of both the individual and the society. Law enforcement action against willful internal and external threats is necessary for the protection of political, economic, and cultural system of a society against forces of disruption and anarchy, and for proactive promotion of common good.

Leer gratis libro completo Open Access sin registro: https://open.tirant.com/cloudLibrary/ebook/info/9788410816114

: Resumen. Este libro reúne seis ensayos de destacados académicos de España, Argentina, México y Colombia, que reflexionan sobre la educación frente a los retos políticos, tecnológicos y culturales de nuestro tiempo. Organizado en tres secciones, inicia con Educación y política, donde Juan Fernando Segovia reivindica la visión clásica de la política como búsqueda del bien común frente al individualismo moderno, y Jerónimo Molina Cano rescata el pensamiento de Francisco Javier Conde y el realismo político como formación para afrontar las verdades del poder. En Educación y tecnología, Sebastián Pineda Buitrago rastrea las raíces del mundo digital hasta el alfabeto griego, mientras Alejandro García y Daniela Rangel analizan la formación filosófica en la era de la conectividad, alertando sobre la comunicación superficial y la pérdida del verdadero diálogo. La sección final, Educación y artes liberales, ofrece las reflexiones de Mario Luis Descotte sobre el retorno a los clásicos y de Gonzalo Descotte sobre el ocio universitario como equilibrio vital, en diálogo con la tradición filosófica y espiritual.

One hears ever louder complaints concerning politology as an academic discipline, its identity crisis, methodological condition; critical statements concerning the subject of "the purity of politological research" are published. There also appear proposals to mend the ills, depicting the science of politics as "a discursive platform", reaching for models known from American political science. Interesting proposals of new "sub-disciplines are promoted", exemplified by "komunikowanie polityczne" (political communication) (

Nietzsche concibe la genealogía
bajo el postulado de que pensar es pensar quien manda, es decir, pensar quién y cómo se genera el
discurso (Foucault) o el lenguaje mediante el cual, finalmente, se ordena y se obedece y cuya
encarnación funda el cristianismo: «En el principio era el Verbo y el Verbo se hizo carne y habitó
entre nosotros ...» (Juan). No es una simple historia, sino un diagnóstico que exhuma los
mecanismos de obediencia y disciplina inscritos en el discurso y el cuerpo social. La encarnación
del Logos (la Palabra) en el cristianismo funda una moral e impone la obediencia suprema a una
Verdad escrita y codificada, consolidando un esquema de poder que, milenios después, se replica
en la lógica binaria del código digital.

Este trabalho analisa e compara os abusos da linguagem nas obras Ensaio sobre o conhecimento humano, de John Locke (1632-1704) e Leviatã, de Thomas Hobbes (1588-1679). Para ambos os autores, a linguagem desempenha um papel central na constituição do conhecimento e das relações políticas entre os homens. Para Locke, as palavras são sinais das ideias presentes no espírito, a partir das quais comunicamos nossos desejos. Para Hobbes, por sua vez, a linguagem é a transformação dos pensamentos em discurso verbal, tornando-se conhecido o que pensamos ou imaginamos. A partir dessas perspectivas de linguagem, ambos os filósofos identificam os abusos no uso da linguagem e propõem formas de evitá-los, buscando um melhor uso da linguagem.

Locke scholarship views the young Locke as either a Hobbesian absolutist or a Christian authoritarian. They neglect the liberal character of Two Tracts on Government. Instead, I argue that the young Locke is a liberal. Furthermore, I trace the secular and political realist foundation of Locke's liberalism back to Two Tracts on Government. I define Locke's liberalism as a political doctrine of achieving the primary end of public safety through the premise of individual freedom and equality. Although Locke argues for secular absolutist state in Two Tracts on Government, it has a liberal core by establishing public safety on individual freedom and equality. The tension between public safety and individual freedom, however, is the inherent problem of Locke's liberalism. Based on the secular and political realist foundation of liberalism, Locke prefers public safety to individual freedom when they are in conflict.

was an Italian philosopher, historian, and jurist, one of the most significant exponents of eighteenth-century radical Enlightenment. Best known for his monumental Istoria civile del Regno di Napoli (1723), a work that openly challenged papal claims and the political influence of the Roman Church, Giannone combined erudition and legal expertise with a militant commitment to the principle of state autonomy from ecclesiastical power. His writings circulated widely across Europe, attracting both admiration and condemnation, and his life was marked by exile, repeated attempts at intellectual rehabilitation, and a long imprisonment that ended with his death in Turin. Through his works, he left a lasting mark on European debates about the relationship between religion, politics, and law in the early modern age.

