Gay marriage

Palavras-chave: homens, feminismo brasileiro, gerações. Resumo O feminismo-movimento social, teoria do conhecimento, práxis, modo de vidaqualquer que seja a centralidade concedida aos seus sentidos e significados, está diretamente associado às mulheres enquanto sujeito histórico e agente de suas lutas, sujeito este não unificado, mas pluralizado. No entanto, o debate sobre se o feminismo deveria se abrir à participação dos homens e qual seria o seu papel na ação feminista é antigo e não isento de muitas fricções e tensões. Rever este debate à luz de pesquisa empírica realizada com homens autodeclarados feministas no feminismo brasileiro é a proposta deste artigo que analisa a intersecção entre gênero e geração do ponto de vista da ação de homens feministas mais do que dos estudos sobre masculinidades. Atenta ao

Articles Progress and Progression in Family Law Martha Albertson Fineman* Three years ago, Justice O'Connor noted that "[t]he demo ... at The University of Chicago Legal Forum Symposium in October 2003.1 would like to thank Cornell Law School student Luke Zachary Fenchel ...

Nell'articolo l'autore offre un'articolata analisi del volume "Il diritto di famiglia nella società contemporanea. Teoria e metodo" di Maria Rosaria Marella (Jovene, Napoli, 2025), restituendone con profondità argomentativa la complessità metodologica e l'impatto politico. Si evidenzia come l'opera, lontana da una ricognizione puramente normativa, rappresenti un esercizio di critica giuridica capace di decostruire le principali dicotomie del diritto moderno (pubblico/privato, famiglia/mercato, status/contratto), rivelandone la funzione ideologica e distributiva. L'autore mette in luce la matrice interdisciplinare del metodo adottato-che intreccia giusrealismo, femminismo intersezionale e post-strutturalismo-e ne mostra l'efficacia nell'analizzare dispositivi normativi come il principio dell'interesse del minore, la responsabilità civile endofamiliare, il lavoro di cura non remunerato e la gerarchia tra forme di coniugalità. La lettura valorizza l'opera marelliana come contributo teorico fondamentale per ripensare il diritto di famiglia non solo come tecnica regolativa, ma come campo di produzione di soggettività e di redistribuzione del potere. Sommario: 1. Un'analisi critica e impegnata; 2. Metodologie ed assi teorici per ripensare il diritto di famiglia contemporaneo; 3. La specialità del diritto di famiglia e l'emergere delle identità; 4. La gerarchia dell'attuale sistema della coniugalità: matrimonio, unione civile e convivenze di fatto; 4.1. L'omogenitorialità e il ruolo normalizzante del diritto; 5. La centralità dell'interesse del minore nelle relazioni familiari odierne; 6. Luci e ombre del c.d. danno endofamiliare; 7. Il lavoro di cura fra invisibilità giuridica e posta politica della riproduzione sociale; 8. Conclusioni: l'uso critico della comparazione giuridica.

On January 30, 1956, in a Madrid cemetery, a mysterious Argentine woman watched as gravediggers exhumed a coffin from niche 34. The body inside belonged to Carlos María Ocantos, a writer who had died seven years earlier in obscurity, despite having authored 37 volumes and earning recognition fom Spain's most prestigious literary circles. What I discovered during four years of research across four countries reveals not just one of Latin American literature's most puzzling cases of collective amnesia, but potentially one of its earliest examples of systematic homophobic erasure.

This research examines one of the most important conflicts in recent history that placed Argentina as the first Latin American country to enact a gay marriage law. The particularity of the conflict is the political struggle mainly manifested in two opposite positions within the political-legal field: on the one hand, sexual diversity organizations that promoted the expansion and recognition of their rights and on the other hand, the resistance of its counterpart which is represented by the Catholic Church and Pro-life organizations which were against legal recognition. Thus, this paper sets out to show the importance that the strategic use of law took as the main instrument of the struggle in defense of these organizations interests by analyzing the different legal conceptions of cause lawyers in this process. In this respect the thesis provides a doble analytical construction: the first one, historical-explanatory, which hightlight the background of the the homosexual conflict in A...

