Gay Rights

According to Oxford English Dictionary, homosexuality is defined as "a pattern of sexuality where sexual and romantic thinking and behavior are directed towards people of the same sex." Homosexuality has existed in the Indian society as early as the 4 th Century AD, in texts like the Kamasutra, especially in the chapter 'Purushayita' refers to as men attracted to the same gender as Tritiya-Prakriti or "third nature".

This paper examines presidential vote choice among self-identified Tea Party members to examine whether gender in any way impacted those choices. In addition, this paper examines whether there are attitudinal differences among women and men Tea Party members with respect to policy issues that dominated the 2012 elections, such as tax policy, repealing the Health Care Act, and the role of government in helping those most in need. I also analyze Tea Party attitudes on issues that were front-and-center in the socalled War on Women, namely abortion and the birth control mandate, again to determine if men and women of the Tea Party viewed these issues differently. While my analysis shows that men are significantly more likely than women nationally to support the Tea Party, once individuals identify as part of the movement, gender differences are not significant when it comes to voting for president: both men and women of the Tea Party vote in similar ways, giving their ideological views priority over their sex. This is not to say that there are no gender differences among Tea Party members on policy attitudes: indeed, Tea Party women were significantly more likely to support the Obama administration's birth control mandate and showed slightly more liberal tendencies than their male counterparts when it comes to tax policy, Obamacare, and the government's role in helping the poor. Yet these policy differences were not enough to sway Tea Party women to vote differently than Tea Party men.

This paper examines presidential vote choice among self-identified Tea Party members to examine whether gender in any way impacted those choices. In addition, this paper examines whether there are attitudinal differences among women and men Tea Party members with respect to policy issues that dominated the 2012 elections, such as tax policy, repealing the Health Care Act, and the role of government in helping those most in need. I also analyze Tea Party attitudes on issues that were front-and-center in the socalled War on Women, namely abortion and the birth control mandate, again to determine if men and women of the Tea Party viewed these issues differently. While my analysis shows that men are significantly more likely than women nationally to support the Tea Party, once individuals identify as part of the movement, gender differences are not significant when it comes to voting for president: both men and women of the Tea Party vote in similar ways, giving their ideological views ...

Abstract
This report provides a comprehensive analysis of the global status of LGBTQ rights, with a specific and detailed focus on the African continent. It examines the legal landscape through a regional lens, highlighting that 64 United Nations member states still criminalize consensual same-sex relations, with 11 jurisdictions allowing for the death penalty. The document outlines the progressive stances of the Americas and Western Europe, contrasts them with the repressive environments in parts of Asia and the Middle East, and acknowledges the mixed and evolving picture in Oceania. A significant portion of the analysis is dedicated to exploring the profound influence of major religions - Christianity, Islam, Hinduism, Buddhism, and Judaism - on laws and social attitudes. The core of the report focuses on Africa, where over 30 countries criminalize same-sex activity, making it the most challenging region for LGBTQ individuals. Through numerical data and case studies of South Africa, Uganda, Nigeria, and Botswana, the report illustrates the stark contrast between constitutional protections and societal violence, the impact of severe new legislation, and the role of judicial activism. It concludes by identifying key driving factors behind Africa's restrictive environment, including colonial-era penal codes, political scapegoating, and the influence of foreign religious movements, underscoring the complex interplay between law, religion, and culture in shaping LGBTQ rights worldwide.

Early Mormon views on marriage, race, and progeny provide a background to consider the church's new policy banning gay families from church membership. Brigham Young taught that interracial marriage of white Mormon men to black women would bring a curse upon the church, reducing the Mormon people below the descendants of Cain, and recommended execution to these families. He may have banned blacks from the priesthood to protect the church from becoming cursed through interracial marriage. The church now teaches that same-sex marriage would corrupt the divine institution of marriage, and leaders implemented the Policy to protect the church from what is considered a profane form of marriage. 19th century teachings on race and marriage provide a context to the concepts of a cursed people and unholy marriage. Both Young, and today's leaders felt extraordinary measures were needed to prevent a progressive form of marriage from diminishing the authority of the church. In this paper, I will explore teachings of the past that parallel today's policy.

A questionnaire comprising two scales, the short form of the Attitudes Towards Lesbians and Gay Men Scale (ATLG-S; Herek, 1984) and the newly devised Support for Lesbian and Gay Human Rights Scale (SLGHR) were administered to 226 students taking undergraduate psychology courses at universities in the United Kingdom, to assess their attitudes towards lesbians and gay men, and their level of support for lesbian and gay human rights. The results indicated that whilst only a small percentage of respondents expressed negative attitudes towards lesbians and gay men on the ATLG-S, the sample as a whole did not overwhelmingly support lesbian and gay human rights. The lack of support for lesbian and gay human rights is discussed in relation to its implications for psychology students as future practitioners and policy makers.

Despite a paucity of psychological research exploring the interface between lesbian and gay issues and human rights, a human rights framework has been widely adopted in debates to gain equality for lesbians and gay men. Given this prominence within political discourse of human rights as a framework for the promotion of positive social change for lesbians and gay men, the aim of this study was to explore the extent to which rights-based arguments are employed when talking about lesbian and gay issues in a social context. An analysis of six focus group discussions with students showed that when lesbian and gay issues are discussed, rights-based reasoning is employed intermittently, and in relation to certain issues more so than others. The implications of these findings for moral education aimed at promoting positive social change for lesbians and gay men are discussed.

