Everyday Politics and Resistance

This article explores how queer migrants' experiences reveal the complex dynamics of sexual and gender-based violence (SGBV) and everyday resistance. Utilising a socio-anthropological and geographical approach, it examines the intersections of migration, queerness, and resistance in Türkiye-a leading refugeehosting country with diverse origins driven by various motivations. Focusing on queer migrants who navigate among political and gender boundaries that often homogenise migration narratives, the study draws on ethnographic fieldwork conducted in Türkiye from 2019 to 2024. It highlights the structural violence and oppression shaping their experiences and investigates İstanbul as a potential queer oasis for life experiences that have been positioned on the margins of dominant gender and racial norms. Furthermore, the article examines how vulnerability is transformed into everyday resistance, showcasing diverse narratives that subvert the prevailing portrayal of migrants as solely suffering. Based on firsthand accounts, it illustrates how people endure within heteronormative and oppressive structures through the types of tactics we suggest referring to as evasive, solidarity, belonging and claiming.

Keberadaan pedagang kaki lima selalu menjadi bagian dari perkembangan kota di seluruh belahan dunia, khususnya di negara-negara berkembang. Kemiskinan adalah penggerak utama dari keberadaan dan pertumbuhannya. Riset ini dilakukan untuk memahami permasalahan PKL dalam konteks ruang urban, melalui perspektif dari sejumlah ahli dari berbagai bidang keilmuan yang meneliti tentang pedagang kaki lima di berbagai kota di dunia. Tulisan ini disiapkan melalui kajian terhadap 50 (lima puluh) sumber literatur, kebanyakan berupa artikel dalam jurnal ilmiah internasional. Hasil kajian memperlihatkan bahwa penelitian terhadap topik ini umumnya dilakukan berdasarkan dua jenis kepentingan. Kepentingan pertama adalah untuk memahami permasalahan yang dialami oleh pedagang kaki lima di dalam ruang kota, sementara kepentingan kedua adalah untuk memahami permasalahan yang disebabkan oleh keberadaan pedagang kaki lima dalam ruang kota. Kedua jenis kepentingan ini adalah representasi dari adanya suatu dilema tentang keberadaan pedagang kaki lima dalam ruang kota. Kata-kunci : elemen perkotaan, pedagang kaki lima, urban, ruang urban.

Political Hotbeds and Politicizing Organizations of Mexican Legislators: 1997-2021

Resumen
En este trabajo analizamos a diputados federales mexicanos de 1997 a 2021 que iniciaron su carrera política en partidos políticos y en organizaciones no partidistas. La hipótesis es que hay diferencias por características sociodemográficas, partido político y lista electoral para reclutar
activistas de ciertas organizaciones no partidistas, que llamamos semilleros políticos. Se muestra cuál ha sido la probabilidad de que ciertos partidos políticos recluten en mayor o menor medida a quienes iniciaron su carrera en estos grupos y en qué tipo de listas electorales (mayoría relativa
o representación proporcional) son postulados.

Palabras clave: organización politizante, reclutamiento político, legisladores, México.

Abstract

In this paper we analyze Mexican federal deputies from 1997 to 2021 who began their political career in political parties and in non-partisan organizations. The hypothesis is that there are differences
by sociodemographic characteristics, political party and electoral list to recruit activists from certain non-partisan organizations, which we call political hotbeds. It is shown the probability that certain political parties recruit as candidates the activists of certain student, union,
business, and civil or social groups. Also, it is shown on what type of electoral lists (majority or proportional representation) are nominated.
Keywords: politicizing organizations, political recruitment, legislators, Mexico.

We tend to think of resistance as an exceptional event in our lives, when something so drastic occurs that the status quo is completely disrupted and reshaped. According to this viewpoint, moments of resistance occur when one or more people actively participate in acts of political sabotage, in which some hierarchy or structure of power is knowingly challenged and subverted with the purpose of long-term change. I'd like to challenge this idea. Resistance, in effect, can function in many ways. Not only revolutions or revolts should be conceptualised as such. Everyday actions can sometimes be considered forms of resistance. De Certeau describes such activities as “sheeplike subversion.” This form of rebellion, however far from being a traditional insurrection, is a common and quiet disruption of social control. Rather than efforts aimed at structural societal changes, they are micro alterations that have a major influence on transgressors’ personal lives while yet evoking (traces of) social change. Graffiti, and more specifically, getting up, is a kind of resistance in this way. When painting tags, throw-ups, and pieces, authors are not concerned with long-term structural changes; their efforts may be futile on a global scale. And it does not appear that they intend to permanently change the status quo. In playing the graffiti game, spray-can calligraphers' efforts can be viewed more appropriately as enacting an oppositional agency that they would not otherwise have, allowing them to freely express themselves even when legally restricted.

That is, the hybrid turn focuses on broader processes of 'state formation' rather than the narrower, more technical focus of 'statebuilding' which relies on the essentially technical processes of institutional transfer and 'capacity building' over short time frames.