India and the United States, both of which are the largest democracies globally, exhibit differing constitutional traditions shaped by their unique historical and socio-political backgrounds. This analysis offers a thorough comparative overview of their constitutions, highlighting both common democratic principles and notable structural differences. The Constitution of India (1950), known as the longest written constitution in the world, was designed to govern a diverse and newly independent country, while the U.S. Constitution (1787), the longest-standing written federal constitution still in use, was developed as a succinct framework for a federation formed by individual sovereign states. One key difference is found in their approaches to federalism: The United States utilizes a dual federal system that provides significant autonomy to states, each having its own constitution, while India adopts a quasi-federal system marked by a powerful central government and uniform citizenship. Furthermore, the process of amending these constitutions illustrates their differences, with India favouring a flexible and responsive model that enables Parliament to swiftly meet changing needs, unlike the U.S., where the process is more rigid and requires broad consensus. The governing structures also vary, as India employs a parliamentary system where the Prime Minister holds the executive power, whereas the U.S. operates under a presidential system, with executive authority concentrated in the President. Other differences encompass how fundamental rights are handled-being potentially suspended during emergencies in India while remaining largely untouchable in the U.S.-as well as variations in judicial tenure and the inclusion of Directive Principles of State Policy, which are distinct to India. These constitutional distinctions reflect each nation's historical backgrounds, cultural values, and approaches to balancing power, rights, and regional governance, providing valuable insights into the growth of democratic systems.

This paper provides an in-depth biblical exploration of the issue of marriage, divorce, and remarriage, with a focus on the so-called "exception clause" found in Matthew 19:9. Through careful analysis of the relevant scriptures from both the Old and New Testaments, it demonstrates that lawful marriage is a lifelong covenant sanctioned by God, which cannot be dissolved except by death. At the same time, it distinguishes unlawful unions-described in Scripture as fornication-that are not ratified by God and therefore may be dissolved. The study uses extensive scriptural references to clarify the distinction between adultery and fornication, emphasizing that unlawful marriages are not binding, while lawful marriages endure until death. The analysis aims to provide clarity for modern readers seeking to reconcile the teachings of Jesus and the Apostles regarding marriage and divorce. } Here's the Bible on Divorce and Remarriage-The Whole Truth. The main text that we have to look at in order to understand the topic of divorce and remarriage and all of the different nuances that can come in between is The Lord's commandment. Matthew 19:9 And I say unto you, Whosoever shall put away his wife, except it be for fornication, and shall marry another, committeth adultery: and whosoever marrieth her which is put away doth commit adultery. As we look and meditate at the Lord's commandment, we'll be able to know exactly what He means. Psalm 119:130 The entrance of thy words giveth light; it giveth understanding unto the simple. Now, when the text about fornication comes up (the exception clause), many people say, Oh, it's for adultery in the marriage that they can divorce, or if the person goes out on the spouse and has sex with somebody else. But I submit to you that the Lord Jesus didn't use the word for adultery in the exception, and in the same text, he uses the particular word used specifically for adultery to refer to when you marry another. This specific use here would imply that fornication and adultery are different or that each should have its own, distinct textual treatment. And to be faithful to Scriptural exegesis, this is exactly what has to be done, given the Lord's distinction in His choice of words, but more on this to come. We're going to let The Bible interpret The Bible. The main passage that for a long time I overlooked, is the passage when He gives the commandment, somewhat independently of his divorce and remarriage decrees, when he said, For this purpose, does a man leave his father and mother and cleave unto his wife, and the two shall become one. This based on Genesis 2:23-25 23 The man said, This is now bone of my bones and flesh of my flesh; she shall be called woman, for she was taken out of man. 24 That is why a man leaves his father and mother and is united to his wife, and they become one flesh. 25 Adam and his wife were both naked, and they felt no shame. The Lord Jesus goes on to say something very powerful, and this is the basis of what He shares concerning divorce, marriage and all of that. Ready? Here it is: What God has joined together, let no man put asunder. This is the basis for everything mentioned in

This study explores the transitions of queer understandings in China, which are considerably shaped by social, political, cultural and historical factors. While the Mao era silenced homosexuality, the reform era created new avenues for public discussions on sexuality, though they were confined to urban China. The representation of queerness in Chinese media like television, films, pop music, and so on, signifies the role of cultural identities having larger implications in a local and global context. However, queer voices in China have been subject to ambiguous yet persistent censorship. In this context, placing queer politics at the cross-strait tensions between China and Taiwan gives a better understanding of its soft power potential. Taiwan is the first Asian country to legalise same-sex marriage, and queer politics has become an important soft power tool to enhance its democratic credentials in the international community. Strategic promulgation of a progressive queer policy in China will have potential benefits in enhancing its legitimacy in the international arena. The study assesses the state of LGBTQ rights in China and how the country traverses between the grey areas of allowance and disallowance in its approach to the queer question. It also explores the potential benefits of granting LGBTQ rights as a soft power strategy, taking a cue from the Taiwan experience and the constraints to attaining such status.

