European Union Citizenship

Debates about cultural recognition have been divided into two main views: on the differencesensitive liberal view, recognition of individuals' collective identities requires group-specific minority rights, whereas on the difference-blind liberal view, recognition requires nothing beyond the basic rights guaranteed by liberal procedural justice. This article seeks to show that in fact, both camps are wrong about what recognition requires. Instead, I argue that what recognition requires must be decided through a democratic discursive procedure, which allows members of minority groups to freely articulate their claims to recognition, and have those claims in turn, reviewed by the public through an impartial process of mutual argumentation. In fact, I show that even if independent principles of fairness might seem to require extending group-specific minority rights, the content of those rights must be determined by the affected agents themselves through a democratic discursive procedure. On the basis of this argument, I defend an alternative discursive approach to the problem of recognition.

Return migration has become very prominent a pattern in the migration trajectories of peoples' mobility and thus increasingly researched, revealing a myriad of nuances to achieve a success which will prove fruitful upon return. However, the return is faced with different challenges which were/are being under the scrutiny of return of emigration due to its turbulent political history and ongoing economic challenges there are evidenced cases of voluntary return migration. In this paper I will bring established businesses upon return that resulted with certain degree of development and upward social status mobility at personal and communal level. The return of low skilled workers in rural areas may be among the most challenging returns if considered limited opportunities these areas usually provide. However, new dynamics, especially in tourism potential, are emerging in rural areas. The cases in this paper are quite unique and serve as an illustration of different individual agencies of migrants used as strategy of return.

The author introduces the concept of democracy by guiding readers to its origins as a concept, an idea, an aspiration, and as the political tendency necessary for the development of society. You can find critical discussions about its early development and the struggles of democracy’s first advocates. As readers delve deeper into the text, they will quickly appreciate the high level of scholarship evident in the documentation provided: names, dates, places, significant historical events, Greek linguistic roots, sayings, customs, and traditions. In short, the work serves as an authentic academic resource for advanced learning, and thus constitutes a fundamental resource for students of Politics, Philosophy, and History.
This thoroughly researched work faithfully reflects a distinctly Latin style of writing, where everything matters: personal stories, anecdotes, recollections, and the reconstruction of events often forgotten, ignored, or deemed irrelevant by mainstream currents of thought. The author clearly argues that democracy depends on the political reality of the state. Moreover, the political reality of any state manifests itself in the distinctions it draws between friends and foes, and in how it treats its citizens. Consequently, minority groups will continue their struggle for legal recognition, whether in advanced or less developed societies.
This book has 3 chapters: the first centers the attention to the Greek democracy; the second focuses on the great 17th-century philosopher Baruch Spinoza, who was the first to re-propose the model of democracy as desirable in the modern era compared to monarchies or oligarchies. Finally, the third chapter addresses the complex problem of freedom of expression in the contemporary world, where truth and lies, science and post-truth intertwine; in these complex circumstances, democracy must allow citizens freedom of expression while maintaining the ongoing pursuit of collective interests.

Spain, like all of Europe, is struggling with a migration crisis in the 21st century. Although Spanish law regulates the legal and administrative situation of foreigners in quite detail, some of the norms no longer match the current geopolitical situation. The article mainly discusses the legal status of a foreigner through the prism of his fundamental rights contained in the Constitution and the Law on Foreigners, as well as problems related to the bureaucracy of the Spanish public administration system in the field of subjective rights of foreigners.  

This explainer sets out why the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR) is inseparable from the 1998 Belfast/Good Friday Agreement (B/GFA). Contrary to recent claims, the UK cannot withdraw from the ECHR without undermining its international commitments under the Agreement. The report traces the ECHR’s central role in the B/GFA’s rights protections, examines how treaty law secures these obligations, and shows why alternative “equivalent” arrangements cannot meet the Agreement’s requirements. It also highlights how post-Brexit treaties, including the Windsor Framework, reinforce the UK’s duty to maintain rights protections in Northern Ireland. The conclusion is clear: withdrawal from the ECHR would breach the B/GFA, destabilise Northern Ireland’s constitutional settlement, and jeopardise hard-won peace.