The general overview of the land acquisition process for development in Malaysia demonstrated that this work is based on the fundamental challenges that hinder the opportunity of making necessary changes in the community. In this paper, the primary issues concerning the Malays within the realm of land acquisition and development are analyzed. They are multiple ownerships, compensation and the preoccupations of the Malay community. The issue of multiple owners is caused by Islamic law of inheritance that divides a piece of land among its heirs. This contributes to the problem of negotiating for the sale or leasing of land since consensus is almost difficult to achieve thus complicating decisions. The compensation process is also an issue as the market value of the land since the dealing restrictions exist, and the status of "non-transferable to non-Malay" would imply a much lower value. This leads to a situation where the government or private developers shy away from paying fair compensation hence, abandonment of such projects. This is due to the fact that the Malays have very close sentimental affections towards their ground which many have perceived to be as their morale ground. They still believe that development will bring about loss of ownership as well as loss of their own culture. From the study the following can be deduced, that all these barriers can be met by the provision of a land trust which would enable development within the region while protecting the interest of the Malay community. Further, there are reforms to the Malay Reservation Enactment where the leasing of Malay reserve land to anyone including non-Malay is allowed and any bank has the freedom to deal on the said land. The latter seeks to improve the marketability of the land as well as protect Malay position in the country. The results of the study prove that radical approaches to land acquisition and people's rights protection do not allow achieving the optimal balance of public and private interests.

Revisiting James C. Scott's classification of forms of resistance, this paper argues that (hidden, subtle) everyday resistance is only one of many types of small-scale or individual resistance practices. We propose the concept of 'dispersed resistance', which might be 'everyday' and subtle, or loud and extraordinary. In addition, drawing on Foucault's works, we suggest at least two ways of conceptualizing dispersed resistance: as 'productive' resistance (related to disciplinary power and biopower) and 'counter-repressive' resistance (related to repressive and sovereign power). Finally, since power-relations are often composed by an assemblage of repression, discipline and biopower, resistance practices assemble too.

En este artículo nos preguntamos por las particularidades éticas y metodológicas en el trabajo de campo con varones cisgénero agresores por violencia hacia sus parejas mujeres. Nos proponemos reconstruir los principales dilemas éticos y metodológicos que surgieron en el estudio social cualitativo de estos perpetradores, a partir del análisis de las propias y diversas experiencias de trabajo de campo. Para ello, nos basamos en dos áreas de discusión: la literatura socioantropológica sobre violencia de género (Boira, 2010; Hearn, 1998) y la bibliografía ético-metodológica en contextos de encierro y programas de abordaje de la violencia (

Les « nouvelles zones urbaines » de Hanoi (Vietnam) : dynamiques spatiales et enjeux territoriaux "New Urban Zones" in Hanoi (Vietnam): spatial dynamics and territorial issues Las nuevas áreas urbanas de Hanói (Vietnam): dinámicas espaciales y retos territoriales Danielle Labbé et Clément Musil À la fin des années 1980, après l'adoption des réformes du doi moi (signifiant littéralement renouveau en vietnamien) qui ont conduit le Parti communiste vietnamien à abandonner les principes de l'économie administrée pour adopter une économie de marché à « orientation socialiste », les villes sont sorties de la léthargie dans laquelle la conception non marchande de la ville socialiste les avait plongées 1. Depuis, les centres urbains du pays connaissent une période de transition. Cette transition est caractérisée par le passage d'une société à dominante rurale vers une société à dominante urbaine et se décline tant d'un point de vue démographique qu'économique (Quertamp, 2010). Désormais confrontée à un véritable phénomène de « rattrapage urbain » (Fanchette et al. , 2011), la capitale du pays, Hanoi, connait une urbanisation rapide, entrainée depuis plus de quinze ans par une croissance économique à deux chiffres (Banque Mondiale, 2015). Bien que Hanoi soit la capitale politique, administrative et culturelle du Vietnam, son poids démographique et économique demeure inférieur à celui de la métropole du Sud,

This paper examines the irreversible process of the ruble zone disintegration. Theoretical fundamentals of a common currency area, with modifications incorporating a mechanism of transition from central planning, are discussed. The key reason for the ruble zone break-up is the discontinuation of indirect transfers that were provided mainly by Russia via underpricing energy exports to other republics. Being cutoff from such transfers and unable to finance rising trade deficits with Russia, the independent stales wish to disconnect their economies from the ruble /.one. Among other economic arguments for leaving the ruble zone presented by the former Soviet republics are: a desire to insulate their economies from the ruble zone inflation, and a willingness to collect seigniorage revenues from printing their own currencies. The paper critically evaluates these and several other arguments. The abrupt break-up of the ruble zone causes interruptions in supplies of essential materials and consumer goods, and an income downfall among the republics. The foundation for a new interstate payments mechanism is proposed in order to cushion these negative effects. A system of independently traded currencies with flexible exchange rates is viewed as a reasonable, yet distant solution.