The queering of marriage in the United States is one of the most contentious current civil rights debates. For many queer families, great ambiguity in their current and future legal statuses and choices exists. However, some ambiguity has decreased given the recent U.S. Supreme Court rulings. As a result of these rulings, queer couples in California are able to legally marry again and the federal government now recognizes queer marriages. As the queering of marriage gains momentum, it is important to examine the contextual pathways leading to this point. In doing so, we can look forward by looking back. Here, we use a framework for understanding civil rights issues by presenting the impact of social, political, and judicial contexts on the queering of marriage from 1969 to the present. We also forecast the future of same-sex marriage in the United States.

. 4 Throughout this article, I use "transgender" as an umbrella term including transsexuals, transvestites, cross-dressers, drag queens and drag kings, butch and 589 N.Y.L. SCH. J. HUM. RTS. [Vol. XVII been obliged to confront this question in multiplying contexts. 5 Should transsexual women be permitted to attend lesbian events? 6 Should gay legal organizations represent transgender clients? 7 Should proposed legislation to protect gay people from discrimination be drafted to protect transgender people as well? 8 Should gay advocacy groups broaden their missions to include transgender issues? 9 More generally, does it make sense to group gay and transfemme lesbians, feminine gay men, intersexed people, bigendered people, and others who, in Leslie Feinberg's words, "challenge the boundaries of sex and gender." See LESLIE FEINBERG, TRANSGENDER WARRIORS: MAKING HISTORY FROM JOAN OF ARC TO RUPAUL X (1996). For an overview of current debates about terminology within the transgender community, see id. at ix-xi. I use "gay" when referring to the dominant contemporary model of homosexuality as a discrete status defined exclusively by sexual object choice, with no intrinsic relation to gender, race, or class. I use "queer" to refer to lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender people. 5 See, e.g., Chryss Cada, Issue of Transgender Rights Divides Many Gay Activists, Transgender Activists Seek A Greater Voice, THE BOSTON GLOBE, April 23, 2000 at A8. 6 See, e.g., ZACHARY & NATAF, LESBIANS TALK TRANSGENDER 35-53 (1996) (presenting a variety of perspectives on the controversy over whether transsexual women should be included in women only spaces). See also FEINBERG, supra note 4, at 109-19 (critiquing the stereotype that "[t]ranssexual women are •.. a Trojan horse trying to infiltrate women's space"). 7 For an early and remarkably prescient analysis of this question, see Mary C. Dunlap, The Constitutional Rights of Sexual Minorities: A Crisis of the Male/ Female Dichotomy, 30 HASTINGS L.J. 1131 (1979). For a more recent exploration of why gay rights groups should advocate on behalf of transgender people, see Taylor Flynn, Transforming the Debate: Why We Need to Include Transgender Rights in the Struggles for Sex and Sexual Orientation Equality, 101 COLUM. L. REV. 392 (2001). 8 See, e.g., PAISLEY CURRAH & SHANNON MINTER, TRANSGENDER EQUAL- ITY (2000) (arguing that gay groups should include transgender people in legislative initiatives), available at www.transgenderlaw.org. See also Paisley Currah & Shannon Minter, Unprincipled Exclusions: The Struggle to Achieve Judicial and Legislative Equality for Transgender People, 7 WM. & MARY J, WOMEN & L. 37 (2000) (describing the need for legislation to protect transgender people). 9 At the national level, the National Lesbian and Gay Law Association and the National Gay and Lesbian Task Force were among the first national gay organizations to formally acknowledge their commitment to transgender people. Since then, a number of others have followed suit, including Parents, Families and Friends of Lesbians and Gays and, most recently, the Human Rights Campaign. For a description of some of the lobbying efforts and political struggles underlying these changes, see Phyllis Randolph Frye, Facing Discrimination, Organizing for Freedom: The Transgender Community, in CREATING CHANGE: SEXUALITY, PUB-LIC POLICY, AND CIVIL RIGHTS 451 (John D'Emilio, William B. Turner, & Urvashi Vaid eds., 2000).