Les manifestations, du moins après la Deuxième Guerre mondiale, étaient essentiellement ouvrières, progressistes et de gauche, même si l’on a vu des mouvements à l’autre bout du spectre politique descendre eux aussi dans la rue. On remarque désormais la présence de l’extrême droite au sein de manifestations progressistes, afin de brouiller les repères et mieux s’imposer dans le débat public.

H 1: The more times someone attends religious services, the more likely they are to oppose gay marriage. H 2: There is likely to be no correlation between religious denomination and opposition to gay marriage with the exception of atheism. H 3: There is likely to be no correlation between race/ethnicity and opposition to gay marriage.

This paper with philosophical studies intends to reveal the ideas and concepts contained in the concept of ecology-based environmental conservation integral to the Qur'anic perspective. Environmental conservation based on an integral ecological approach is a new model capable of integrating multiple perspectives into a complex post-disciplinary approach. Within its framework, every issue related to environmental conservation must first be consulted with four irreducible quadrants, namely objective (behavioral field), subjective (experience field), intersubjective (cultural field), and inter-objective (system field). To be able to solve the complexity of the problem comprehensively. This framework in an integrative form includes a psycho-cultural-socio-normative dimension, which demands a multidisciplinary study. The method used in this study is the maudÅ«'i (thematic) interpretation method formulated by RashwÄnÄ«, using integrative-interconnective shortages to understand the complexity of life faced by humans. The Qur'anic perspective on ecological-based environmental conservation is integral to four things: first, responsible behavior for the sustainability of nature (behavioral terrain). Second, ecological awareness (field of experience). Third, the application of religious values in environmental conservation (cultural terrain), including ethics towards animals, and plants. Fourth, obey the rules of the creator (terrain system), by paying attention to threats to perpetrators of environmental destruction and providing appropriate laws for perpetrators of environmental violations.

A number of denominations regularly perform same-sex religious marriages. These include the U.S. Branch of Soka Gakkai International Buddhist Association, Reconstructionist Judaism, the Metropolitan Community Church, the Unitarian Universalists, and even two Restorationist denominations within the Mormon tradition. i The LDS Church headquartered in Salt Lake City is like the majority of denominations in not performing such marriages. However, it differs from most in that in addition to not performing religious same-sex marriages, it is also politically active in opposing secular recognition of same-sex marriages. I wish to address how this political activism intertwines with religious rhetoric concerning marriage, including both what is said and what goes without saying.

Building on the conversation to centre critical perspectives, including queer and feminist epistemologies, in media ecology studies, this article explores a pathway to a theoretical understanding of disequilibrium and an ethical commitment to repair through a framework I call 'queer media ecology'. I define queer media ecology as the study of how power discrepancies, technological disconnections, constrained visibility and affective ambiguity disrupt the apparent status of heteronormative equilibrium around media production and reveal opportunities for reparative queer politics. I further propose three analytical scaffolds for queer media ecology: (1) actors and networks, (2) infrastructures and contingencies and (3) intersectionality. Queering media ecology is a critical intervention that articulates the power dynamics around who has visibility, how culture is represented, and what norms of natural vs. unnatural dictate social relationships in a communication system.