With the help of the Immigrant Inclusion Index (IMIX), a quantitative tool for measuring the electoral inclusion of immigrants, we demonstrate that European democracies are much more exclusive than they should be. All normative theories of democracy share the conviction that it is imperative that democracies include long-term immigrant residents into the demoseither by granting citizenship or by introducing alien voting rights. But even the 20 most established and stable democracies within the EU are far from fully realizing the ideal of 'universal suffrage'. This is true independently of whether we count in-and excluded people in numerical terms, or whether we evaluate the relevant laws and regulations. Therefore, we diagnose a substantial democratic deficit on the level of European nation-states. By requiring its member states to enfranchise nonnational EU citizens on the local level, the EU, for once, plays a positive role in reducing one of the most fundamental democratic deficits in times of migration.

This article contributes to the existing literature on the geography of mobility by examining the precarious work experiences of young people in relation to the limits to their mobility. Using 60 in-depth interviews with young immigrants from Eastern Europe who practised mobility to and from Spain, the article highlights the concern of 'limits to mobility' to show how respondents try to end their precarious work and labour instability in order to reach a stable destination. What are the limits to mobility? When is the peak reached? I argue that the limits to mobility can be explained by the interplay between the political-economic structure and people's spatiotemporal experiences. I have found three different types, depending on the life-course contexts in which young people live their limits to mobility: (1) mobility as tiredness-specific to those who have practised mobility to Spain and, after travelling, training and changing precarious jobs in several countries, try to move and settle in one place; (2) mobility as a labyrinth-situated between the fulfilment of objectives and the uncertainty of relocation; and (3) mobility as resistance to precarity through return-practised by people who migrated with their parents at an early age, who studied in Spain, but for professional reasons had to leave, and are currently either back in their countries of origin or in Spain. The limits to mobility have not as yet been researched in this way, and the findings may contribute to a refinement of the spatiotemporal framework of youth mobility.

l acceso a la información pública es ampliamente reconocido como un derecho básico en toda democracia. Sin embargo, convive con instaladas prácticas de secretismo, ya que asiduamente los gobiernos ocultan información para proteger la seguridad, la defensa nacional o sus relaciones de política exterior. Las políticas de transparencia sancionadas en los últimos años buscan conciliar ambos extremos: los derechos fundamentales sin avanzar sobre actividades de gobierno de las que depende la unidad estatal. En este artículo evaluamos comparativamente algunas reformas sobre el tema implementadas en países de Latinoamérica en los últimos diez años, tomando como punto de partida las recomendaciones y documentos emitidos por organismos internacionales y, fundamentalmente, los Principios de Tshwane acordados en 2013.

Research for the 2018/2019 GLOBALCIT Reports has been supported by the European University Institute's Global Governance Programme and the British Academy Research Project CITMODES (co-directed by the EUI and the University of Edinburgh).

The study revolves around the concept of EU citizenship and endeavours to address various issues related to it. It constitutes an effort to delineate the rights that EU Member State nationals have, based on the status of European citizen, and to promote the benefits which they are furnished to enjoy, bearing at the same time in mind the obstacles that may stand in their way. Overall, it tries to monitor the progress that has been achieved in the area of EU citizenship since introduction of the concept with the Treaty on the European Union in Maastricht in 1993. A great part of this work relies on EU sources, may they be Treaty provisions, secondary legislation, formal Commission activities and mainly abundant case law. However,
bibliography is extensively used as well in an effort to provide fruitful insights into the matters under investigation. After an introduction to the concept of citizen and its extension to the EU citizen, an attempt is made to delve into EU legislation and search the legal foundations of EU
citizenship focusing on Treaty provisions (Treaty of the European Union and Treaty for the Function of the European Union). Next, findings stress the importance of rulings from the Court of Justice of the European Union in the establishment of EU citizenship. It is acknowledged that the Court of Justice provided valuable interpretations which forced Member States to re-evaluate their position towards migrants and to let go of discriminatory practices through their national legislation. In this respect, numerous cases are viewed as indicators of the extent of issues that arose from the use of EU citizenship rights.