This paper addresses the fundamental political anthropological assumption underlying and shaping Aristotle's regime science. I hope to show how assumptions about the natural sociability of human beings, the intersection of human nature (biologically and socially understood), and the aggregated construction of the human political habitat through discrete structures underlie Aristotle's understanding of how and why human beings use the political community to achieve their optimal condition for their existence. And to show how Aristotle's political, anthropological assumptions offer a critique of the anthropological assumptions that drive much of not only modern political thought, but also contemporary political science.

Ser liberal implica asumir el conflicto como parte constitutiva de la vida social. A diferencia del conservadurismo, que busca preservar un orden idealizado, el liberalismo reconoce la pluralidad como condición inevitable y valiosa. Esta reflexión defiende que la libertad no es ausencia de reglas, sino apertura al desacuerdo, y que la política democrática exige incomodidad, revisión constante y disposición al cambio.

The great Dutch jurist Hugo Grotius coined the term "dominium eminens" in his De iure belli ac pacis. 1 In spite of some contemporary criticism of the terminology, Grotius' concept has entered most legal systems. The dictionary of legal terms by John Bouvier, as revised by John Rawle, defined eminent domain as "the superior right of property subsisting in sovereignty" and the "power to take private property for public use." 2 In modern law "public use" has been a tricky concept. In an egregiously decided Supreme Court case, Kelo v. New London in 2005 granted the state the right to confiscate land for the use of a private developer. Forty-five states then passed eminent domain laws to prevent public use ever again being interpreted that way. 3 Grotius thought that eminent domain meant that all the public and private property rights ultimately reside in the country, state, or city and not in individuals. Consequently, today "private property" is a contingent right at best; contingent upon the pleasure of the state. In the ancient world, philosophers thought property rights emerged as human beings began to live in villages, towns, and cities. They generally agreed that in society's most primitive state, people possessed all property in common. 4 The Romans were the first to create a jurisprudence to

Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü Müdürlüğü'ne, Doç. Dr. Saim ÜYE danışmanlığında hazırladığım "Kent ve Çevre Davalarında Arendt'in Politik Yurttaşı (Ankara 2025)" adlı doktora tezimdeki bütün bilgilerin akademik kurallara ve etik davranış ilkelerine uygun olarak toplanıp sunulduğunu, başka kaynaklardan aldığım bilgileri metinde ve kaynakçada eksiksiz olarak gösterdiğimi, çalışma sürecinde bilimsel araştırma ve etik kurallarına uygun olarak davrandığımı ve aksinin ortaya çıkması durumunda her türlü yasal sonucu kabul edeceğimi beyan ederim. 03.07.2025 Elif Can ÇALICI i TEŞEKKÜR Tabiatı gereği içine kapanık insanlar, bazen bir topluluğun parçası olduklarını unuturlar. Altı yıla yayılan doktora tez süreci, benim de bu gerçeği hatırladığım ve başkalarının her zaman cehennem olmadığını öğrendiğim bir süreç oldu. Bu nedenle teşekkür etmem gerekenler var. Ankara'nın bana getirdikleri olarak tez danışmanım Saim Üye ile tez izleme komitesi üyeleri Gülriz Uygur ve Şefik Taylan Akman, çalışmalarımı titizlikle takip ederek değerli yönlendirmelerde bulunmuş ve beni cesaretlendirmişlerdir. Kamu Hukuku bölüm sekreteri Asiye Kayaer ise, savunma gibi stresli bir süreçte gösterdiği özen ve zarafet ile her zaman aklımda kalacaktır. İzmir Ekonomi Üniversitesi'ndeki araştırma görevliliğim sırasında yaptığım bu çalışmanın bir bölümü Lisansüstü Eğitim Enstitüsü'nde, bir bölümü Hukuk Fakültesi'nde yazılmıştır. Her iki birimdeki görevim sırasında değerli hocalarım, çalışmam için gereken ortamı sağlamış ve beni desteklemişlerdir. Yine her iki birimde aynı ofisi paylaştığım araştırma görevlisi arkadaşlarım, yazarken büründüğüm tuhaf hallere şahit olmuşlar ve bu halleri büyük bir hoşgörüyle karşılamışlardır. İzmir'in bana getirdiği bir başka isim olan Ünsal Doğan Başkır ise, farklı fakültelerden gelmemize rağmen aynı dili konuşabildiğim hocam olmuştur. Çalışmanın altı aylık bir bölümünde, Hollanda'da Tilburg Üniversitesi Hukuk Fakültesi'nde misafir araştırmacı olarak bulundum. Hollanda'ya gidişim, TÜBİTAK'ın 2214-A Yurt Dışı Doktora Sırası Araştırma Burs Programı sayesinde mümkün olmuştur. Sağlanan destek için kendilerine teşekkür ederim. Tilburg'daki danışmanım Hans Lindahl,

