Global Intellectual History

During the second half of the eighteenth century, Western countries witnessed an explosion of societies and publishing initiatives aimed at creating and disseminating what contemporaries called useful knowledge. These “economic societies,” “societies of friends of the country,” or “societies of improvers” sought to improve their local communities through the scientific management of natural and social resources. This article analyses the opportunities that this movement of patriots opened up for women in chemistry, who went from being “exceptional women” to representing themselves as female “friends of the country.”

This article shows the different ways in which these women “friends of the country” negotiated their authorship, agency, and public visibility in order to maintain gender conventions and the importance of their kinship networks. It also illustrates the other side of the coin: how women’s contributions also benefited male scientific societies, which gained visibility and secured the social position of their members in enlightened circles.

This project examines the life of renowned anthropologist John Reed Swanton (1873-1953 ) and his work with indigenous peoples. Combining several methodologies that included archaeology, anthropology, history, and linguistics, Swanton's research methods anticipated ethnohistory. His contributions to Native Southeast studies remain indispensable and his work in the Native Northwest, particularly with Haida and Tlingit communities, continues to serve as an important reference point for many scholars. Reared in the "Boasian" school of thought, John Swanton rejected both evolutionary and racial frameworks in which to evaluate Indian cultures. He remained an exemplary anthropologist from the beginning of his professional career at the Bureau of American Ethnology in 1900 through his retirement in 1944. A key aspect of this study concerns the dynamics of the individual dialogs that took place between Swanton and some of his Indian informants. These interactions provide a window into the ways in which anthropologists and Indians interacted. At times, anthropologists and Indian collaborators grasped the other's intentions. Just as often, however, the two parties held incompatible expectations, and as a result, misunderstood each other. For example, Swanton appreciated the storytelling creativity and individual artistry of his Haida collaborators, but often overlooked the intentions of the southeastern Indians who shared their stories with him. Many of the creation stories southeastern Indians told Swanton referenced the difficult circumstances they were currently facing or had undergone in the recent past, such as attacks on their cultures, removal, and alcoholism. Swanton often disregarded creation stories that included such material, as he felt they indicated cultural loss.

This project examines the life of renowned anthropologist John Reed Swanton (1873-1953 ) and his work with indigenous peoples. Combining several methodologies that included archaeology, anthropology, history, and linguistics, Swanton's research methods anticipated ethnohistory. His contributions to Native Southeast studies remain indispensable and his work in the Native Northwest, particularly with Haida and Tlingit communities, continues to serve as an important reference point for many scholars. Reared in the "Boasian" school of thought, John Swanton rejected both evolutionary and racial frameworks in which to evaluate Indian cultures. He remained an exemplary anthropologist from the beginning of his professional career at the Bureau of American Ethnology in 1900 through his retirement in 1944. A key aspect of this study concerns the dynamics of the individual dialogs that took place between Swanton and some of his Indian informants. These interactions provide a window into the ways in which anthropologists and Indians interacted. At times, anthropologists and Indian collaborators grasped the other's intentions. Just as often, however, the two parties held incompatible expectations, and as a result, misunderstood each other. For example, Swanton appreciated the storytelling creativity and individual artistry of his Haida collaborators, but often overlooked the intentions of the southeastern Indians who shared their stories with him. Many of the creation stories southeastern Indians told Swanton referenced the difficult circumstances they were currently facing or had undergone in the recent past, such as attacks on their cultures, removal, and alcoholism. Swanton often disregarded creation stories that included such material, as he felt they indicated cultural loss.

The article analyzes some of the transformations of oral
history in the digital age, addressing how technologies such
as remote interviews, algorithms and artificial intelligence
reconfigure its methodological practice. It discusses the
tension between memory and the risks of trivializing
testimony or digital coloniality, which reproduces
Eurocentric temporal hierarchies. The text proposes a
relational approach that includes not only humans, but also
non-humans, emphasizing concepts such as “memory of
oral expression”, “community of destiny”, “post
anthropocentrism” and “multiple temporalities”. Oral
history does not go unscathed in the digital context,
demanding critical reflections on authenticity, ethics and
memorial justice, without abandoning its potential for public
policies or the protection of rights.