Ohun-ìní pàtàkì kan s̩ os̩ o, tó níye lórí jù lo̩ , tí ìran Yorùbá lápapò̩ jo̩ ní ni èdè Yorùbá. Nítorí pé ohun-ìní pàtàkì yìí wà fún ogunló̩ gò̩ gbogbo o̩ mo̩ Yorùbá, tí kì í s̩ e ti àwo̩ n díè̩ péréte, ó s̩ é s̩ e fún èdè náà láti bè̩ rè̩ sí pín, kí ó sì bè̩ rè̩ sí yàtò̩ láti ò̩ dò̩ olùso̩ kan, àti láti ibi ìtè̩ dó èdè kan sí òmíràn. Ohun tí ó s̩ okùnfà ìs̩ è̩ dá àwo̩ n è̩ ka-èdè Yorùbá nìyí tí wó̩ n fi pò̩ níye. Bí wó̩ n s̩ e wá pò̩ tó yìí, is̩ é̩ ìwádìí kò tíì dunlè̩ púpò̩ tó lórí àkójo̩ pò̩ , àgbéyè̩ wò, ìdàgbàsókè àti ìtànkálè̩ wo̩ n, láti ìbè̩ rè̩ pè̩ pè̩ ìtàn ìran Yorùbá, èyí tó bè̩ rè̩ lórílè̩-èdè Nigeria, lo̩ sí àwo̩ n orílè̩-èdè kan nílè̩ adúláwò̩ , àti lé̩ yìn odi ilè̩ adúláwò̩. Ohun tí is̩ é̩ ìwádìí yìí gùn lé láti s̩ e gan-an nìyí. Mélòó gan-an ni gbogbo àwo̩ n è̩ ka-èdè Yorùbá nílé, lóko àti lé̩ yìn odi? Ibi ìtè̩ dó-èdè mélòó ni àwo̩ n è̩ ka-èdè wò̩ nyí ní? Èwo gan-an lèdè, èwo ni è̩ ka-èdè, èwo sì ni a tún ń pè ní è̩ dà-èdè nínú wo̩ n? Ǹjé̩ ó s̩ e é s̩ e láti mo̩ iye èèyàn tí ó ń so̩ àwo̩ n è̩ ka-èdè wò̩ nyí ní pàtó? Kí ni ìyàtò̩ tó wà láàrìn èdè àdúgbò, orúko̩ ìlú àti è̩ kaèdè, àbí ìlú kò̩ o̩ kan ló ní è̩ kaèdè tirè̩ nílè̩ Yorùbá? Báwo gan-an ni ìpínsísò̩ rí àwo̩ n è̩ kaèdè Yorùbá s̩ e rí? Gbogbo àwo̩ n ìbéèrè tó pe̩ ka lórís̩ ìí ò̩ nà wò̩ nyí ni is̩ é̩ ìwàdíì yìí yóò gbinyà jú dáhùn ní ò̩ rínkínniwin.

In 2023, China introduced regulatory amendments to birth certificates and the hukou (household registration) system, aiming to boost birth rates and offset an aging population. However, the implications of these changes on marriage and family support amidst population policy shifts remain underexplored. One particular area is how commercial surrogacy (CS) impacts gay communities where couples seek surrogate children to maintain intergenerational bonding and bridging within their familial and kinship networks. This article employs Bourdieu's field theory, characterized by class-based capital and habitus, to examine how upper-class gay individuals navigate this changing field in the three municipal cities of Beijing, Shanghai, and Tianjin. Drawing on in-depth interviews with 35 upper-class gay fathers and 21 gays' parents, their agency and changes in pursuing parenthood through transnational and underground CS in China are illustrated. This article posits that the formation of the family is inherently tied to the class-based cultural capital and habitus of the gay individuals. The reproductive decision-making process within the gay community reflect strategies to form families are imbued with classbased capital and habitus. This is an open access article under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License, which permits use, distribution and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited.

PREGUNTAS CLAVES O INDAGATORIAS: 1. ¿Cuál es el mensaje central (tema) del texto bíblico? 2. ¿Cuáles son los conflictos que identificas en el relato bíblico? 3. ¿Con quién lees o te identificas en la historia referida por el texto bíblico? 4. ¿Qué recuerdos personales se despiertan en tu memoria al leer esta historia? Participantes:

This article defends the thesis that, in light of the postulates of liberal ethics, it is not possible to put forward universal arguments in support of any form of marriage. The existing forms of marriage should be either deemed unjust or founded on specific arguments recognized within a particular political community and determining the understanding of justice in a particular society. It defends the thesis that the requirement of universality, and consequently of impartiality, is not met, since behind every form of marriage there is a certain “minimum” anthropological approach. Marriage is discussed as a privilege granted to particular groups by the political community. The comments are made with reference to the discussion between Krzysztof Saja and Tomasz Sieczkowski concerning the problem of discrimination against same-sex couples in Polish legislation.