This special issue brings together six research articles that speak to the dynamics of digital communication in the Philippines, a country firmly located in the global geography of the digital economy and an early adopter and innovator in mobile communication. Increasingly, the rise of digital platforms is spurring on new business models and applications that find a wide range of appropriations in a developing economy with a high level of communication skills and a high level of inequality. These dynamics have, in turn, fuelled the popularity of social media and the populism that has gained international attention and, more critically, taken the country into uncharted political terrain. We introduce this Special Issue by taking stock of the legacies and potentials of digital communication in the country and highlighting how the articles sustain and extend past conversations. Drawing from the articles that cover a range of topics (entertainment, intimacy, labour, journalism and polit...

We examine the critical problem of inter-enterprise arrears (overdue payments fo r g oods and services) in Russia which undermines the transition to a marke t e c o n o m y and to privatization. In addition to analyzing the causes of the mounting accumulatio n of debt and highlighting the financial problems of enterprises coping with the crisis , we examine the anatomy of present-day banking and extension of credit to financ e production in the former USSR.

IN AN everyday capacity, the same physical place can be mundane and commonplace to some while being challenging and exotic to others. The experience of it represents different things to different people and these are linked to who you are, where you are, where you ...

This paper broadens and deepens the debates on the recent protests against austerity in Greece. The paper begins by investigating how the global crisis is understood, embodied and contested through the participatory forms of collective action and political organization in Greece. Secondly, it highlights transformations in the political behaviors and lived experiences of the subjects who participated in the recent and ongoing wave of antiausterity mobilizations in Greece. Finally, it emphasizes the '(re-) politicization of everyday life' through the commons, which is a process grounded in the establishment of novel and open spaces of solidarity and trans-local collective action within and beyond institutional and state solutions. Building on these considerations, it is argued that the recent forms of everyday collective action have played a crucial role in challenging the prevailing neoliberal crisis politics, while at the same time are raising key issues for progressive governments and other institutional agents.

That is, the hybrid turn focuses on broader processes of 'state formation' rather than the narrower, more technical focus of 'statebuilding' which relies on the essentially technical processes of institutional transfer and 'capacity building' over short time frames.

Set against theoretical and strategic debates about theories of radical democracy, left populism and the commons, this article analyses and evaluates everyday struggles in Greek politics after the global financial crisis. It focusses on the cases of Vio.Me-the first workers' recuperated factory in Greece-and the Metropolitan Community Clinic at Helliniko, which is the largest social solidarity health clinic in Greece. Viewed from the perspective of commoning practices, the article identifies the logics that sustain the beliefs, values, infrastructures and institutions developed at an everyday grassroots level, finding traces of an incipient radical democratic ethos and rationality at work. The new initiatives highlight crucial and often neglected organisational, prefiguring and subjective prerequisites for radical democracy, while challenging elements of left populist political strategy. Our evolving perspective also problematises their political limitations and strategic dilemmas as they struggle to constitute a viable hegemonic alternative to neoliberal rationalities and governance.

This paper examines the irreversible process of the ruble zone disintegration. Theoretical fundamentals of a common currency area, with modifications incorporating a mechanism of transition from central planning, are discussed. The key reason for the ruble zone break-up is the discontinuation of indirect transfers that were provided mainly by Russia via underpricing energy exports to other republics. Being cutoff from such transfers and unable to finance rising trade deficits with Russia, the independent stales wish to disconnect their economies from the ruble /.one. Among other economic arguments for leaving the ruble zone presented by the former Soviet republics are: a desire to insulate their economies from the ruble zone inflation, and a willingness to collect seigniorage revenues from printing their own currencies. The paper critically evaluates these and several other arguments. The abrupt break-up of the ruble zone causes interruptions in supplies of essential materials and consumer goods, and an income downfall among the republics. The foundation for a new interstate payments mechanism is proposed in order to cushion these negative effects. A system of independently traded currencies with flexible exchange rates is viewed as a reasonable, yet distant solution.

Mange etniske minoriteter opplever rasisme som et stort problem i Norge. Dette gjelder spesielt mikroaggresjoner basert på kulturelle forestillinger om at «det norske» er overlegent. I denne artikkelen beskriver vi ulike former for rasisme og legger vekt på hvordan disse ble motarbeidet gjennom det vi kaller hverdagsmotstand. Studien er basert på 41 kvalitative intervjuer med personer med minoritetsbakgrunn, hovedsakelig svarte, som deltok i Black Lives Matter-demonstrasjonene i Norge. Fem former for hverdagsrasisme var spesielt framtredende: skjellsord og nedsettende ytringer, forskjellsbehandling og diskriminering, antakelser om ikke å være «norsk», antakelser om lav sosial status og fordomsfull inkludering. Dette var i hovedsak mikroaggresjoner som fant sted i hverdagslig sosial samhandling. De fem vanligste reaksjonene på rasisme var forsøk på å motvirke den ved å ignorere, konfrontere, dele erfaringer, rapportere og demonstrere. Studien viser hvor sentralt det hverdagslige er for å forstå etniske minoriteters opplevelser av rasisme – og motstand. Vi argumenterer for at denne typen hverdagsmotstand, er viktigere enn både politisk protest og formelle rapporteringer. Dette er fordi hverdagen har en regelmessighet og kontinuerlig tilstedeværelse som andre former for motstand mangler. Minoriteter i Norge opplever mye hets og forskjellsbehandling, men de er ikke passive ofre. Denne studien viser hvordan de aktivt forhandler, håndterer og kjemper mot rasisme.