This lecture seeks to contemporize Narayana Guru's social philosophy as an unequivocal foundation for the project of national unity in Bharat. Guru conceptualized religion not as ritual or dogma, but as the ethical cultivation of the human person, grounded in fraternity and equality. His ontological repudiation of caste, insistence on the emancipatory potential of education, advocacy of industry as the instrument of abhivṛiddhi (socio-economic advancement), and ethic of social compassion (aparapṛiyam) constitute a coherent framework for social transformation. While the reformist ferment in Kerala historically exemplified the efficacy of his thought, caste continues to operate as a centrifugal force fragmenting Hindu society at the national scale. The paper advances the argument that the realization of substantive unity requires both the systematic pedagogic dissemination of Guru's philosophy and the institutionalization of legislative measures aligned with his vision, thereby dislodging caste from the structures of official life and reconstituting equality as a lived social ontology rather than a merely constitutional abstraction.

This chapter discusses Hans Kelsen's grappling with the constitutional predicaments of the pluralist Habsburg Monarchy and seeks to demonstrate the lasting importance of this constellation. The Monarchy was in a permanent state of conceptual surgery, and Kelsen's innovations were to a significant degree indebted to the way in which he tackled the problems of Central European statehood. My chapter embeds Kelsen's early work in this context, discusses his skirmish with Friedrich Tezner, reconstructs his proposals for the reorganisation of the Monarchy, and his partisanship for Austria's unification with Germany after 1918. It then turns to seven tangible legacies of Kelsen's and the Vienna School's engagement with the Monarchy, namely regarding his conception of statehood (1), the construction of the basic norm (2), the Vienna school's embrace of "monism" (3), the Austrian style of constitutional justice (4), the "Rahmentheorie" concerning the law-producing function of the executive (5), Adolf J. Merkl's "Stufenbaulehre" (hierarchical structure) (6), and Kelsen's theory of democracy (7). Finally, the chapter asks whether this Habsburg watermark was something Kelsen's readers across the world recognised, and, if so, whether the local imprint these theories bore served as a conduit or obstacle in the process of their "global" appropriation.

Global Intellectual History, online pre-print, 2025

Abstract: In this discussion article Quentin Skinner responds to a wide range of questions centred primarily on the arguments of his "Liberty as Independence: The Making and Unmaking of a Political Ideal" (2025). Themes that feature in this dialogue include the history and theory of freedom, universal and fundamental rights, chattel slavery and common law, the use of sermons and novels as sources, the iconography of Nanine Vallain’s "La Liberté", and a move away from the label ‘neo-Roman’. Alongside these considerations, reflections are also offered on the work of John Pocock, the global turn and contextualism, freedom in international relations, the battle and excavation of ideas, and the possibilities as well as perils of advancing technology, particularly artificial intelligence.

In 1764, seven years after the decisive battle of Palashi in 1757, that almost sealed the political and economic fate of Bengal, the Board of Directors of East India Company appointed Major James Rennell as the first Surveyor General of Bengal and gave him the task to map the navigable river routes of the province and assess their potential commercial profitability. In this first-ever systematic survey work to build an episteme of the empire, Rennell showed remarkable enthusiasm. His work was never easy and often encountered stiff challenges from the unconquered and unconquerable man and nature of the Orient – in particular, the flora and fauna of hitherto uncharted lands and rivers of Bengal. The idea behind the survey and preparation of the map was to tame these contesting forces into submission and prepare the ground for commercial exploitation of the land and its people. The challenges of surveying the riverine system of the Bengal Delta, which is known for its highly dynamic and transformative nature, got amplified by the problematic situation on the ground (or, shall we say, water).
Rennell was always running short of personnel, money, equipment and was plagued by an old and dilapidated boat. Rennell’s epic struggle to chart, control and domesticate the rivers of Bengal, is nowhere better documented than in his Journals. This chapter aims to investigate the uncertain and ambivalent nature of the prose of Rennell’s Journals whose entries are far
from the statements of a calm and serene scientist on a mission who always kept things under control but of a protagonist of a dark colonial duel between man and nature.