. 4 Throughout this article, I use "transgender" as an umbrella term including transsexuals, transvestites, cross-dressers, drag queens and drag kings, butch and 589 N.Y.L. SCH. J. HUM. RTS. [Vol. XVII been obliged to confront this question in multiplying contexts. 5 Should transsexual women be permitted to attend lesbian events? 6 Should gay legal organizations represent transgender clients? 7 Should proposed legislation to protect gay people from discrimination be drafted to protect transgender people as well? 8 Should gay advocacy groups broaden their missions to include transgender issues? 9 More generally, does it make sense to group gay and transfemme lesbians, feminine gay men, intersexed people, bigendered people, and others who, in Leslie Feinberg's words, "challenge the boundaries of sex and gender." See LESLIE FEINBERG, TRANSGENDER WARRIORS: MAKING HISTORY FROM JOAN OF ARC TO RUPAUL X (1996). For an overview of current debates about terminology within the transgender community, see id. at ix-xi. I use "gay" when referring to the dominant contemporary model of homosexuality as a discrete status defined exclusively by sexual object choice, with no intrinsic relation to gender, race, or class. I use "queer" to refer to lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender people. 5 See, e.g., Chryss Cada, Issue of Transgender Rights Divides Many Gay Activists, Transgender Activists Seek A Greater Voice, THE BOSTON GLOBE, April 23, 2000 at A8. 6 See, e.g., ZACHARY & NATAF, LESBIANS TALK TRANSGENDER 35-53 (1996) (presenting a variety of perspectives on the controversy over whether transsexual women should be included in women only spaces). See also FEINBERG, supra note 4, at 109-19 (critiquing the stereotype that "[t]ranssexual women are •.. a Trojan horse trying to infiltrate women's space"). 7 For an early and remarkably prescient analysis of this question, see Mary C. Dunlap, The Constitutional Rights of Sexual Minorities: A Crisis of the Male/ Female Dichotomy, 30 HASTINGS L.J. 1131 (1979). For a more recent exploration of why gay rights groups should advocate on behalf of transgender people, see Taylor Flynn, Transforming the Debate: Why We Need to Include Transgender Rights in the Struggles for Sex and Sexual Orientation Equality, 101 COLUM. L. REV. 392 (2001). 8 See, e.g., PAISLEY CURRAH & SHANNON MINTER, TRANSGENDER EQUAL- ITY (2000) (arguing that gay groups should include transgender people in legislative initiatives), available at www.transgenderlaw.org. See also Paisley Currah & Shannon Minter, Unprincipled Exclusions: The Struggle to Achieve Judicial and Legislative Equality for Transgender People, 7 WM. & MARY J, WOMEN & L. 37 (2000) (describing the need for legislation to protect transgender people). 9 At the national level, the National Lesbian and Gay Law Association and the National Gay and Lesbian Task Force were among the first national gay organizations to formally acknowledge their commitment to transgender people. Since then, a number of others have followed suit, including Parents, Families and Friends of Lesbians and Gays and, most recently, the Human Rights Campaign. For a description of some of the lobbying efforts and political struggles underlying these changes, see Phyllis Randolph Frye, Facing Discrimination, Organizing for Freedom: The Transgender Community, in CREATING CHANGE: SEXUALITY, PUB-LIC POLICY, AND CIVIL RIGHTS 451 (John D'Emilio, William B. Turner, & Urvashi Vaid eds., 2000).

provided excellent research assistance. Special thanks goes to Katrina Anderson, formerly of the Center and now at U.N. Women, for her work recognizing sexual and reproductive rights defenders as human rights defenders in a 2009 briefing paper, which is used and cited in this essay. Juliana Cano Nieto and Angela Heimburger from Human Rights Watch and Valéria Pandjiarjian from CLADEM also contributed significantly to the 2009 briefing paper. See KATRINA ANDERSON ET AL., CTR. FOR REPROD. RIGHTS, A COMMUNICATION TO THE U.N. SPECIAL RAPPORTEURS REGARDING THE RISKS AND VULNERABILITIES FACING REPRODUCTIVE HEALTHCARE PROVIDERS IN THE UNITED STATES (2009), tion%20_01-27-09_0.pdf. 1. Special Rapporteur on the Situation of Human Rights Defenders, Report of the Special Rapporteur on the Situation of Human Rights Defenders, Human Rights Council, U.N. Doc. A/ HRC/16/44 (Dec. 20, 2010) (by Margaret Sekaggya) [hereinafter 2011 Report of the Special Rapporteur Sekaggya]. 2. Between 2000 and 2008, Hina Jilani served as the Special Representative of the U.N. Secretary-General on the Situation of Human Rights Defenders. Her mandate was renewed once by the Commission on Human Rights in 2003 and again by the Human Rights Council in 2007. In March 2008, the Human Rights Council continued the mandate for another three years and appointed Margaret Sekaggya the new Special Rapporteur on the Situation of Human Rights Defenders. See Special Rapporteur on the Situation of Human Rights Defenders, OFFICE OF THE U.N. HIGH COMM'R FOR HUM. RTS., (last visited Apr. 8, 2011). For the purposes of this essay, Jilani will be referred to as "Special Representative Jilani" and Sekaggya will be referred to as "Special Rapporteur Sekaggya." 3. LGBT is an acronym for lesbian, gay, bisexual, or transgender. 981 \\jciprod01\productn\M\MIA\65-3\MIA312.txt unknown Seq: 2 27-MAY-11 15:12

Taiwan's legalization of same-sex marriage in 2019 has reinforced its reputation as a beacon of progressive values in Asia. There has been much discourse on the progress of Taiwan's LGBT movement, yet there has been little discussion about how Taiwan could leverage that to enhance its soft power, particularly in Southeast Asia.