Based on ethnographic research on street vendors' activities in Bandung city, this article attempts to uncover the production process of street food. Drawing on Simone's (2004) idea of people as infrastructure, the research focuses on street vending activities as a conjunction of heterogeneous activities and modes of production that becomes a platform to support the vendors' livelihood: for example, the ways in which vendors achieve efficiency in street food production. We need to consider, however, the roles of various actors surrounding the street vending activities that directly or indirectly contribute to the production process of street food, as well as the large network that is created as social infrastructure. This network is an outcome of the ability of vendors, for example, to engage in convivial interactions with customers, to create an intimate relationship with food suppliers, and to engage in "a form of labor exchange" with their neighbors. This article argues that such hybrid contributions on the part of street vendors are their efforts to stabilize the network in a fluid and adaptable way that makes a social infrastructure possible.

The existing literature on street vendors has largely examined processes of marginalisation of informal enterprises amid rapid urban development. At the same time, the resistance methods of street vendors against the constraints of urban development have been extensively explored. However, these studies tend to focus on the binary position between informal and formal, as well as on the overt confrontation and conflicts between vendors and the state, which risks simplifying the heterogeneity of interests in the everyday practice of street vending. Delving into the daily work of street vendors in Bandung city, this article explores the everyday practice of traders in order to identify their subtle forms of resistance to removal and to the negative perceptions attached to them. By adopting the analytics of ‘people as infrastructure’ (Simone, 2004) and the idea of ‘building blocks of success’ for small enterprises (Turner, 2003), this article argues that social infrastructure is constit...

This chapter is a short exploration of the relationship between political parties and gangs through the case study of Pekida. The articulation of this relationship is the central concept of this study: we define it as 'connivance militancy'. In our scheme of thought, a gang that is involved in political actions, whether out of pragmatism or ideology, becomes a connivance militant group. It is because gangs do have an existence out of politics that they are seen as 'opportunist'. Our main argument is that gangs are the mirrored expression of the ambiguities of society; thus they play a role in the system as shadow extensions of political parties in the public sphere. This chapter exposes the context that favoured the development of connivance militancy, the nature of Pekida and its satellite groups, and finally reveals the relationship between gangs and the ruling party (UMNO). So, if UMNO is on a honeymoon with gangsters, is this opportunist relationship ephemeral or the symptom of a systemic phenomenon? Gangsta out of the Shadows The 'political tsunami' of March 2008 was seen as the end of ethnic politics, eclipsing the violence of May 1969 (Ooi et al., 2008). The desertion of voters from the ranks of the ethnic-based parties of the ruling coalition to the benefit of a relatively more multicultural opposition has been seen as an attempt to overthrow the political majority of the Malays. After all, the opposition coalition is led by a man with low morals and by Chinese pigs (sic). 1 1 'Chinese Pig' or 'Cina Babi' is one of the many racist insults used by some pro-Malay militants.

The paper presents a brief description of engineering and scientific problems which arise at the steel plant PJSC "ArcelorMittal Kryvyi Rih" when organizing a repair workshop to fix industrial equipment. The attention is paid to innovative methods of repair process based on intelligent agents and Industry 4.0 principles.

In this paper, drawing on empirical evidence from Russian society, the authors seek to analyze the ways in which ordinary people can overcome a perceived gap between Bhigh^politics and their everyday experiences. We argue that the concept of everyday politics is not enough to prepare the ground for politicization in everyday life, at least in a highly dismantled society. In examining ethnographic case studies of people who consider themselves apolitical, the paper introduces the concept of Bpragmatic politics,^which is defined as the activity of inscribing the broader world within palpable everyday experience. The case studies examined here speak to four different modes of everyday politics that reveal various modalities of pragmatic politics.

A-Rand study develops a model_ conce-ng mothers' in-Peninsular Malaysia's three major ethnic groups (Malay, Chinese, Indian)., investigating relationships'betwgen'theii.early.life exi5eriences and'their expectations'for ed4cation levels of their children. The model-xamines three of the women's early life experiences. that are goverded by their parents'Aesireand from the original document

The paper presents a brief description of engineering and scientific problems which arise at the steel plant PJSC "ArcelorMittal Kryvyi Rih" when organizing a repair workshop to fix industrial equipment. The attention is paid to innovative methods of repair process based on intelligent agents and Industry 4.0 principles.