Chattambi Swamikal, born Kunjan Pillai, was a philosopher, Sanskrit scholar, and social reformer who challenged caste hierarchy and ritualistic orthodoxy in Kerala. Influenced by Advaita Vedanta and mentors like Thykadu Ayya, he dismantled Brahminical claims to exclusive religious authority through works like Vedadhikara Niroopanam and Pracheena Malayalam. Advocating temple entry, universal spiritual rights, and simple, rational worship, he promoted inclusivity, ahimsa, and interfaith harmony. Though he founded no formal movement, his intellectual critique empowered reformers, notably Sree Narayana Guru. Swamikal’s blend of spiritual depth and social activism positioned him as a key architect of Kerala’s renaissance, inspiring equality, rationality, and justice.

Ayya Vaikunda Swamikal , born Muthukutty, was a pioneering social reformer and spiritual leader in Travancore who challenged caste oppression, state injustice, and colonial exploitation. Rooted in a vision of equality—“Oru Kulam, Oru Ulagam” (One Clan, One World)—he founded the Samathwa Samajam, initiated inter-caste dining, opened public wells, reformed dress codes, and promoted inclusive worship spaces. His teachings evolved into the Ayyavazhi faith, offering marginalized communities a spiritual and social identity. By confronting entrenched power structures and inspiring self-respect, Vaikunda Swamikal laid the foundation for Kerala’s later social renaissance, proving that spiritual awakening and social justice are inseparable forces for change.

Thykadu Ayya, revered as the “Guru of Gurus,” was a spiritual master, yogi, and social reformer whose quiet yet profound influence shaped Kerala’s social renaissance. Rooted in Advaita Vedanta, he championed equality through his universalist dictum, “One Caste, One Religion, One God,” rejecting caste barriers and advocating inter-caste dining, rational spirituality, and self-respect. As mentor to leaders like Sree Narayana Guru, Chattambi Swamikal, and Ayyankali, Ayya fostered an inclusive intellectual and spiritual space that inspired transformative social change. Balancing public service and spiritual leadership, his legacy endures as a model of integrating enlightenment with social responsibility for a just society.

This essay introduces the special issue of Politics marking the journal’s tenth anniversary, offering a critical reflection on the methods and epistemologies of the history of political thought. Starting from recent debates on the disciplinary status of the field and its growing internationalization, I call for an open dialogue between global and local perspectives, emphasizing the importance of a pluralistic approach that remains attentive to context. By examining the linguistic, institutional, and cultural differences that shape the discipline, this contribution seeks to foster a broad methodological discussion that acknowledges both the opportunities and the risks of an uncritically mediated globalization of historical-political knowledge.

Cette communicaton vise à contribuer aux débats internationaux sur les géopolitiques critiques, liminales et subalternes et notamment à la littérature récente travaillant sur des formes de diplomatie internationale qui ne passent pas par les instruments, les lieux et les figures professionnelles qui sont formellement députées à faire ce travail. Ces études proposent notamment d’élargir le champ de la recherche en considérant des pratiques informelles, des relations personnelles, des aspects volontaristes et même émotionnels de la diplomatie. En se basant sur les riches archives du géographe brésilien Josué de Castro déposées à la CEHIBRA de Recife, on abordera notamment ses relations formelles et informelles avec l’Amérique latine, plus spécifiquement l’Amérique centrale, pendant les ans de son exil à Paris (1964-1973). Un persécuté politique banni de son pays par la dictature militaire, Josué tenta de réutiliser les contacts et le savoir-faire de sa précédente carrière de diplomate et ambassadeur (outre que de géographe, de médecin, d’écrivain …) pour faire fonctionner le CID - Centre International pour le Développement. On se focalisera surtout sur des dossiers d’archives concernant une mission que Josué fit en Amérique centrale en mai 1970 comme conseilleur du Programme des Nations Unies pour le Développement (PNUD), dont un aspect significatif est la coprésence d’un Rapport officiel, d’un Rapport confidentiel et d’un Journal personnel où Josué traduit en des termes moins « diplomatiques » ses impressions des personnes qu’il rencontre là-bas. Ces dossiers exemplifient les gaps entre les objectives politiques volontaristes de quelqu’un qui n’était plus un diplomate « officiel », et les contraintes institutionnelles que travailler pour une organisation internationale implique : exactement l’un des points centraux des études de géopolitique critique citées ici.