This article describes the development and evaluation of the Gay and Lesbian Relationship Satisfaction Scale (GLRSS) as a measure of individuals' gay and lesbian same-gender relationship satisfaction and social support. Clinicians and researchers administer relationship satisfaction scales to persons in gay and lesbian relationships with a heteronormative assumption that scales developed and validated with opposite-gender couples measure identical relationship issues. Gay and Lesbian couples have unique concerns that influence relationship satisfaction, most notably social support. Using online recruitment and data collection, the GLRSS was evaluated with data from 275 gay and lesbian individuals in a same-gender relationship. Approximately 3.5% of the U.S. adult population self-identifies as lesbian, gay, or bisexual (LGB, Gates, 2011). Recent estimates indicate that up to 46% of gay men and 62% of lesbian women (ages 18-59) are in cohabiting, same-gender 1 relationships . In comparison, 62% of heterosexual adults in this age range are also in cohabiting relationships (Carpenter & Gates). Although statistics show that similar percentages of heterosexual and lesbian and gay (LG) adults are in cohabiting relationships, there is limited research related to the development of instruments and measures to examine characteristics of LG relationships-particularly when compared with the plethora created to examine opposite-gender couples. It has been common to make the heteronormative ) assumption that a relationship measure developed for a heterosexual population is equally appropriate for the LG population (e.g., . The assumption has not been validated; in fact, the limited research on same-gender relationships that has been conducted indicates that there are differences that must be taken into account . Research has shown that stigma and lack of social support play a major role in lower relationship satisfaction in same-gender couples (

This article describes the development and evaluation of the Gay and Lesbian Relationship Satisfaction Scale (GLRSS) as a measure of individuals' gay and lesbian same‐gender relationship satisfaction and social support. Clinicians and researchers administer relationship satisfaction scales to persons in gay and lesbian relationships with a heteronormative assumption that scales developed and validated with opposite‐gender couples measure identical relationship issues. Gay and Lesbian couples have unique concerns that influence relationship satisfaction, most notably social support. Using online recruitment and data collection, the GLRSS was evaluated with data from 275 gay and lesbian individuals in a same‐gender relationship.

Ọrọ ̀ ààbò àti ìbágbépọ ̀ àlááfíà ṣe pàtàkì sí ìran Yorùbá púpò. Ìṣe pàtàkì yìí ló bí àwọn ipèdè lóríṣìíríṣìí nínú èdè Yorùbá tí wọ ́n ń sọ ̀rọ ̀ nípa ààbò èyí tí òwe ajẹmáàbò jẹ ́ ò ̣kan pàtàki nínú wọn. Ọrò ̣ ti pọ ̀ lórí òwe láwùjọ Yorùbá ṣùgbọ ́n a kò tí ì rí akitiyan púpò lórí àtúpalè ̣ àwọn òwe ajẹmáàbò yìí pàápàá nínú àwọn ìtàn-àròsọ Yorùbá. Àfojúsùn iṣẹ ́ ìwádìí yìí ni láti tọpinpin òwe ajẹmáàbò nínú àṣàyàn ìwé ìtàn-àròsọ Yorùbá pẹ ̀lú
eròngbà láti ṣàlàyé bí a ṣe ń lo àwọn òwe yìí láti yanjú ìṣòro ààbò, àti ipa tí àwọn owe náà ń kó láwùjọ. Àwọn ìtàn-àròsọ tí a yàn láàyò fún ìwádìí yìí ni Àjà ló l’ẹrù ati Làbáké ̣ wọ Gà ù, ìdí sì ni pé, àwọn ìwé ìtàn-àròsọ yìí jé ̣ ti ọ ̀tè ̣lẹ ̀múyẹ ́ tí ó kún fún awọn ìwà ọ ̀daràn. Ọgbọ ́n ìwádìí ìtúpalè ̣ ajẹmọ ́wèé àti tíọ ́rì soṣíọ ́ló ̣jì lítíréṣọ ̀ tí Louis de Bonald ṣe agbátẹrù ní ọdún (1754-1840) rè ̣ ni a gùnlé láti ìtupalẹ ̀ òwe ajẹmáàbò nínú pépà yìí nítorí pé, tíọrì yìí ni ó ń ṣàlàyé àwọn ìgbésẹ ̀ tí ẹ ̀dá àwùjọ lè gbé fún igbédúrú ìbágbépọ ̀ àlááfíà inú àwùjọ. Ìwádìí fihàn pé, òwe ajẹmáàbò mẹ ́fà ló máa
n jẹyọ láwùjọ nígbà tí a bá ń ṣe aájò aàbò. Iṣẹ ́ tí àwọn òwe yìí ń ṣe ni ìgbédúró ọrọ ̀ aàbò àti ìgbéga ìbágbépọ ̀ àlááfíà láwùjọ, nítorí náà, kí àwùjọ ri dájú pé wọ ́n ń ṣàmúlò a ̀wọn òwe ajẹmáàbò Yorùbá àwùjọ kí wọn máà ba parun.
Kókó ò rọ ̀: Ààbò, Ìwé ìtàn àròsọ, Soṣíọ ́lọ ́jì lítíréṣọ ̀ ìbágbépọ ̀ alááfíà, Òwe
ajẹmáàbò.