Prospects for Russia's Economic Reforms AT THE START of 1992, less than six months after the fall of communism and less than one month after the dissolution of the Soviet Union, Russia embarked with remarkable dispatch on a program of radical economic reforms. I The economic reforms themselves, under the direction of Acting Prime Minister Yegor Gaidar, combined with the collapse of the Soviet state, have created an enormous opening for decentralized, marketbased economic activity. Within a short period of eight months, almost all centralized operations of the command economy ceased; meanwhile, new commercial structures are developing rapidly. Spontaneous market activity is evident not only in the "kiosk boom" of Moscow, but also in growing market-based trade within Russia and between Russia and the rest of the world. The benefits of sustained economic reforms are likely to be very great-much greater than is commonly supposed. The old command system was so inefficient and destructive of the quality of economic life The authors are economic advisors to the government of Russia. The views expressed in this paper are strictly our own and do not necessarily reflect the opinions of the government of Russia. Some of the information presented here is based on unpublished data obtained from the government of Russia. We would like to thank Anders Aslund, Marek Dabrowski, Stanley Fischer, and Charles Wyplosz for very helpful discussions of many of the topics covered in the paper. Our work has been supported by a project on economic reform at the World Institute for Development Economics Research and by the government of Sweden. 1. For an early discussion of Russia's economic reform program, see Fischer (1992). 213 within a few years, particularly as resources are shifted out of the military-industrial complex into other sectors. Nonetheless, Russia's financial conditions remain horrendous because of the profound disarray left behind by the communist regime. Hyperinflation is a real risk-indeed, the main risk now to democratization and successful transition to a market economy. Although the tasks of stabilization and transformation are daunting, we believe that there is a way forward with a reasonable prospect of success, based on tight monetary and fiscal policies to prevent hyperinflation. (We caution, however, that this way is under heavy attack from industrialists seeking large credits to keep alive loss-making state enterprises.) The tight financial policies would be accompanied by rapid privatization of enterprises and swift opening of international trade to enforce domestic competition, spur exports, and end the shortages of key commodities on the home market. Similar prescriptions are demonstrating their efficacy in much of Eastern Europe. In Poland, for example, which also began its reforms with hyperinflationary conditions, the transition to a normal, market-based economy is on track. After two and one-half years of reform, inflation is under control, shortages have ended, exports are booming, output is rising, and the private sector now accounts for more than half of total employment. In Russia, reforms are clouded in confusion. Data are incomplete and misleading, and easily misinterpreted to give an overly bleak account. Many criticisms within Russia, which are repeated at face value in the West, are politically motivated rather than analytically sound. The many adverse trends in the Russian economy are attributed to the reforms themselves, rather than to the legacy of the old regime. This mistaken attribution results in an overstatement of the "costs" of the reforms, and therefore an undue pessimism about the reform policies themselves. This has resulted in strong pressures to abandon the reforms, even before they have begun to take hold. The timetable forjudging the reforms is also frequently out of kilter, sometimes wildly so. For instance, the speaker of the Russian parliament, Ruslan Khasbulatov, called for the demission of the government ten days after the start of reforms.2 Former President Gorbachev demurred, saying that the govern-2. See "Russian Parliamentary Speaker Attacks Yeltsin Government,"Reuter Library Report, January 13, 1992, dateline Moscow. "The president should distance himself from Soviet United West Commodity Union States Germany Japan Millions of metric tons, except energya Crude steel 163

This Working Paper series presents papers in a preliminary form and serves to stimulate comment and discussion. The views expressed are entirely the author's own and not that of the S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies. ... ATTENTION: The Singapore Copyright Act applies to ...

Ickes and Randi Ryterman 1. INTRODUCTION ollowing the breakup of the former Soviet Union (FSU), Russia and the other FSU sovereign countries were faced with the choice between remaining in a common ruble zone and introducing distinct national currencies. Possessing an independent currency is usually perceived as an important element of national sovereignty. An independent currency is not only seen as a source of national pride; it may also enable a country to pursue an independent monetary policy. The strength of the economic and political temptations for issuing new currencies was clearly evident by the end of 1993, when almost all countries of the FSU had either threatened or embarked upon independent currency initiatives. The status of these currency initiatives is summarised in Table 1. At the end of 1993 the first five countries shown in the table had introduced nearly complete monetary reform, with Kyrgystan, Latvia, Estonia, and Lithuania adopting independent currencies. By the last quarter of 1993, Georgia, Moldova, and Azerbaijan all took important steps towards instituting independent currencies. Ukraine and Belarus also had moved toward currency independence, but more so than the previously noted countries, continued to pursue extensive negotiations with Russia on managing their orderly withdrawal from the zone.

Scott (1990) defines 'public' as "action that is openly avowed to the other party in the power relationship, and 'transcripts' is used almost in its juridical sense (proces verbal) of a complete record of what was said. This complete record, however, would also include non-speech acts such as gestures and expressions" (2).