This paper both historicizes and contextualizes the contemporary US Food and Drug Administration(FDA) blood donation policy banning men who have sex with men and transgender individuals although in 2023 they have changed their old policies and made new recommendations where MSM and LGBTQ+ community can donate blood but coming to India we are still following the age-old policies. These policies found their roots in the 1980s at the outset of the HIV/AIDS crisis, when fear and misinformation coupled the disease first and foremost with homosexual men, leading to lasting stigmatization and discriminatory practices. Yet, with all the strides made in blood testing technology and a better understanding of the HIV transmission process, such archaic policies thrive not just in India but in several other countries also. The paper contributed to this area while summarizing the evolution of knowledge on HIV, the window period for HIV detection, and international blood donation guidelines and argued that the blanket ban is not only lacking in scientific basis but also constitutionally unsound and violated basic human rights. It discriminates against gay men in monogamous relationships wherein heterosexual men who have multiple sexual partners are given the chance to be blood donors. These policies, upon updating, shall massively add to the potential blood donor pool that would save

Indian culture has a long tradition of embracing a wide range of beliefs, principles, religions, doctrines, and ways of life. India, on the other hand, is a deeply religious country that also recognizes non-religious communities. In ancient times, there was space for a wide range of cultures, literature, and the arts, and society was highly assimilating. All kinds of beliefs, guidelines, religions, ideologies, and ways of life have long been tolerated in Indian society. Human sexuality is multifaceted and nuanced. Biological and environmental forces combine to create specific sexual orientation and identity, as they do with all complex attitudes and personality traits. Today, more Indian teenagers are accepting of homosexuality and queer identities than ever before, but recognition of their sexuality and the right to openly express their gender preferences remain a constant struggle for LGBT (lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender) people within the confines of their families, homes, and schools. The scenario for gay men is more up-to-date than transgender people or lesbian women in the urban Indian region, which has raised a growing awareness about LGTB rights. Whilst urban LGBT voices heard on multiple online and on-theground platforms constitute an important part of LGBT activism, they expose little of the various community challenges. The consistency of same-sex desires, the failure of efforts to reform, and the lack of success in therapies to change orientation are all used to argue that homosexuality is a stable condition. There is an increasing awareness that homosexuality is not a single phenomenon, but rather a set of phenomena that exist within the framework of homosexuality.

Le interpretazioni ed i significati attribuiti alla famiglia ed al matrimonio sono in una cruciale fase di cambiamento socio-giuridico, che si sta rapidamente espandendo su scala mondiale. Una riflessione sui più recenti accadimenti in Europa consente di mettere in evidenza quali siano gli orientamenti, i contrasti e le possibili soluzioni poste in essere, ispirate ai principi condivisi del rispetto dell'individuo e di non discriminazione, mentre la realtà italiana non riesce a tradurre le decisioni giurisprudenziali in un'adeguata previsione legislativa che dia tutela alle nuove forme di famiglia, già presenti nella società.

Il saggio esamina il diritto successorio nel Codice civile brasiliano, con particolare riferimento alla successione legittima e ai diritti dei legittimari. Sebbene il sistema giuridico brasiliano presenti molte somiglianze con quello italiano nell’ambito del diritto di famiglia e delle successioni, emergono rilevanti differenze. In questo senso, il saggio offre una panoramica della successione legittima e della tutela dei legittimari in Brasile, analizzandone i principali aspetti e proponendo un confronto con le norme italiane. Tale approccio consente di comprendere meglio le analogie e le divergenze tra i due ordinamenti in relazione all’argomento, contribuendo al dibattito accademico sulla materia.

Evangelicals have become highly influential in Brazilian politics and society, succeeding in gaining political power by electing candidates to public office (Oro 2005; Rodrigues-Silveira and Cervi 2019; Ferreira and Fuks 2021). This chapter explores how some religious organisations have created a powerful bloc and countermovement capable of rolling back rights championed by social movements. It thus contributes to Payne's conceptual framework (Chapter 2) by outlining some of the mechanisms underlying the right-against-rights success. I argue that in the case of evangelical movements, success can be related to organisational structure.

The UK Government's long-standing objective is for the governments of the Overseas Territories to abide by the same basic human rights standards that the British people expect of the UK government. The European Convention on Human Rights was extended to "virtually the whole dependent empire" in 1953. Since then, the empire has receded dramatically and there remain fourteen colonies, now renamed British Overseas Territories (BOTs). This article considers what impact the Convention has had on the BOTs through a case study focusing on lesbian, gay, bisexual and trans (LGBT) rights in Bermuda. Bermuda is the oldest, most populated, and wealthiest 5 of the Overseas Territories. It is an archipelago of approximately 54sq km in the North Atlantic with a population of around 65,000 people. Bermuda is self-governing and has its own constitution 7 but as it does in relation to all British Overseas Territories, the UK retains responsibility for defence and foreign relations, as well as "responsibility for the security and good governance of the Overseas Territories, flowing from international law, political commitments, and our wider responsibility for British nationals". This means that while the government of Bermuda has *P.L. 596 primary responsibility for protecting human rights, and the Constitution of Bermuda contains a fundamental rights chapter, the UK government remains accountable to international bodies for ensuring that Bermuda complies with international human rights conventions and court judgments. In this regard, the UK has, with the consent of the Bermuda government, formally accepted the competence of the European Court of Human Rights to accept individual applications from Bermuda under art.56 (formerly art.63), though no such cases have been heard to date.