This article focuses on an increasingly popular social media advertising strategy, in the form of brand films circulated on YouTube for two prominent brands, Chitale Bandhu Mithaiwaale and P. N. Gadgil Jewelers, based in Pune in western India. Through close reading of these films, I demonstrate how their constructions of a 'Marathi' identity through discourses of tradition and culture are distinctly Brahminical. Through a focus on the embodied, linguistic and spatial referents of the advertisement films, I illustrate how the latter consequently produce Marathi Brahmin culture as Marathiness. I further argue that these films constitute a fertile site for the project of Marathi Brahmin self-making in the context of globalized, neo-liberal, urban India, an important facet of which is to showcase the community as liberal and progressive via an agential representation of women.

Indian mathematics. There are numerous texts in mathematics deals about geometry with special reference. In Malayalam, there is no text entirely deals about Geometry. At this juncture the discovery of the text KÀ®traga¸itaAE printed from German Evangel Mission Press, Thelicherry of Kerala state in the year 1857 will be a noteworthy contribution to the technical literature of Malayalam. There is no reference about the text is available. But it is sure that the text was used as a reference manual for local surveyors of 19 th century Kerala.

The process of registering and standardising languages for the sake of missionary translation was a global phenomenon that acquired industrial proportions in the nineteenth century with mass-produced catechisms, primers, and cheap Bibles and Gospels. That global translation industry not only was a major factor in the spread of literacy worldwide; it also spread printing and formal instruction, reshaped or replaced extant literary traditions, and introduced a new prestige register with Christian neologisms into the target language, along with the language(s) of the coloniser. The result was large-scale socio-cultural transformation and disenfranchisement. This article is concerned with these colonial language dynamics, the underlying language ideologies, and the cultural consequences. In particular, it discusses four cases: (1) the Māori language with its strongly regimented oral traditions and centuries of development in isolation; (2) the complex patchwork of languages, writing systems, overlapping religious traditions, and social-linguistic hierarchies in Dutch Indonesia; (3) the Surinamese Creole language Sranan Tongo, one of the first creoles to be studied and written down; and (4) the 1940 BFBS conference on African languages.

In 1838, Maria Petrettini, a Greco-Venetian aristocrat, published a translation of Lady Mary Wortley Montagu’s Turkish Embassy Letters from English into Italian. In this paper, taking as a focal point Petrettini’s translation of the Letters, I aim to unravel the story of two parallel texts that challenged religious and political presuppositions. In the work of Petrettini and Montagu, the view of the Turk as a savage is deconstructed through a gendered perspective. The writer and the translator propose that a traveller can know a foreign land only if they are able to penetrate all aspects of public and private life; a feat that only a female scholar can accomplish. Apart from the importance of the Letters and their translation, focusing on a scholar like Maria Petrettini allows us to broaden our gaze to the intellectual possibilities available to high class women in the North-Eastern Mediterranean; the multiple strategies for women’s political representation within an era of Revolutions; the mosaic of religious, political and ethnic affiliations and the ways in which Enlightenment and Romantic ideas merged into each other within the framework of the Greco-Italian intellectual milieu providing us with a transcultural, trans-Adriatic Enlightenment.

In December 1970, white women's liberationist Ellin Hirst voiced the clear frustration of many activists in 1960s social movements who felt pressured to choose between issues, ideologies, and tactics when she declared: I want a movement that is for me and my head in its entirety. I don't want to be boxed up and have my mind in drawers. I don't want to have to leave women, the people who I am, in order to do things which I, as a woman, want to do. … Because we understand our own oppression, does that supersede the knowledge that we already had of the evil that the US visits daily on black people, on Vietnamese, Chicano, Puerto Rican, Brazilian, Palestinian, on every people? When we say that we want freedom and liberation does that deny that want in others? Does my liberation mean not your liberation? Is there competition for freedom, for struggle? 1 In the summer of 1969, the New Left organization Students for a Democratic Society (SDS) imploded at its national convention when Black Power, women's liberation, and revolutionary youth activists quarreled with one another and could not find a compromise. Nevertheless, Hirst's desire for unity, if not uniformity, was not unique, but rather representative of many who wanted to force a change in US society and foreign relations, including putting an end to US involvement in Vietnam. Unfortunately, many activists and organizations did not agree on tactics, proposed solutions, or even the underlying problems. This diversity of opinion within antiwar circles grew out of 1950s peace, civil rights, and Old Left movements, each of which focused on different aspects of US foreign and domestic policies, and eventually incorporated strategies and ideas that stemmed from New Left, Black Power, Asian American, Chicano, and women's liberation movements. Instead of 4