This thesis examines the pragmatic responses of Indian Hindus when their century-old Hindu community temples face threats of demolition by the Malaysian government. I argue that their compliance with the demolition is a subtle and pragmatic political act that manipulates their political standing as a minority community in order to safeguard their temples. I analyse the effectiveness of such pragmatic acts of compliance by the Indian Hindu communities, and the implications of their compliance for the political and social significance, as well as the sacredness of their demolished temples.  My ethnographic data is derived from in-depth interviews of the management committees and community members of three Hindu temples in Penang, and field observations of the rituals and ceremonies in these temples. During my fieldwork, these temples have either been demolished or are in the process of demolition. The management committees of these temples have relocated the statues of the deities int...

This special issue brings together six research articles that speak to the dynamics of digital communication in the Philippines, a country firmly located in the global geography of the digital economy and an early adopter and innovator in mobile communication. Increasingly, the rise of digital platforms is spurring on new business models and applications that find a wide range of appropriations in a developing economy with a high level of communication skills and a high level of inequality. These dynamics have, in turn, fuelled the popularity of social media and the populism that has gained international attention and, more critically, taken the country into uncharted political terrain. We introduce this Special Issue by taking stock of the legacies and potentials of digital communication in the country and highlighting how the articles sustain and extend past conversations. Drawing from the articles that cover a range of topics (entertainment, intimacy, labour, journalism and polit...

Once low, dense and organic cities, Hanoi and Ho Chi Minh City (HCMC) are now engaged in a steady-paced verticalisation process, especially in the new urbanised areas flourishing at their edges (khu đô thị mới). But beyond iconic new urban projects and glittering business districts, the everyday city production still takes place in the interior of their specific urban pattern, namely their alleyway neighbourhoods.

The understanding of the political issues of Malaysia is interesting. The accenting of any right, regardless the ethnic, class or religion frequently attained to political bargaining and exchange. However, gender rights especially women's issue in Malaysia been superseded by the ethnic rights. Thus, in this paper, the implications of the emergence of middle class women and its movement in the developmentalism will be analyses using secondary data and references that related to the subject reveals. As a conclusion, this paper will provides an insight of the contribution of women in term of: (1) emergence of women representative in political arena, (2) women contribution to democratization, and (3) the emergence of activist organizations role to protect women rights in Malaysia.

In this chapter, we aim to analyse the mobility tactics that itinerant street
vendors in Hanoi draw upon to access potential customers and evade prosecution. While doing so, we highlight how vendors’ knowledge of the city and access to customers is “constructed in and through mobile interactivity” (Brown & Durrheim, 2009: 916). We outline our conceptual framework next, drawing on mobility debates that are centrally concerned with how “place and context” shape experiences of movement (Curl et al., 2018: 174). We then emphasise how mobile methods can uncover intricate relationships among people, perceptions, experiences and specific places. We detail the particular ‘go-along’ method we adopted, that complemented our stationary conversational interviews and
participant observation. This ‘go-along’ approach provided us with nuanced understandings of vendor tactics and everyday decision-making and allowed us to analyse the spatiality, temporality and significance of their routines. While finding clear evidence that “speeds, slownesses, and immobilities are all related in ways that are thoroughly infused with power and its distribution” (Cresswell, 2010: 21), we also explore how vendors draw on a range of dynamic everyday tactics (following De Certeau, 1984), to continue to reach customers and avoid state sanctions.

In the northern Vietnam uplands, the socialist state’s urbanization
plans are rapidly expanding the region’s small cities and reconfiguring
their built form. Drawing on conceptual debates concerning
small cities, urban space production, and everyday politics,
we investigate dynamics of urbanization in one such small upland
city, Cao Bằng. While legislative planning documents and official
ideologies prioritize Cao Bằng’s regional economic expansion, we
find the resulting transformations in the city’s built form engender
sprawl and fragmentation. In reaction to both these physical
changes and retributions for “disorderly” space use, the city’s
most marginalized residents adapt their everyday spatial approriation
tactics, while implementing a range of covert resistance
approaches to protect their livelihoods. We suggest that such contentions
between residents, state officials, and the plans they implement,
reflect broader struggles regarding the state’s
“territorialization” project for these remote uplands, with the
region’s small cities being adopted as useful entry points.

Resumen La precarización y el estigma vividos en los asentamientos informales de la Zona Metropolitana de Monterrey, merman los derechos de personas que resisten cotidianamente para hacerse un lugar en la sociedad. En este artículo, se analizan los tránsitos entre espacios y actividades formales e informales atravesados por relaciones de dominación y resistencia en un asentamiento informal de la urbe. Habrá de observarse que, en estos tránsitos borrosos y negociables, hechos por la captura estatal, el estigma, el contacto ventajoso y la huida táctica, la gente se rebela contra la dominación y lucha interminablemente por su inclusión desde posiciones de desventaja atizadas por el Estado.