José Mujica’s legacy is a luminous contradiction—power wielded with humility, influence shaped by simplicity, and leadership grounded in unwavering authenticity. In an era where excess often defines authority, Mujica stood as an anomaly, a living parable of austerity and wisdom. His tenure as the so-called “poorest president” was, in truth, a masterclass in wealth—the kind that transcends material possessions and is rooted in principle, integrity, and human connection.

More than policies or politics, his true legacy is philosophical. He proved that renouncing luxury is not a weakness but a statement—that true leadership is not about accumulating wealth, but about uplifting people. His life was a protest against consumerism, a poetic rebellion against the hollow chase for more. From his modest farmhouse, he governed with a clarity rarely seen in modern politics, reminding the world that happiness is not found in possessions, but in purpose.

Mujica leaves behind an unshakable truth: the richest leaders are those who give the most, expect the least, and remain tethered to the heart of their people. His story is not just that of a politician, but of a revolutionary thinker who dared to believe that a better world starts with the simplicity of the soul. And in this belief, he changed the very definition of power itself.

Frank was probably the greatest person I've ever known."-Tennessee Williams.  For much of the last fifteen years of his life, Frank Merlo lived in a shadow cast by the fame of his life companion. And while more details are becoming available about Merlo’s background and upbringing, he remains an elusive character. This previously unpublished poem about Merlo, “The Final Day of Your Life,” adds to the emotional portrait Tennessee Williams left behind of the most important relationship of his adult life.

Il saggio esamina il diritto successorio nel Codice civile brasiliano, con particolare riferimento alla successione legittima e ai diritti dei legittimari. Sebbene il sistema giuridico brasiliano presenti molte somiglianze con quello italiano nell’ambito del diritto di famiglia e delle successioni, emergono rilevanti differenze. In questo senso, il saggio offre una panoramica della successione legittima e della tutela dei legittimari in Brasile, analizzandone i principali aspetti e proponendo un confronto con le norme italiane. Tale approccio consente di comprendere meglio le analogie e le divergenze tra i due ordinamenti in relazione all’argomento, contribuendo al dibattito accademico sulla materia.

Este trabalho, desenvolvido no formato de ensaio, tem como objetivo produzir uma leitura ampla e situada sobre a produção do conhecimento científico que tem como objeto o a institucionalização do Movimento LGBT+ na reivindicação de direitos e no enfrentamento da discriminação. O corpus de análise foi constituído a partir de base de dados de revisão bibliográfica produzida para o desenvolvimento de duas pesquisas: uma investigação de doutorado e um projeto de pesquisa financiado pelo CNPq. O interlocutor prioritário neste texto são pesquisadores/as iniciantes no campo, os quais buscamos alimentar com nuances e outras leituras para as discussões desta agenda de pesquisa nos estudos de gênero e sexualidade no Brasil.

Lucrarea Dreptul copilului la informație și rolul parinților – provocari și vulnerabilitați în era digitala ofera o analiza aprofundata a statutului juridic al copilului și a impactului noilor tehnologii asupra accesului sau la informație.