Co-authored with Daniel McCulloch (The Open University). Preoccupations with Covid-19 have not hindered the Government's Brexit agenda. In the new world of Brexit, and related to the UK Government's ongoing hostile environment approach to migration, under new changes to UK immigration rules, from 1st December 2020 the Home Office are entitled in law to expel non-EEA (European Economic Area) nationals who are sleeping rough. From the 1st January 2021 this law also applies to newly-arriving EEA citizens.

, desde una perspectiva sociológica y jurídica crítica. Se estudia el papel de los organismos de control en la garantía de los derechos humanos, su correspondencia con la moral colectiva según Émile Durkheim y su validez formal desde el positivismo jurídico. Asimismo, se examina su alineación con los Objetivos de Desarrollo Sostenible (ODS), especialmente en lo referente a institucionalidad, transparencia y lucha contra la corrupción. El estudio revela importantes vacíos normativos y desafíos operativos en el control ciudadano, así como en la justicia territorial. Se propone una relectura del Título X que reconozca la pluralidad social, fortalezca la legitimidad institucional y permita un Estado más justo, transparente y eficaz.

This Working Paper introduces a critical taxonomy of citizenship, challenging traditional binary frameworks and revealing the inequalities embedded within constitutional systems. Citizenship, it argues, is not a singular or universal experience but a spectrum of statuses reflecting the divergent realities of individuals within the same polity. Building on Jellinek’s Statustheorie, the Working Paper distinguishes between formal and material status to expose the systemic barriers that marginalised groups face in accessing substantive protections. The proposed taxonomy identifies six statuses – negatory nationality, affirmative nationality, semi-statuses, passive citizenship, receptory citizenship, and citizenship proper – each representing constitutional positions in relation to rights and protections. This framework critically examines how mechanisms like sub-standard nationality and systemic barriers perpetuate exclusion and oppression, emphasising the disconnect between the ideal promises of citizenship and its lived reality. The Working Paper bridges theory and practice by offering a structured framework to understand and address disparities, equipping scholars, policymakers, and practitioners with tools to understand and challenge oppressive structures. Ultimately, the Working Paper reimagines citizenship as a tool for justice, advocating for systemic reforms that align the real and ideal dimensions of rights. It calls for a transformative approach to citizenship that ensures equal access and protections, making citizenship an instrument to make justice a tangible reality rather than a mere aspiration.

The article explores the foundational aspects, challenges, and contemporary relevance of the rule of law. It emphasizes the rule of law as a crucial element of civil society, upholding fairness, justice, and equality. The article examines its historical evolution, jurisdictional interpretations, and mechanisms that sustain it, while also discussing its role in balancing human rights with governmental power. Additionally, it highlights the rule of law's economic benefits and its potential misuse for oppression. The article calls for dynamic, responsive legal systems and underscores the necessity of robust institutions and international cooperation to maintain the integrity of the rule of law in modern society.

Il concetto di solidarietà ha molti significati sia in generale che nel diritto internazionale. In linea generale, se solo si consultano alcuni dizionari, la nozione di solidarietà può significare: a) concordanza di pensiero e di azione tra individui, o gruppi ristretti di individui, che hanno un interesse comune; b) unità di classi sociali nel contesto di rivoluzioni o altri sovvertimenti sociali; c) reciproca dipendenza; d) dovere morale unilaterale di prestare aiuto ai bisognosi; e) obbligo morale di fornire mutua assistenza in forme di co-dipendenza sociale e di cooperazione; f) rapporto di comunanza o fratellanza che unisce fra loro i membri di una collettività o dell'intera umanità, legati da comuni interessi, e che si manifesta con atti di reciproco aiuto e cooperazione. Cercando di adattare queste nozioni al diritto internazionale, sembra che l'ultima definizione sia quella che meglio si adegui alla collettività che viene definita come comunità internazionale, specie negli ultimi decenni. Infatti, il diritto internazionale tradizionale era concepito essenzialmente come diritto della 'coesistenza', volto a definire le sfere di sovranità dei singoli Stati rispetto agli altri ed a coordinare i poteri dei singoli Stati quando essi potevano interferire con quelli degli altri Stati (Wolfrum , 1088)). In questo contesto strutturale, la solidarietà non aveva spazio o ne aveva uno assai ristretto (Pasquali 2022a, 7-9).