In the past two decades, research in both social movement studies and critical youth studies has recorded growing criticism by youth political activism of the individualising processes characteristic of the neoliberal turn. Based on research conducted in Italy with the new network of activists Up, the article analyses the search for a new equilibrium between processes of singularization, and a community life where solidarity, cooperation and mutualism can build local forms of the common and the collective. In the first part of the article, we describe our analytical tools such as singularization, mutualism and generation, and the way in which they can highlight current political imagination of Italian youth; in the second part we present the results of our investigation and the way in which interviewees claim to belong to a wider frame of the transformation of politics in individualized societies.

With 38% of its population living in cities, Vietnam is in the process of completing its urban transition. The arrival of populations from the countryside coupled with a process of spatial sprawl is part of the urban catching up that the country has been doing since the liberalization of its economy at the end of the 1980s. Poles of concentration of value and population are rapidly being formed: the metropolises. The Vietnamese metropolises, starting with the capital city-province of Hanoi, are the vehicle and modus operandi of the country's transition to a market economy, and they crystallize a number of social tensions linked in particular to the entrenchment, or even the clash, of rural and urban cultures. The purpose of this article is to see how, in the peri-urban area of Hanoi, an observation post for the advance of the city over the countryside, the "urban civilization" program is being called upon by the authorities to promote urban modernization based on social harmony and a certain vision of urban sociality.

The roots of reflective journaling as a formal method of inquiry are often attributed to Dewey's (1933), and later Schön's (1983), writings on reflective practice-the idea of intentional, structured reflection as a tool for improving one's practice, for educators (primarily) and other professions (e.g., nursing, social work). While Dewey's emphasis was on pedagogy and professional development, Schön described reflective practice as knowledge acquisition in itself; he rejected the dichotomy between researcher and practitioner, and suggesting, instead, a cyclical process of doing-reflecting-learning. The use of reflective practice (generally) and journaling (specifically) have since become commonplace in many forms of qualitative research, both as a supplement to the research process and as a stand-alone method of inquiry. The increasing mainstream acceptance of reflective journaling as research has, in large part, grown in tandem with recognition of the importance of students' and teachers' social-emotional well-being. Of course, these ideas-attention to holistic development, reflection as knowledge creation-are prominent themes in many ancient religious and spiritual traditions including Buddhism (Tremmel, 1993) and various Indigenous traditions (Kovach, 2009). So, while their incorporation in modern, mainstream, Western research and education is typically thought of as fairly new, they have indeed existed as knowledge cultivation strategies for millennia.

This paper examines the media treatment of the antilogging blockades by Sarawak's natives to protest logging, which has threatened their survival over the years. This essay discusses which medium brings what to the limelight, what kind of treatment the media give to movements, and how they frame the issues of the conflict; who organized and mobilized the natives, how it was done, and what consequences the collective actions bring to the natives' own communities. DIMBAB NGIDANG O ne may wonder why some groups, communities or community-based organizations are willing to risk their lives against all odds in order to overcome what they consider threats to their survival. We all know that popular action is difficult because the odds tend to weigh heavily against the poor and the powerless (Burning, 1988: 21). Tarrow (1989:3) posited three questions in his attempt to explain social movements: how do people struggle, why or for what reasons do people struggle, and who engages in collective action? Is it the principle or ideology which they hold dear that matters? Or is it their survival that is really at stake? Literature on social movements has provided a great deal of insight as to why people choose to protest against the establishment, elites, institutions, organizations and authorities. The roots may lay in specific social, cultural, economic and political problems (Zald, 1988).' Commonality of interests comes about when problems become crises, which Tilly (1986:3) regarded as shared grievances. People are willing to protect their interests even to the extent of investing their resources and calculating their costs to gain collective goods (Tarrow, 1989:10). However, there are also people who are mainly pursuing selective incentives to benefit themselves (Olson, 1968). Whatsoever their motives, some people can be categorized as proactive, others are reactive, with respect to the environmental constraints that restrict their freedom of expression and right to exist.

Apesar da existência de uma considerável literatura sobre a história da hanseníase, predominam os estudos que enfocam a opressão e a dominação a que os antigos pacientes foram submetidos. Permanecem pouco estudadas as formas de resistência e as lutas políticas geradas por esses sujeitos. O presente artigo é um esforço nessa direção, abordando como a própria vida cotidiana e as lutas organizadas permitiram o questionamento de sentidos e práticas opressoras. O estudo está embasado em um processo de observação em antigos hospitais-colônia brasileiros, 12 grupos de conversação com moradores dessas instituições, entrevistas não-estruturadas com lideranças do Movimento de Reintegração das Pessoas Atingidas pela Hanseníase (Morhan) e 45 edições do Jornal do Morhan.

This paper aims to explain how various organization plays role on implementing policies among street vendors in Bandung, West Java, Indonesia. Using qualitative method with participant observation and structured in-depth interview as data gathering technique, the result shows that not only effectively articulating policies among street vendors, these organizations also have authority to negotiating policies.