The beginning of the end of the Old Regime in Spain and the beginning of independent living in the American republics are illuminated just as the life of José María Morelos (1765-1815) develops. These events are also the scene of the triumph of the Enlightenment and rationalist ideology that not only have a presence in Spain but also know some influence in varying degrees in Hispanic America and especially in New Spain. The ideological origins of the war of independence and the foundations of constitutionalism in these lands, have their clear precedent in several characters, among which Morelos. At about the time this happened in Spain, the independence movement began in New Spain by the priest of Dolores, Miguel Hidalgo y Costilla, the September 16, 1810. Was settled in that person and then the pillars of the future independent constitutionalism Mexico: the construction of a new order, the demolition of the old colonial system, the birth of a democratic state of law. The initial idea of preservation of sovereignty will be abandoned until the replacement of Fernando VII to the throne. Pushing through the idea of a sovereign nature itself to show the natural and common law capacity in the absence of the king, to create and govern together outside the Cortes of Cadiz and set up home assembly decides on the future of the viceroyalty.

Hay por tanto, una batería de argumentos que parecen ir en otra dirección a la propuesta por el autor, y que no pretendemos, desde luego, tomar como postura para refutarle, sino más bien recordarlos para que se vayan analizando ambas perspectivas, la de la presente obra, y todas ellas, y así ir desgranando hasta qué punto y en qué materia esa diferencia está más o menos clara y concisa y en cuales no existe tal separación. No obstante, es, como decíamos anteriormente, una obra de interés por cuanto hay originalidad en buena parte de sus aportaciones, y sobre todo al adentrarnos en una perspectiva que históricamente fluye y aquí se trae a la luz.

Traducción al castellano del artículo publicado por Albert Soboul, en el nº 71 de la revista La Pensée, enero febrero de 1957, pp. 22-23.
Esta traducción ha sido publicada en la revista Nuestra Historia, publicada por la Fundación de Investigaciones Marxistas nº 19 de 2025, pp. 167-179.

Almost without exception Americans agree that we are and ought to be united as a people under the authority of a common national identity. This identity is almost always held to be creedal in form, and the contents of this creed are almost always thought to be contained in the famous preamble to the Declaration of Independence. Though these propositions are accepted almost without exception as self-evident by Americans, there remains profound -even irreconcilable -disagreement about the origins, meaning, and implications of the creed held to define American national identity. Our debates about the origins, meaning, and implications of our creedal form of identity obscure the prior questions of where this peculiar form of identity came from and whether it is desirable or even possible for a polity characterized by radical cultural and religious diversity, to be united under a singular national identity. This dissertation frames these fundamental questions about American identity within the context of a recent reexamination by British historians of the formation and dissolution of English national identity and the British imperial state. Drawing from this new British historiography and from a treatment of revolutionary American political discourse, this dissertation contends that iii the crisis of American identity is not found in the present dispute about the content of the American creed. Rather, the true crisis of American identity is whether we should be organized as a people under a singular national creed that authorizes the American state or under another form of identity, suggested by Madison (and Tocqueville), that accommodates a multiplicity and diversity of identities within the differentiated institutional framework of Madison's novel federal republic.

Questo documento è stato generato automaticamente il 5 octobre 2021. Soter e soteria dal V secolo alle soglie dell'età ellenistica: qualche considerazione Soter and soteria from the Fifth Century B.C. to the Threshold of the Hellenistic Age: Some Considerations 1 Soter e soteria, che da soter deriva, non corrispondono sempre ai nostri «salvatore» e «salvezza» 1 . Questa resa ci permette tuttavia di catturare un valore semantico profondo e rivelatore che inerisce, nel corso del tempo, ai due vocaboli. Nel corso del tempo, ho precisato. Occorre tentare allora una periodizzazione: da quando soter e soteria divengono vocaboli di bruciante attualità nel panorama della cultura greca e non investono più solo il piano divino, del soccorso richiesto in circostanze difficili ai numi (salvatori) 2 , ma anche il piano umano, dell'atto di fiducia incondizionatamente riposta in un individuo eccezionale dinanzi a una crisi senza apparente via di uscita? Siamo inconsapevolmente portati a ritenere che soter, e soteria insieme con soter, costituiscano le cifre peculiari dell'età moderna della storia greca -dell'ellenismo -, un portato della sua trasformazione in senso carismatico. Ma, a guardar meglio, questa armatura fattuale e ideologica, che si dispiegherà appieno dopo Alessandro, è ben presente nella realtà del mondo greco almeno dalla seconda metà del V secolo. Se non già dai decenni, o dalla rivisitazione dei decenni, in cui incombeva la minaccia persiana e i Greci hanno ottenuto quasi miracolosamente la salvezza contro un nemico così forte da schiacciarli. A segnare una vera cesura sul piano qualitativo e quantitativo sono comunque gli sviluppi che si producono con la lotta cruciale per l'egemonia sull'Ellade. È allora che gli antichi equilibri si spezzano e la drammaticità delle situazioni da affrontare si fa manifesta; solo la fuoriuscita dai quadri istituzionali e mentali consueti, se del caso mediante agenti umani straordinari -il ricorso a un soter -, sembra una soluzione Soter e soteria dal V secolo alle soglie dell'età ellenistica: qualche consid..