What variables lead judicial and nonjudicial decision-making bodies to introduce policy change? In the theoretical framework proposed, the pathdependent nature of law has a differential impact on courts and legislatures. Likewise, certain political institutions including elections and political accountability lead those bodies to introduce policy change under dissimilar circumstances. Global trends, however, affect both institutional paths equally. We test this theory with data for the repeal of sodomy laws in all countries from 1972-2002. Results from two disparate multivariate models overwhelmingly confirm our predictions. The unique institutional position of courts of last resort allows them to be less constrained than legislatures by either legal status quo or political accountability. Globalization, on the other hand, has a comparable effect on both. This work is path breaking in offering a theoretical framework explaining policy change via different institutional paths, systematically testing the framework comparatively and with respect to a policy issue still on the agenda in many countries. In 1969, the Canadian Parliament passed the Criminal Law Amendment Act. Among other sweeping changes to the existing criminal code, the Act decriminalized consensual same-sex relations, effectively repealing sodomy laws, which had been a part of Canadian jurisprudence since its inheritance of the English Buggery laws . A mere two years earlier, the Supreme Court of Canada had upheld the conviction of Everett George Klippert who had been sentenced to an indefinite prison term as a "dangerous sexual offender" for engaging in consensual sex with another man (Klippert v. the Queen 1967). The Court's decision elicited strong condemnation from the Canadian legal community, causing Justice Minister Pierre Trudeau to table legislation in the House of Commons to amend the criminal code The authors are grateful for the helpful comments made by the editors and reviewers of the manuscript. Sommer is grateful for research support from Marie Curie.

What are the predictors of rights guarantees at the level of individual countries? We examine this question within the context of what factors lead certain countries, but not others, to have legislation prohibiting sexual orientation discrimination in the workplace between 1972 and 2002. In the theoretical framework, a combination of domestic forces (past inclusion of minorities, culture, and democratic conditions) and global trends (regulation by supranational bodies and globalization) predict guarantees of rights. To test the theory, generalized estimating equation time-series cross-sectional analyses are performed on data from 161 countries. The results, which are robust to changes in model specification and alternative measurement schemes, confirm our key hypotheses. We conclude by discussing the implications of this research for the study of rights generally.

nation, including Harvard, had to allow military recruiters on their campuses or give up their university-wide funding. For the over 160 schools in the American Association of Law Schools, allowing a discriminatory employer to recruit on campus was and is a violation of their mutually agreed-upon nondiscrimination policy, which includes equal opportunity for students to obtain employment without discrimination. For large universities such as Harvard, this would have meant giving up all of their federal money, including public health and medical research money. For Harvard, that was over $400 million. At oral arguments in the FAIR case, Justice Breyer suggested that the remedy for the military's discriminatory speech was not less speech but more speech. And so we at HLS Lambda got to talking. We decided to turn our focus away from the minutiae of the Solomon Amendment to the broader discrimination of the "Don't Ask, Don't Tell" policy. We sought to organize a conference to bring together students, scholars, and practitioners to discuss "Don't Ask, Don't Tell" not solely as an intellectual exercise, but to rekindle the national dialogue about the policy almost a decade and a half after its codification. Our conference comes on the heels of Representative Marty Meehan's reintroduction of the Military Readiness Enhancement Act this past Wednesday. His bipartisan bill, with 109 co-sponsors, would repeal "Don't Ask, Don't Tell" and allow men and women to serve their country without respect to their sexual orientation. This coming Wednesday, [March 7, 2007,] the First Circuit Court of Appeals will hear oral arguments in the case of Cook v. Gates, a constitutional challenge to "Don't Ask, Don't Tell" brought by twelve discharged veterans who are seeking reinstatement in the U.S. Armed Forces. 2 And if this wasn't enough speech, at the end of this month, Servicemembers Legal Defense Network will hold its annual lobby days in support of Congressman Meehan's bill. So I welcome you to the conference. I challenge you to keep the dialogue going after the conference adjourns. And before I turn the mic over to Brad Rosen, our Communications Director, who will introduce our opening speaker, Joseph Steffan, I would like to just thank all of our generous law firm sponsors for their support and thank all of you for attending and our panelists and moderators for generously donating their time and wisdom to make this all possible. Thank you. Today we have a very special speaker. This is kind of important; we were actually just talking about this. He asked how old I was, and I gave a certain date and said, "Yes, you were fighting for these rights before I even knew I was gay." MR. STEFFAN: Before you were walking, I think. 2. Cook v. Gates, No. 06-2313 (1st Cir. argued Mar. 7, 2007).

Language can be seen as an intuitive challenge for those who embark on comparative constitutional research: its intricate entanglement with law is often overlooked and not engaged with explicitly. This chapter argues that this is a missed opportunity at best, and arguably presents a hazard for the collective quality of the scholarly discourse. It discusses four ways in which language matters when engaging in constitutional comparisons: the problem of literal translation; the problem of legal-conceptual translation; a multilingual discourse that is marked by fragmentation; and expectations in communication with a foreign or international readership. The approach taken is constructive, with efforts to identify possible coping techniques to alleviate the challenges identified.