Într-o lume hiperdigitalizata, în care accesul la informație este facilitat printr-o simpla conexiune la internet și un dispozitiv adecvat, protecția copilului devine o responsabilitate esențiala atât pentru parinți, cât și pentru legiuitorul român.

Lucrarea examineaza provocarile și vulnerabilitațile asociate accesului nelimitat la informație pe platformele de socializare, precum Facebook, Instagram, TikTok, propunând soluții eficiente pentru menținerea unui echilibru între libertatea de informare și necesitatea implementarii unor masuri de protecție adecvate.

De asemenea, sunt abordate modificarile legislative recente și evenimentele de actualitate, inclusiv utilizarea neconforma a imaginii copiilor în mediul digital și intervențiile autoritaților competente în astfel de situații.

Printre temele analizate se numara și violența cibernetica asupra copiilor, fenomenul ,,sharenting” sau expunerea excesiva a minorilor de catre parinți pe platformele sociale, dar și concepte emergente precum postdigitalizarea și reglementarile care vizeaza interzicerea utilizarii unor platforme de socializare, cum este TikTok.

În concluzie, lucrarea subliniaza necesitatea instituirii unui cadru juridic adaptat realitaților digitale, care sa asigure protecția eficienta a copilului în fața provocarilor generate de accesul nelimitat la informație.

Por sentencia de 27 de abril de 2021, el Tribunal Constitucional chileno declaró inaplicable por inconstitucional el artículo 54 Nº 4 de la Ley de Matrimonio Civil que contenía la causal de divorcio por conducta homosexual. En ese contexto, este trabajo ha tenido por objeto revisar tal causal de divorcio, finalmente derogada en Chile, para plantear una reflexión sobre las cuestiones de fondo de la sentencia, la evolución legislativa y el impacto en el reconocimiento del principio de igualdad y no discriminación frente a la heteronormatividad vigente en el ordenamiento jurídico chileno. En ese marco, 1) se analizó la situación del divorcio por conducta homosexual a la luz del principio de no discriminación, 2) se plantearon precisiones y reparos al texto de la sentencia del Tribunal Constitucional desde el parámetro del Derecho Internacional de los Derechos Humanos, y, 3) se contextualizó la decisión del Tribunal Constitucional y la posterior derogación de la norma con las reivindicaciones sociales de colectivos y organizaciones LGBTI en Chile. Se planteó así que, si bien existen avances, los desafíos normativos son aún mayores para erradicar la heteronormatividad y alcanzar el respeto al derecho a la igualdad y no discriminación desde un enfoque en Derechos Humanos.

One of the most powerful and meaningful slogans that made presence during the
first public demonstrations of the Colombian and Mexican mobilizations around
gender and sexualities was “no somos enfermos ni criminales” [we are neither sick
nor criminals] (See Fig. 1), which pointed directly to the discourses of pathologisation and criminalization of homosexuality, that sustained abuses and persecution
suffered by those with non-normative gender identities and sexual orientations.

In this article, I begin with methodological perspectives on the relationship between law and queer, drawing from the rich history of the Critical Legal Studies Movement. This is important for analyzing and establishing a dialectic between queer and law. The article continues with a critical examination of the institution of marriage from a radical feminist perspective, focusing on various intimate, economic, sexual, and other aspects. It then explores the idea of "queering" marriage, incorporating certain feminist critical viewpoints and translating them into a specific queer perspective to analyze the institution of marriage from both social and legal viewpoints. The article concludes with the possibility of reconciling two seemingly opposing concepts: law and queer.

Language can be seen as an intuitive challenge for those who embark on comparative constitutional research: its intricate entanglement with law is often overlooked and not engaged with explicitly. This chapter argues that this is a missed opportunity at best, and arguably presents a hazard for the collective quality of the scholarly discourse. It discusses four ways in which language matters when engaging in constitutional comparisons: the problem of literal translation; the problem of legal-conceptual translation; a multilingual discourse that is marked by fragmentation; and expectations in communication with a foreign or international readership. The approach taken is constructive, with efforts to identify possible coping techniques to alleviate the challenges identified.