Why did Leopold von Ranke become, and remain, globally known as ‘the father of modern history’? Throughout the twentieth century, historians associated Ranke with the emergence of ‘modern’, ‘scientific’, or ‘critical’ historical writing. They hailed him as a father figure in the most diverse of places, from the United States and Mexico to Japan and India. Insofar as this global reputation has been studied in any detail – the literature is sparse and uneven – this has been done mainly along national lines. The story of how Ranke-related stereotypes (objectivity) and slogans (wie es eigentlich gewesen) travelled around the world, thereby creating a historiographical memory culture of truly global proportions, is yet to be told. This article uncovers some elements of this story by examining how Japanese, American, German, and Soviet images of Ranke were received in China – sometimes with enthusiasm, sometimes with reservation, but always selectively. The article explains why some images of Ranke found their way to China while others were kept at bay, or accepted only with considerable delay. In doing so, it shows that local demands shaped the dynamics of appropriation at least as much as the supply of Ranke images in foreign-language historical studies.

Swaraj has a prominent place in modern India's socio-political imagination. Its multiple interpretations by the leaders and organisations, often on the opposite spectrum of political ideologies, have shaped the nation's socio-cultural, political, and economic thinking and intellectual life. This paper examines the Gandhian conception of swaraj by comparing it with other equally important concepts in Gandhian lexicons of politics, such as truth, nonviolence, satyagraha, and sarvodaya. It underlines the significance of the socioeconomic conception of swaraj, which Gandhi expressed through constructive programmes. The second part of this paper examines its re/interpretations by the two prominent socialist leaders-Jayaprakash Narayan (1902-1979), popularly known as JP, and Rammanohar Lohia (1910-1967). They were founding members of the Congress Socialist Party (CSP), formed in 1934. Although inspired by Mahatma Gandhi's (1869-1948) leadership and programme, JP and Lohia were, at one point, ideologically opposed to Gandhian ideals and methods. However, in their distinct ways, both re/interpreted the Gandhian conception of swaraj in postindependence India for the 'reconstruction' of its polity and society.

en global ideologihistoria • 223 I övrigt nämns de historiska analysernas samtidsrelevans ibland i förbigående, men lämnas oftast till läsarens fantasi. Det hade därför varit välkommet med ett avslutande bidrag vars författare fått i uppgift att reflektera över just den politiska idéhistoriens samtidspotential. I brist på det hoppas jag att den diskussionen äger rum på annat håll -varför inte inom en workshop arrangerad av nätverket för politisk idéhistoria?

Contrary to what the book’s title may suggest, The Muslim Secular is not an apologia for a community that is singularly reviled for excessive religiosity, if not medievalist atavism, in our century. As religion has been reduced to a question of identity, cultural majoritarianism, disguised as nationalism, has placed the test of secularity squarely at the door of the followers of Islam in the Western countries as well as India. Things, however, looked very different a hundred years ago in the Indian subcontinent. Surely, the Muslim community had lost its political power with the decimation of the Mughals after the Rebellion of 1857 and was subjected to less favourable treatment by the colonial state. Yet, the open and indeterminate nature of Indian politics, which had still not subscribed to the certainty of a nationalist future, allowed for creative and utopic imaginations, belying the fixity of majority and minority categories.

This course embarks on a journey into one of the most intriguing and complex episodes in global history: the encounters between Europe and China during the late Ming and early Qing dynasties. These meetings, mediated by only a handful of Jesuit priests, reveal the possibilities and challenges of cross-cultural exchange in an age of exploration, intellectual discovery, and geopolitical ambition.