Street vendor (Pedagang Kaki Lima - PKL) is the most incarnation of the informal economy with the biggest role even at the state level. Unfortunately, PKL is blamed as the source of problems and surrounded by the threat of eviction which still happened in DKI Jakarta as the symbol and magnet of development in Indonesia. The qualitative method is used with study cases empowered by life history for revealing the vulnerability and survival strategy of the PKL household. The result shows the unforeseeable fact that PKL in Triangle Gold of DKI Jakarta potentially can reach income as same as regional minimum wage in DKI Jakarta. At the same time, the eviction and number of customers are the PKL’s vulnerability factors. Social capital is essential to start a new job or business as PKL, while strengthened by push and pulling factors to migrate from rural to city. Bridging and bonding with stakeholders through adaptation with the changing rule are the PKL’s main strategies to survive; beside...

La presente investigación constituye una aproximación a la incidencia de las mujeres en la producción social del hábitat urbano. Específicamente al lugar que tiene la construcción de liderazgos en comedores populares autogestionarios, organizaciones para la subsistencia que surgen en Lima, hacia la segunda mitad del siglo XX. Para ello, realiza un análisis de las trayectorias de liderazgo que se configuran al interior de la organización de comedores populares autogestionarios en el distrito de El Agustino. Con ese propósito, se han planteado tres objetivos específicos. Primero caracterizar la evolución de la participación de las mujeres en la producción social del hábitat. Segundo, caracterizar las trayectorias de lideresas de comedores populares autogestionarios en el distrito de El Agustino, identificando sus patrones de similitud y diferencia. Tercero, explorar los factores que terminan dándole forma a dichas trayectorias y que están asociadas al aprovechamiento diferenciado de l...

El objetivo de este artículo es analizar las dificultades económicas de los habitantes de la Zona Metropolitana de Monterrey (ZMM) derivadas de la pandemia por COVID-19, especialmente la dificultad para realizar pagos. A través de un cuestionario enviado vía redes sociales a habitantes de la ZMM entre abril y mayo del 2020, se captaron 211 respuestas, en 61 casos hubo problemas de pago de crédito de diverso tipo, 42 con pendientes en pago de servicios, 30 con otros tipos de deudas y 27 con pago de colegiaturas. En cuanto a sus limitaciones, el cuestionario no tiene un valor estadístico dada su poca representatividad, ya que fue realizado en el momento de mayor confinamiento. Los datos obtenidos reflejan un momento coyuntural que ameritan ser conocidos y analizados, en consecuencia, es necesario hacer análisis más amplio tanto cuantitativos como cualitativos que examinen los efectos de la pandemia sobre la economía y el acceso a los bienes de las personas en esta zona metropolitana. Es muy probable que las brechas de desigualdad se hayan ampliado como resultado de esta pandemia.

In this paper, I argue the practice of Kurdish group dance in Turkey represents a negotiated but tangible means of resisting the domination of Kurdish cultural identity, the Kurdish body, and the sociocultural autonomy of Kurdish space. I begin with a discussion of the literature surrounding the notion of culture as resistance, highlighting some of the major points of debate and contention. Drawing from interviews with Kurds from Turkey and fieldwork at various sites in Turkey, I go on to that argue Kurdish govend functions as a form of negotiated resistance in the following ways; 1) as a space for cultivating a collective memory of genocide as well as a space for channeling experiences of domination into an act of defiance and empowerment, and 2) as an assembly of bodies which poses a physical and symbolic challenge to the Turkish state's attempts to subjugate Kurdish space and the Kurdish body.

Modernization and capitalist penetration in developing countries have impacted rural communities differently. The Penan natives who are settled in the peripheral and isolated areas close to the forest are on the receiving end of development. Often authority-defined development discourse has been dominant but lay-defined discourse provides an alternative understanding and contestation to this discourse. This paper examines the development discourses of the Penan natives who have settled in the Belaga Area of Bintulu, Sarawak. The discourses entail the impact of development, as well as the natives' view for and against development. A total of 25 heads of households from 6 villages were involved in this research that utilized the non-probability sampling technique. Data in this research was collected using the technique of in-depth interview and informal group discussion. The findings revealed that the Penan natives are displaced and excluded from mainstream market development and as such their exposure to the market ideals requires adaptation of skills, information, education and even welfare provision which are still distant to them. Findings also revealed that the Penans are for development that entails sustaining their existing ecological relationship, with adequate provision of amenities and infrastructural development such as long houses, schools, recreational areas, roads, and other utilities. However, they are against development that disrupts their livelihood and habitat, for example those involving activities such as logging, oil palm plantation and major infrastructural projects. Contrasting worldviews held by the Penan natives for a sufficiency and ecological model of development can provide alternative views to mainstream development discourse.

This paper aims to explain how various organization plays role on implementing policies among street vendors in Bandung, West Java, Indonesia. Using qualitative method with participant observation and structured in-depth interview as data gathering technique, the result shows that not only effectively articulating policies among street vendors, these organizations also have authority to negotiating policies.