Marriage equality is the movement advocating for same-sex marriage, the legal union of two people of the same birth sex or gender identity. Theoretically, in places with full marriage equality, identical rights and responsibilities are afforded same-sex and heterosexual married couples. The term "gay marriage" is sometimes used to refer to same-sex marriage, although not everyone is necessarily gay; for example, one or both partners may identify as bisexual or pansexual. Other terminology includes "marriage for same-sex couples." Civil unions, which are distinct from marriage but offer some protections, are a common form of recognition for same-sex couples. In the late 1980s and early 1990s governments and territories around the world began to legally acknowledge same-sex relationships. There are 32 countries where same-sex marriage is legal (as of March 2023). Among conservative religious and social groups especially, same-sex marriage is often interpreted as an attack on the primacy and "naturalness" of the heterosexual family and married bond that is assumed to underpin a stable society. Full marriage equality was achieved in the USA on June 26, 2015, with the Supreme Court ruling in Obergefell v. Hodges, that the Constitution guarantees a right to same-sex marriage.

Taiwan's achievement in passing a marriage-equality law in 2019 and the democratic backlash against LGBTQ+ rights deserve scholarly attention in Asia and beyond. Specifically, Taiwan's road to marriage equality led to these empirical puzzles: What explains the conservative shift in Taiwan's public perceptions toward LGBTQ+ rights? How would the backlash against LGBTQ+ rights impact Taiwan's democracy? What does Taiwan's experience inform us about norm localization and LGBTQ+ politics in Asia and beyond? The strategic framing of the Christian right-that is, the symbolic use of family and its localization of conservative values using Confucian norms-enabled them to couch their religious beliefs and facilitate collective action among different groups. This study offers a culture-based explanation of how the Christian right successfully established a single-issue coalition against LGBTQ+ rights. The article is organized as follows. First, it engages current literature on discourse analysis, norms contestation, and contentious politics. Second, the study proposes a two-part framework for understanding how the Christian right effectively constructs their conservative claims to gain public support. A comparative analysis of the discourse from the conservative and progressive sides sheds light on how their narratives shaped the marriage-equality debate. Third, it addresses how this countermovement impacts Taiwan's democracy and human rights.

This article explores the capacities of digital technologies to disrupt, redefine and multiply urban spaces, creating new ways of seeing and experiencing cities. Based on ethnographic research into the lives of men who desire men in Haikou, People’s Republic of China, and their uses of the location-aware dating app Blued, I show how the city is produced anew as a space imagined and engaged in relation to the perceptible presence of other men who desire men. In a sociopolitical context in which non-heterosexual lives are largely invisible in public spaces, the digitally mediated visibility of Blued users to one another invites a range of social practices through which urban spaces, as well as spatial categories of ‘the urban’ and ‘the rural,’ are reproduced at the intersections of sexuality, space and digital technologies. With its empirical focus on an ‘ordinary’ city in a non-Western context, this article challenges both the Eurocentricity of much digital geographies research and i...

O F three possible focal points for gay identity-the individual, the community, and the couple-the couple is the least visible in litigation about the public sphere rights of gay men and lesbians. Using as my starting point the cases collected in Professor Patricia Cain's litigation history,' I shall explore in this Commentary the implications of the couple's absence from most public sphere cases and its uneasy, shadowy presence within others. It should not be surprising that the couple is both a suppressed and a contested element in gay rights litigation. Coupling, in two senses of the word, is both defining and problematic for gay men and lesbians in this society. That is to say, "coupling" as in "forming a pair bond" and "coupling" as in "copulating" are exactly what gay men and lesbians may want to do and what troubles society when they try to do it. Same-sex coupling might therefore be what sodomy is not-"the behavior that defines the class ' 2 of homosexuals.

The African-American struggle for civil rights has been a long one, one that began with the importation of the fIrst black person into the country as a slave, and continues today. I Through radical political struggle coupled with legal precedent, de jure segregation became a part * Assistant Professor, University of Baltimore School of Law. A.B. Harvard and Radcliffe Colleges; J.D. Harvard Law School. I would like to thank members of the Northeast Corridor Collective of Black Women Law Teachers for their comments on an earlier draft of this paper. Special thanks go to

The African-American straggle for civil rights has been a long one, one that began with the importation of the first black person into the country as a slave, and continues today. 1 Through radical political struggle coupled with legal precedent, de jure segregation ...