This study explores the level of support for gay and lesbian rights among social work and psychology undergraduate students (N = 870). While students were generally supportive of gay and lesbian rights, 43% believed that social workers and psychologists should support gay and lesbian rights only 'when lesbians and gay men do not offend or upset others', while 31.3% agreed that these rights should be supported 'as long as they don't contradict the prevalent religion and values of the society they live in'. Social work students were more supportive of all items compared to psychology students; they were also more supportive regarding professionals' obligation to challenge negative discrimination on the grounds of sexual orientation. Religiosity, gender and having gay and lesbian friends or acquaintances were important correlates of students' level of support for gay and lesbian rights. Findings are discussed in relation to social work and psychology education.

In a new report, NLC finds that states limit city power through preemption in a number of policy areas, ranging from labor protections to taxing authority.Preemption is the use of state law to nullify a municipal ordinance or authority. In some cases, preemption can lead to improved policy statewide. However, preemption that prevents cities from expanding rights, building stronger economies, and promoting innovation can be counterproductive when decision-making is divorced from the core wants and needs of community members

Must privacy and freedom of expression conflict? To witness recent debates in Britain, you might think so. Anything other than self-regulation by the press is met by howls of anguish from journalists across the political spectrum, to the effect that efforts to protect people's privacy will threaten press freedom, promote self-censorship and prevent the press from fulfilling its vital function of informing the public and keeping a watchful eye on the activities and antics of the powerful. [Brown, 2009, 13 January] 1 Effective protections for privacy, from such a perspective, inevitably pose a threat to democratic government via the constraints that they place on the press. Such concerns with privacy must be taken seriously by anyone who cares about democratic government, and the freedom, equality and wellbeing of individuals. But if it is one thing to say that privacy and freedom of expression cannot always be fully protected, it is another to suppose that protections for the one must always come at the expense of the other. After all, the economics of contemporary politics and journalism would seem to be partly responsible for our difficulties in protecting personal privacy while sustaining robust and informative forms of public discourse. [Moore, 2010, 10 -141] 2 Most newspapers are lossmaking businesses and the need to reduce those losses and, if possible, to turn a profit, make investigative journalism an increasingly expensive proposition as compared to both "comment" and more or less elevated forms of gossip. At the same time, politics has increasingly become the prerogative of a narrow group of people with access to the large sums of money necessary successfully to compete for high office. In those circumstances, the need for critical scrutiny is as important as it is difficult. Revising our ideas about privacy and its protection cannot alone reduce the tensions between freedom of expression and personal privacy typical of our societies, necessary though such revision may be. Moreover, this paper can only touch on some aspects of the ways in which we need to rethink our interests in privacy, in order adequately to reflect

Realiza-se um questionamento acerca da legitimidade da decisão cometida pelo Supremo Tribunal Federal, resultante da divisão de competências entre os poderes da União. A metodologia utilizada foi a de investigação bibliográfica, tendo base nas críticas levantadas por Lênio Streck sobre a atuação do Poder Judiciário, caracterizando-a como um ativismo judicial a ser combatido, fazendo-se uma reflexão sobre as motivações concretas que fazem o ativismo vir a ocorrer, utilizando-se das considerações de Rachel Nigro, que propõe uma revisão dos conceitos de democracia, fazendo defesa de um ativismo legítimo e necessário. Sendo assim, reconhece-se as negativas do ativismo judicial, mas também se reconhece as negativas da não tutela dos direitos fundamentais em nome de uma aplicação restrita do texto constitucional. Isso, pois, deixar as famílias homoafetivas à margem daquilo que lhe é de Direito, esperando a boa vontade legislativa, vai contra ao que é, de fato, democrático e constitucional. Pontua-se, ainda, da carga simbólica que uma produção normativa coerente aos aspectos fáticos das famílias homoafetivas traria para efetivar a seguridade jurídica e social de tal grupo.

A questioning about the legitimacy of the decision made by the Federal Supreme Court, resulting from the division of competences between the powers of the Union, was carried out. The methodology used was that of bibliographic research, based on the criticisms raised by Lênio Streck about the performance of the Judiciary, characterizing it as a judicial activism to be fought, reflecting on the concrete motivations that make the activism come to take place, using the considerations of Rachel Nigro, who proposes a revision of the concepts of democracy, making defense of legitimate and necessary activism. thus, it acknowledges the negatives of judicial activism, but also acknowledges the denials of non-protection of Fundamental Rights in the name of a restricted application of the constitutional text. this, therefore, leaving homoaffective families to the margin of what is their right, waiting for legislative goodwill, goes against what is, in fact, democratic and constitutional. the symbolic burden that a coherent normative production of the factual aspects of homoaffective families would bring to the juridical and social security of such a group is also punctuated.