When we consider the Indian National Movement, we find that it was largely non-violent. But there was also a strand of revolutionary movement, even though not a big one,The Revolutionaries questioned the non-violent approach of the congress.They belived that only violent methods would drive the British from the Country. The activities of revolutionary heroism started as by-product of the growth of militant Nationalism. The first phase acquired a more activisit from a fallout of Swadeshi and Boycott Movement.The second phase started as a fallout of Non-Cooperation Movement. Further will get to know About the important role played by Revolutionaries in different Conspiracy Cases.

The Russian term okrainy and the Polish concept of kresy tend to refer to the same spatial area, or the non-Russian and non-Polish nation-states that after the 1991 breakup of the Soviet Union extend between the Russian Federation and Poland. From the late 19 th century through the interwar period, both the terms okrainy and kresy underwrote the Russian and Polish territorial expansion and the mission civilisatrice in these areas, most visibly exemplified by the policies of Russification and Polonization, respectively. Frequently, Russification was compounded with the state-supported spread of Orthodox Christianity, while in Polonization's case with that of Roman Catholicism. These two terms, okrainy and kresy, fell out of official use during the communist period, but resurfaced in Russia and Poland for a variety of ideologized ends by the turn of the 21 st century, with little respect for the countries and nations concerned.

When Cotton Mather looked back on the founding years of the Massachusetts Bay Colony in Magnalia Christi Americana (1702)-the first attempt at a comprehensive history of the Puritan experiment, excerpted later in this volume-he identified John Winthrop as his model of the ideal earthly ruler. Mather came from a family of prominent Bay Colony ministers, and he was well placed to shape Winthrop's legacy. He did so using a number of sacred and secular analogies, labelling Winthrop "Nehemias Americanus" after Nehemiah, the biblical governor of Judea who rebuilt the wall of Jerusalem; describing him as a new Moses; and comparing him favourably to the Greek lawgiver Lycurgus and the devout Roman king Numa. Mather's praise for the man who led the Bay Colony in its early years reflects his era's approach to historical writing, which was strongly influenced by the work of the Greek historian Plutarch, supplemented with Roman and biblical texts. Mather's biography of the Puritan leader also underlines the status and skills that Winthrop brought to his position. John Winthrop was the son of Adam Winthrop, a lawyer, and Anne Browne, the daughter of a tradesman. He was born in Groton, England, on an estate his father had purchased from King Henry VIII. It was a prosperous farm, and Winthrop had all the advantages of his father's social and economic position. He went to Cambridge University for two years-it is likely that he was first exposed to Puritan ideas there-and married at age seventeen. Unlike William Bradford and the Pilgrims, Winthrop was not a Separatist; that is, he wished to reform the Church of England from within rather than breaking with it and starting fresh. For Puritans like Winthrop, reform involved purging the national Church of the residual presence of Roman Catholicism, especially the hierarchy of the clergy and traditional practices such as kneeling at communion. For a time, Winthrop thought of becoming a clergyman, but instead he turned to the practice of law. In the 1620s, severe economic depression in England made Winthrop realize that he could not depend on the income from his father's estate and would need to find new means of support. The ascension to the throne of Charles I, who was known to be sympathetic to Roman Catholicism and impatient with Puritan reformers, also seemed an ominous sign. Winthrop was not alone in predicting that "God will bring some heavy affliction upon the land, and that speedily." He came to realize that if he antagonized the king by openly espousing the Puritan cause, he would lose everything. The only recourse seemed to be to obtain Charles's permission to emigrate. In March 1629, a group of enterprising merchants, all ardent Puritans, was able to get a charter for land in America from a Crown-approved joint stock company called the Council for New England. They called themselves "The Company of Massachusetts Bay in New England." Winthrop was chosen governor in October 1629, and for the next twenty years most of the responsibility for the colony rested in his hands. An initial group of some seven hundred emigrants sailed from England with Winthrop on April 8, 1630, aboard the Arbella. It has long been believed that Winthrop delivered his sermon A Model of Christian Charity either just before departing from England or during the voyage. A review of the historical record suggests a far more ambiguous origin. There is no contemporary account of Winthrop delivering A Model, and there exists little evidence of its composition. The manuscript that survives is a copy made during Winthrop's lifetime, possibly incomplete, and of unknown provenance. A Model of Christian Charity remains an iconic text despite its uncertain past. It sets out clearly and eloquently the ideals of a harmonious Christian community and reminds its audience members that they stand as an example to the world of the triumph or the failure of the Puritan enterprise. And in fact, events at the Massachusetts Bay Colony soon suggested that Winthrop's ideal of a selfless community was impossible to realize. In its first decade, the colony confronted basic differences over religious and civil liberties, social organization, and political structure. The colony also engaged in a brutal war with its Pequot neighbours. Winthrop was governor for much of this decade, and he was closely involved with all of these convicts. The frictions in the colony took a personal turn in 1645, when a group of leaders from the town of Hingham challenged Winthrop, then serving as deputy governor, over issues of local autonomy and representative government. Winthrop withstood the resulting impeachment threat and responded in the General Court with a trenchant speech distinguishing between natural liberty and civil or federal liberty, a distinction that remains a classic formulation. These and other disputes are detailed in the journal that he kept from 1630 until his death. Once the Winthrop family made the manuscript available to the colony's historians, including Cotton Mather and William Hubbard, the journal joined William Bradford's manuscript history, Of Plymouth Plantation, as a semi-official history of New England. Mather's account of Winthrop helped keep his memory alive. Beginning in 1790, when Noah Webster of dictionary fame published the first two volumes of Winthrop's journal, several New England intellectuals affiliated with the Massachusetts Historical Society (founded in 1791) worked to recover his words for future generations. James Savage published the first complete edition of the journal in 1825-26, though the achievement was marred when a fire at Savage's office destroyed the second volume of the manuscript. The first printed edition of A Model of Christian Charity appeared in the Collections of the Massachusetts Historical Society in 1838. Eventually, this little-known sermon acquired the status it has today, as an expression of the ideal suggested by its most resonant phrase, "a city upon a hill."