Constitutional patriotism is a term introduced but not developed by Jurgen Habermas. Muller’s approach to Constitutional Patriotism has brought more substance into it. This thesis is a journey through Habermasian scholarship, primarily, for finding pieces of constitutional patriotism. The scope of this is not limited to jurisprudence or sociology alone but it is interdisciplinary in nature. Constitutional patriotism was an idea put forward by Jurgen Habermas in the aftermath of the Second World War. I have a reconstructive approach to the emergence of CP in the first few chapters of my thesis. I lay down the intellectual and political context which gave rise to it. I will maintain that it is not only the immediacy of the German political context which gave rise to the emergence of the term Constitutional Patriotism. Constitutional Patriotism also stands on different aspects of his political philosophy. Philosophical and sociological aspects of Habermas`s work have different dimensio...

The aim is to create, here in Britain, a really hostile environment for illegal immigrants (Theresa May 2012, quoted in Kirkup and Winnett 2012). Just go home. We voted you out. You will have to leave the country soon (told to an Eastern European Woman in the street after Brexit referendum, in Burnett 2016: 7) One of the most striking features of contemporary Europe is the 'authoritarian turn' which is transforming the regions political bodies: its democratic institutions; state actors; and the views and values of its voting publics. Since 2015, a year which saw the arrival of a million refugees on European borders 1 , one of the major characteristics of this 'authoritarian turn' has been the institution of progressively illiberal immigration policies and practices. This hardening of border controls was initially most noticeable in Central and Eastern Europe states. 2 However, this anti-migrant turn is also evident in democratic states further West, where previously marginalised right-wing immigration politics and ethnonationalist public discourses are incrementally transforming state policies and practices. Focusing on Britain, this article considers one of the key features of this shift, the rise of deportation, or more precisely the adoption of policies which make increasing numbers of residents 'deportable'. It focuses throughout on a very particular political body, that of the politician Theresa May, and considers what her promotion from deportation-enthusiast Home Secretary to 'protectionist' Brexit Prime-Minister signals, in terms of the increasing centrality of 'deportability' as a mode of government and a mechanism of social control. This article begins with the highly-publicised appearance of the British Prime Minister, David Cameron, and his (then) Home Secretary Theresa May, at the scene of an immigration raid in Slough in 2014. Employing this event as a point of entry, this article examines a British Government initiative designed to create what May described in a speech to Parliament in 2012 as "a really hostile environment for illegal migrants in Britain". It considers the subsequent implementation of this hostile environment and the intensification of deportation as a technology of government which it involved. It also examines how this politics of deportability came to characterise the 2015 Brexit campaign and the racist violence which followed in its wake. It argues that the "production of deportability" has been the defining brought to you by CORE View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk

This report was commissioned by Jill Evans MEP, with the following objectives:  Examine how realistic the idea of Associate Union Citizenship is, and how it could be developed giving all UK citizens the opportunity to retain aspects of EU citizenship;  Set out what treaty change(s) may be necessary to develop Associate Union Citizenship;  Considering that all 27 Member State governments and parliaments of the EU would have to agree to a treaty change, examine what could incentivise the EU-27 to agree to such a treaty change, taking account of reciprocity;  Examine what options there could be to paid membership to access, if any;  Consider what rights concomitant with Associate Union Citizenship are enshrined in the Government of Wales Acts and other UK legislation devolving competences to the Welsh Government and National Assembly for Wales which could strengthen the case for Associate Union Citizenship.