The Australian artist Martin Sharp (1942-2013) produced a series of psychedelic artworks in London between 1966-8, the most famous of which were the Disraeli Gears record cover for rock group Cream and the Bob Dylan Blowin' in the Mind poster. Sharp's work exemplifies the connection between early twentieth century Modernist art movements, Pop art and acid-induced psychedelia of the 1960s. In addition, the poster Max Ernst: The Birdman from 1967, represents a homage to Dada and Surrealism, with special reference to anarchy, desire, and freedom of expression. In the spirit of Dada, the poster is meaningfully confrontational, exposing the darker side of the 1960s countercultural revolution in Western societies. This aspect of the youth movements of the 1960s is part of a continuum, drawing upon ideas and activities championed during the late 1910s and early 1920s by proponents of Dada and Surrealism. These resurfaced within the multifaceted counterculture of the 1960s, spurred on by Cold War tensions, rejection of 1950s conservative mores, opposition to nuclear proliferation, the conflict in Vietnam, an explosion in popular music, and the widespread use of psychedelic drugs such as LSD. Sharp's art is part of this confrontational continuum.

This chapter examines the contested legal field of sex/gender issues in relation to trans rights in Taiwan, taking the intimacy recognition case as an example. First, Taiwan's political democratization, the women's movement and gender equality movement will be set out in order to answer the question of what were the conditions for Taiwan to become one of the most LGBT friendly countries in Asia? Second, the Wu-Wu trans marriage case will be analyzed to demonstrate the limits of the current binary male-female legal categories and explore whether the legal recognition of two trans persons' marriage adequately encompasses their genderqueer identity. Third, the current status quo of the administrative procedures and practices regarding gender change registration and lastly, reform suggestions will be explored. Built on the rich results of the democratization of intimacy by the women's movement, growing demands for protection of non-heteronormative relationships and nonbinary sex/gender identities have played out vividly in the recent social-legal activism in Taiwan, pushing it to become the first nation in Asia to legalize same sex marriage in May 2019. Less known however is the Wu-Wu trans marriage case in 2013. Both parties were trans women, though at the time of marriage registration they held national identification cards with different sex marker (one female, one male). The Wu case demonstrated the limitation of the current binary female-male legal categories in Taiwan and openly questioned whether the legal recognition of marriage between two trans persons adequately encompassed their own fluid sex/gender identity. Unlike in some Euro-American countries, there is no specific law regulating gender modification surgery or sex change registration in Taiwan. These are done through administrative regulations, everyday bureaucratic practices, civil servants' discretion, civil society activism which I call 'the Taiwanese way', flexible and pragmatic. In the process of becoming oneself and building intimate

O F three possible focal points for gay identity-the individual, the community, and the couple-the couple is the least visible in litigation about the public sphere rights of gay men and lesbians. Using as my starting point the cases collected in Professor Patricia Cain's litigation history,' I shall explore in this Commentary the implications of the couple's absence from most public sphere cases and its uneasy, shadowy presence within others. It should not be surprising that the couple is both a suppressed and a contested element in gay rights litigation. Coupling, in two senses of the word, is both defining and problematic for gay men and lesbians in this society. That is to say, "coupling" as in "forming a pair bond" and "coupling" as in "copulating" are exactly what gay men and lesbians may want to do and what troubles society when they try to do it. Same-sex coupling might therefore be what sodomy is not-"the behavior that defines the class ' 2 of homosexuals.

Between 1998 and 2000, the House of Lords in the United Kingdom debated and rejected a Bill to equalise the age of sexual consent for gay men with the age of consent for heterosexual sex at sixteen years. A corpus-based keywords analysis of these debates uncovered the main lexical di¡erences between oppositional stances, and helped to shed light on the ways that discourses of homosexuality were constructed by the Lords. In the debates the word homosexual was associated with acts, whereas gay was linked to identities. Those who argued in favour of law reform focused on a discourse of equality and tolerance, while those who were against law reform constructed homosexuality by accessing discourses linking it to danger, ill health, crime and unnatural behaviour. The discussion focuses on the ways that discourses can be constructed via chains of argumentation.

The African-American struggle for civil rights has been a long one, one that began with the importation of the fIrst black person into the country as a slave, and continues today. I Through radical political struggle coupled with legal precedent, de jure segregation became a part * Assistant Professor, University of Baltimore School of Law. A.B. Harvard and Radcliffe Colleges; J.D. Harvard Law School. I would like to thank members of the Northeast Corridor Collective of Black Women Law Teachers for their comments on an earlier draft of this paper. Special thanks go to

The African-American straggle for civil rights has been a long one, one that began with the importation of the first black person into the country as a slave, and continues today. 1 Through radical political struggle coupled with legal precedent, de jure segregation ...

On the one hand, the volume is intended as a selective but wide-ranging study of the history of the theory and practice of rhetoric. As the editors Benedetto Fontana, Cary J. Nederman, and Gary Remer stress in the Introduction, the essays are "committed to a historical analysis of their subject matter" (p. 20). But the volume is much more than an exercise in historical analysis or an intellectual history of theoretical reflections on rhetoric. The essays are drawn together into a genuine whole by an argument that runs throughout the book. The argument of Talking Democracy is first presented in the extensive Introduction, in which the editors prepare the way by discussing the rise of deliberative democracy