לפני 88 שנה התרחש מפגש מכריע בין מי שיהפוך לימים למשפטן הראשי של הרייך השלישי, ובין תיאורטיקן מסתורי שהוביל אותו לאמץ את האידיאולוגיה הנאצית. מאז ניסו חוקרים לגלות את זהותו, אך כעת מתברר שהיא היתה מתחת לאפם כל הזמן הזה. מי היה ג'וזף רדליך, ומה הוביל אותו לעצב את הרעיונות שבסופו של דבר ימיטו אסון על אירופה?

The title of this is paper "Role of Women in Swadeshi Movement (1905-1911) in India" in which we have to explore about the Swadeshi Movement. On the one side, The Swadeshi Movement, now known as 'Make in India' campaign was officially proclaimed on August 7, 1905 at the Calcutta Town Hall, in Bengal. On the other side, Boycott movement was also launched along with the Swadeshi movement. The movements included using goods produced in India and burning British-made goods. The swadeshi movement started with the partition of Bengal by the Viceroy of India, Lord Curzon, 1905 and continued up to 1911. It was the most successful of the pre-Gandhian movements. Its chief architects were Aurobindo Ghosh, Lokmanya Bal Gangadhar Tilak, Bipin Chandra Pal and Lala Lajpat Rai, Swadeshi, as a strategy, was a key focus of Mahatma Gandhi, who described it as the soul of swaraj (self rule). Though Gandhi was aware of the fact that the swadeshi movement was to hate the foreign goods, however, he was very much concerned with the development of the production of goods in the village and by the villagers would help greatly in upliftment of the masses. In order to make swadeshi more influential, he wanted that there should be weaving of Charaka as a starting point.