but the author remains responsible for all views expressed and for any errors and inaccuracies that remain. I have endeavoured to cover events up to the start of July 2006, with some later developments included where possible. All internet references last visited 28 July 2006. * M.A. (Oxon., Cantab.), LLM (Leiden), BCL (Oxon.), University Lecturer in Law, Faculty of

In the 2016 EU referendum, 62% of Scottish voters backed Remain, but do the experiences of EU families living there differ from those living elsewhere in the UK? Drawing on new research, Marie Godin and Nando Sigona find that this is indeed the case.

This paper aims to analyze three distinct cases of use of soft law in healthcare matters in order to assess their impact on compliance with the principle of conferral. After a brief introduction on the peculiarities of soft law in EU law, attention will be focused on: 1. the ECDC recommendations in light of its renewed mandate; 2. the soft provisions of Regulation 2021/2282 on health technology assessment, concerning joint clinical assessments; and 3. the soft provisions that the Regulation on Artificial Intelligence reserves for non-high-risk AI systems, which include many systems
concerning the healthcare sector.

Cosmopolitanism is based on the liberal principle of moral egalitarianism, i.e., the moral equality of every human being. At the same time, liberalism, as a historical and political movement, finds in the state the agent and representative of political communities that exercise their sovereign power within national borders. States, therefore, operate by way of the exclusion of non-citizens. Moral egalitarianism, however, questions the “moral significance” of borders and, consequently, the difference between nationals and foreigners. This article analyses this “liberal dilemma”, considering the arguments of those who defend the “right to exclude” and concluding that there may be a legitimate interest in protecting national “goods”, both tangible and intangible, and that this interest justifies controlling access to national territory, but does not justify the “right to exclude”.

Este artículo propone una reflexión sobre la aportación que la Carta de derechos fundamentales declarada en Niza en 2000 puede hacer a la configuración de la ciudadanía europea. Al margen de su alcance jurídico, cabe considerarla como la expresión de un conjunto de principios y valores que sirvan de base para concebir la identidad europea como cívica, no étnica o cultural, así como para conformar una ciudadanía abierta en una perspectiva cosmopolita. Palabras clave: Carta de derechos fundamentales, ciudadanía europea * (

This commentary examines the impact of Brexit on human mobility between the UK and the EU five years postimplementation. It highlights the significant decline in EU migration to the UK, attributed to the imposition of a pointsbased immigration system, and the corresponding rise in non-EU migration. Statistical data from the ONS reveal a dramatic shift in migration patterns, reflecting policy changes and societal adjustments. The analysis explores the economic ramifications, including labour shortages and increased costs, and the political consequences, such as the rise of far-right ideologies across Europe. It further discusses the social impacts, including increased xenophobia and altered perceptions of multiculturalism, alongside effects on educational mobility. The commentary concludes that Brexit has fundamentally reshaped human mobility, with lasting economic, political, and social implications for both the UK and the EU.

The image of people who move internationally for education is no longer limited to those with high economic capital capable of financing education projects. Other actors with specific experiences of student mobility are emerging in the contemporary world. This research examines the displacement of Cape Verdean women enrolled in higher education in Portugal. Immersed in a postcolonial logic, 34 Cape Verdean students shared their motivations, the factors influencing their displacement, and their future plans. A specific dynamic was identified and maintained by various actors and institutions: The Cape Verdean student with a certain level of cultural and school capital; emigrated family and friends who provide support in the destination country, such as accommodation and financial assistance; Cape Verdean government institutions that sponsor or encourage the desire to leave; and Portuguese higher education institutions that create policies to attract students from Portuguese-speaking countries. This chapter also reflects on the new recruitment networks targeting “potential immigrants” from the Global South, especially nationals from former colonies who have benefited from improved living conditions in their home countries, specifically a rising middle class capable of financing education abroad. In this competitive setting, international diplomacy can be used to attract students as consumers, promoting profitable new markets, especially where educational agreements exist with former imperial centers. This study contributes to the investigation of new migratory arrangements in Cape Verdean society, where immigration barriers in Europe and North America are rising. In this context, a student visa may represent the fastest and most efficient way to continue migration flows. International student mobility is crucial for understanding the broader narratives that shape contemporary migrations, challenging the false dichotomies that separate student mobility from other migration flows.