Статья посвящена изучению политико-правовой доктрины панисламизма как господствовавшей официальной идеологии в позднеосманском обществе времен правления султана Абдул-Гамида II и продолжает исследовательскую тематику ранее опубликованной в научном журнале «История государства и права» статьи «Политико-правовая доктрина османизма: от реформ эпохи Танзимата до Конституции 1876 года» (2024. № 8). Рассматрива
ются основные положения исламского права в части регламентации личного статуса подданных Порты в указанный хронологический период. Анализируются предпосылки отказа правительства Оттоманской Порты от ранее доминировавшей доктрины османизма как концепта создания комплексной надэтнической внеконфессиональной гражданской идентичности в западноевропейском духе.

En el presente ensayo se busca iluminar el debate contemporaneo sobre la esencia del cristianismo a partir de algunos aportes de Santo Tomás de Aquino. Se comienza por una clarificación sobre qué se entiende por esencia. Luego se brindan los principales aportes de los autores que han trabajado la cuestión. Finalmente se realiza una propuesta mas cristológica, trinitaria y dinámica que ayude a sumergirse en el misterio del cristianismo.

William Shakespeare's Hamlet transcends its roots as a revenge tragedy, emerging as a multifaceted cultural artifact that reflects the turbulent intersection of late Renaissance Denmark's political upheavals, dynastic anxieties, and the astronomical revolution of the late 16th century. Grounded in the medieval legend of Amleth from Saxo Grammaticus's Gesta Danorum, the play integrates Tycho Brahe's 1572 supernova and Copernican cosmology as chronological and thematic anchors, revealing a narrative steeped in existential crisis and scientific upheaval. This study employs an astro-chronological methodology to argue that Hamlet simultaneously functions as a conventional revenge tale, a political satire of Christian IV's court, and an allegory for humanity's confrontation with an infinite cosmos. Shakespeare's genius lies in synthesizing these strands, offering a panoramic vision of a world grappling with the collapse of old orders and the birth of the new.

The Finnish-Russian borderland reflects many of the (geo)political changes that Europe has experienced during the last decades and the tensions that presently dominate Europe-Russia relations. Finland’s post-WW II relationship with the Soviet Union, and then with Russia, has been both close and distant; shaped by a common history, Cold War realities, pragmatism, interdependencies and the lessons learned from devastating armed conflicts. The borderland has been transformed over time hand‐in‐hand with the role of the actual border. It began as a fuzzy demarcation zone between the Swedish and Russian Empires, to an increasingly divided, and then militarized area marking the edge of the newly independent Finnish state. After World War II the borderland emerged as an ideologically loaded “civilizational” frontier zone between East and West. After the end of the Cold War the borderlands represented a showcase of post-Soviet era good neighbourliness and cooperation, and then to a Europeanized and integrative new neighbourhood. With the present conflict, however, the Finnish-Russian borderland has again become a highly bordered space and extensive cross-border cooperation initiatives have ceased. One message that can be gleaned from recent history is that clear-cut trajectories of cross-border integration are very much the exception. Indeed, the Finnish-Russian borderland exemplifies the highly ambivalent political and social consequences of globalization in terms of “debordering” and “rebordering” processes.

In 1892, the enthusiastic cadastral survey officials established the monthly Cadastral Journal, published continuously until the end of the First World War. In addition to sharing their professional expertise and international outlook, the journal’s authors were concerned with the organisation’s personnel affairs, pay advocacy, and community self-help. The editorial staff also stimulated subscriber interest by compiling useful publications such as the Cadastral Pocket Calendar from 1895 to 1904 and the Geodesical Pocket Calendar from 1905 to 1909. The personal data in the small booklets form a comprehensive collection of prosopographical information.