This article uses a case study of an Urdu translation of the classical Chinese Shujing (Book of Documents) to bring to light a process of multi-person, mediated, and ultimately transimperial translation in which European source texts played crucial roles in transmitting detailed knowledge of China to the Indian public sphere. After outlining the theoretical approach of transimperial history and its value for Asian intellectual history, the article positions the Urdu Shujing in relation to earlier Indian and Middle Eastern ac counts of China whose triangulated transmission--from East Asia to Europe and thence to South or West Asia--set various precedents for the translation of the Shujing from a prior English translation. The article then focuses on the Urdu version to reveal the transimperial mechanisms it used to not only trans late and transliterate classical Chinese but also to "transcalculate" dates and render Chinese history comparable to both Europe's and India's past. The conclusions argue that, from Ming China via the early modern Catholic empires to the occult subcurrents of British colonial culture, the transimperial path ways along which Confucian history reached India were ultimately Eurasian rather than narrowly inter-Asian in scope. This reliance on earlier European translations would later recur with the spread of "world literature" in the post-colonial era.

Dynastic succession of kingship is commonly considered a defining characteristic of monarchy. Accordingly, descent though the bloodline is also seen as an essential prerequisite to legitimate claims to the throne. There are, however, no indications that this was the view in early-modern Siam, known since 1939 as Thailand. Rather than royal blood, merit acquired through virtue over many lifetimes according to the Buddhist teachings was understood as legitimizing kingly authority. As merit is not passed on through the bloodline, kingship remained always contestable and both contested successions as well as palace coups were not uncommon. This changed from the mid-nineteenth to the early 20th century, when for the first time in Siamese history succession rules were devised and codified leading to the Palace Law of Succession of 1924. These modern changes to the traditional practice of royal succession in the Kingdom of Siam, can be understood in part as an adoption of foreign practices, in order to appear 'civilised' according to European royal norms, against the backdrop of colonial expansion in Southeast Asia. Simultaneously, they can also be seen as a continuation of the long-standing attempts of ruling monarchs to express and extend their authority by determining their own successor.

This article investigates the relationship between socialism and nationalism with a special emphasis on its Third Worldist variant. The Third Worldist orthodoxy of the postcolonial age blurred the boundaries between nationalism and socialism, with Third Worldist nationalism being an expression of resentment directed against imperialism and the uneven development produced by capitalism. Socialism was understood within this Third Worldist moment in terms of a nation's political and economic liberation from foreign imperialist powers and their internal collaborators. Socialism was seen as something which would make nations politically and economically independent and developed.

This essay offers a reading of B. R. Ambedkar’s understanding of inequality, as it is obtained in the Indian context, especially his critique of the Hindu caste order and untouchability. It adopts a historical approach in mapping his key ideas, and simultaneously undertakes a conceptual appraisal of his arguments, to mark the crisscrossing influences that shaped their making as well as their startling novelty. Further, it suggests how his critical vocabulary may be drawn upon, in order to enrich the semantics of inequality as it exists in different societies and cultures.

Between the end of World War I and the Mecca World Muslim Congress of 1926, Soviet officials and Indian Muslim thinkers imagined the possibilities of a post-imperial world through the Hijaz. The All-India Khilafat Committee (AIKC; established 1919), an organization led by prominent Indian Muslim thinkers, and the Soviet Union promoted competing projects to protect the Hijaz, home to some of Islam's holiest shrines, against European imperialism. Yet, far from limiting themselves to the question of who should rule the Hijaz, the AIKC and the Soviet state engaged in broader debates about religious and social difference, sovereignty, and minority rights. Whereas the AIKC imagined the Hijaz as an international Muslim republic and a place of refuge for Muslims worldwide, Soviet officials contended that the political future of Muslims should only be settled within the framework of ethno-territorial nation-states. Ironically, the programs of both the AIKC and the Soviet state denied the right of self-determination to Hijazis themselves, leaving the region's inhabitants to choose between two forms of external oversight: a Soviet-supported Saudi ethno-territorialism or limited domestic autonomy under the management and inspection of an international Muslim Council. With very few exceptions, past scholarship on the Hijaz in this period has analyzed the region's political fortunes through Saudi statecraft or European colonial influence. However, Soviet and Indian Muslim experimental engagement with the Hijaz ultimately proved just as crucial to the consolidation of Saudi governance over the region. The article arrives at these novel insights by bringing rare Soviet archival documents together with the Urdu proceedings of the AIKC's delegation to the Hijaz, as well as Arabic sources from the period in question.