Amidst the ever-expanding debates in various academic and policy fields around migrant and refugee integration and local integration, we bring these two concepts in conversation with one another. Until very recently, theories of integration have had a state-centric focus in the Global North. This article expands and complicates this literature to focus on displaced Somalis within Somalia and its borderlands living in the cities of Kismayo and Garowe using mixed qualitative and quantitative methods in five displacement settlements. Toward this end, we use the often- engaged term “domains of integration” to frame integration. In our conceptualization, however, we incorporate the concept of “local integration” as a durable solution. In brief, we see the domains of integration as a productive concept in the Somali context. However, in Somalia, where clans are interwoven into the state, which lacks resources and power, clan affiliation represents social connections domains, yet also influences the state’s role in the foundational domain of rights and citizenship and makers and means (employment, housing, education, health). International donors and NGOs, as well as international capitalist urban expansion also have a large role in these processes. As such, we argue that the ten domains of integration (discussed in detail below) intersect and blur to an even greater extent than in European and North American contexts, particularly around crucial issues such as housing, land, and property; a key factor in people’s decisions to remain or leave.

The healthcare challenges in Somalia are immense. The public healthcare sector struggles with limited resources and depends heavily on external donor support. The private healthcare, while growing, is unregulated and unable to meet the needs of a population seeking care for acute, chronic and complex health conditions. SIDRA Institute sought to examine the enabling and disabling factors of establishing a state-of-the-art private hospital in Puntland State, Somalia. This research employed a mixed-methods approach, including secondary data analysis, surveys with 106 participants through snowball sampling, and 12 key informant interviews with healthcare practitioners and policymakers. The study mapped the healthcare landscape in Puntland, which is characterized by a fragile public health system and an under-regulated private sector, alongside a growing reliance on costly medical tourism for specialized care. The study found critical deficiencies in healthcare infrastructure and service delivery, particularly in managing chronic and complex medical conditions. Approximately 31% of surveyed patients reported the unavailability of services locally, while 41% expressed dissatisfaction with the quality of care as a primary motivators for seeking treatment abroad. The economic implications are profound with the average cost of medical tourism exceeding $8,500 per patient. The study further highlights inadequacies in diagnostic capabilities and specialized healthcare personnel in Puntland State, underscoring systemic barriers to dissatisfaction and utilization of healthcare. This study proposes the establishment of a private hospital which can bring modern, specialized medical services closer to home, offering an alternative to the costly and emotionally taxing journey abroad with special focus on workforce development, improvement of regulations, and ensuring reliable medical supplies. The study concludes that a modern, private hospital has the potential to transform healthcare access and quality in Puntland State, an objective which is aligned with Somalia’s Health Sector Strategic Policy (HSSP II).

The protection of the human rights of LGBTQ+ people is a relatively new topic in international human rights law in this digital era. Over the years, in the context of sexual acts against the order of nature and emerging Islamic practice, engaging in homosexual behaviour is considered a crime punishable under the law, whereby people in the LGBTQ+ were being discriminated against and attacked by the community. Hence, with the calls for gender equality and human rights, this paper focuses on the debate about human rights in homosexual relations, which is gay or lesbian. The research methodology adopted is doctrinal legal research. This paper intends to examine the existence of equal rights given to the homosexual community, and the proportionality of punishments for homosexuality in Malaysia from the secular civil law and Islamic Law perspectives. Besides, a comparison is made between Malaysia and some other selected Asian countries from the psychological view and health conditions with recommendations to protect the rights of this group as a conclusion.

Diskriminierung und Menschenrechtsverletzungen gegenüber LSBTIQ* werden heute in vielen Ländern angeprangert. Gleichzeitig haben Hassverbrechen und die Auseinandersetzungen um die herrschenden Normen von Zweigeschlechtlichkeit und Heterosexualität zugenommen. Was bedeutet das für die Situation von LSBTIQ*?

Although mature and vibrant, Latin American scholarship on sexuality still remains largely invisible to a global readership. In this collection of articles translated from Portuguese and Spanish, South American scholars explore the values, practices, knowledge, moralities and politics of sexuality in a variety of local contexts. While conventionally read as an intellectual legacy of Modernity, Latin American social thinking and research has in fact brought singular forms of engagement with, and new ways of looking at, political processes. Contributors to this reader have produced fresh and situated understandings of the relations between gender, sexuality, culture and society across the region. Topics in this volume include sexual politics and rights, sexual identities and communities, eroticism, pornography and sexual consumerism, sexual health and well-being, intersectional approaches to sexual cultures and behavior, sexual knowledge, and sexuality research methodologies in Latin America.

Gayed, Andrew. “Queering Diaspora Through Visual Art: Contesting the Double Binds of Homocolonialism And Homonationalism.” The Routledge Handbook on Middle Eastern Diasporas. Edited by Dr. Dalia Abdelhady and Dr. Ramy Aly. Routledge: Taylor and Frances Group, 2022. Pg 181-196. ISBN 9780367217921

This paper looks at current struggles of Iranian gay men to form new sexual identities that are directly tied to family structure and based on values of emotional bond and commitment to a same-sex partner. Based on fieldwork conducted among Iranian gay men in 2012-2014 and through looking at Iranian gay men's terminologies, Hamjensgara and Gay in particular, I will clarify how Iranian gays, in a way different from that of Western LGBT activists, are trying to portray a positive image of their sexuality in relation to local family standards so they can be integrated into the Iranian family structure, which is the central space of regulating identities in Iran.