The European Union has experienced dramatic internal and external changes within the last few decades. These changes have deeply affected and changed the traditional concepts, meaning and importance of the principles of sovereignty and nationality. The discussion about the pros and cons of the exception clause to the free movement of workers principle (Art. 39.4 EC) has to been seen from a national and European point of view. Although we agree that there is no reason to transfer to the EU tasks and functions which could be better dealt with on a national basis (e.g. competence to regulate national civil services), this does not apply to the provisions of Art. 39 EC. Today, the number of civil servants moving throughout the Union is very low -a situation which is unlikely to change in the future. This implies that even if Art. 39.4 were deleted there would be no massive increase in mobility in Europe. In addition, a number of developments have taken place in the past few decade s which have rendered Art. 39.4 EC old fashioned. Today it poses artificial obstacles to the free movement principle and is more and more difficult to justify. We therefore propose that Member States should restrict its provisions to specific areas of the public sector.

Dans une Europe en train de changement généré par le mécanisme de la construction européenne, le rôle qu'occupent les institutions culturelles et d'enseignement est de plus en plus important pour la création des « modèles » et patterns qui illustrent la physionomie du citoyen communautaire. Les universités occupent une place à part. En particulier, c'est le phénomène de la coopération entre les universités dans l'espace de frontière de l'Union Européenne qui acquiert une grande importance. Cela est dû tout d'abord à la capacité de transmettre au-delà des frontières, éphémères d'ailleurs, des valeurs promues par les universités européennes. De ce point de vue, la coopération interuniversitaire aux frontières extérieures de la communauté européenne devient un moteur de promotion des valeurs d'un bon voisinage. La logique d'une telle assertion a pour source le rôle attribué aux universités dans le processus de construction de l'identité européenne. « L'Europe de demain se construit par la contribution des universités aussi » a souligné le Président de l'Université Sapienza de Rome, le Professeur Renato Guarini à l'occasion de la réunion européenne des professeurs des universités et des présidents qui a eu lieu à Rome en été 2007 1 . Une des conclusions de la réunion a été que l'« Europe a besoin d'universités puissantes afin de devenir elle-même puissante » 2 . Pour mieux comprendre les contributions des universités européennes dans la promotion d'un bon voisinage, on propose un débat sur le concept de frontière extérieure. Un tel débat pourrait faciliter notre tentative de découvrir les mécanismes de fonctionnement et d'accomplissement de la coopération interuniversitaire de la région frontalière. Ensuite, on prête attention aux diverses associations universitaires de la région des frontières physico-géographiques de l'Union Européenne, leur rôle et leur perspective.

El desarrollo de la formación laboral es una de las metas fundamentales de la actual Unión Europea. Pero,¿ a qué nos estamos refiriendo con formación laboral? Realmente su significado se aproxima a la optimización de conocimientos, habilidades y actitudes para ...

Das qualitative Forschungsprojekt Securing Housing. Wohnen, Wohnraumverluste und Wohnungslosigkeit in Nürnberg und Wien leistet einen Beitrag zum Verstehen des sozialen Phänomens der Wohnungslosigkeit und versucht auf der Grundlage von Daten aus den Städten Nürnberg (Deutschland) und Wien (Österreich) Faktoren zu identifizieren, die Wohnraumverluste und Wohnungslosigkeit verhindern und somit Wohnraum sichern. Im Sinne einer empirischen und methodischen Triangulation wurde auf drei Forschungsebenen gearbeitet: Erstens wurde eine wissenssoziologische Diskursanalyse anhand von städtischen Tageszeitungen (Nürnberger Nachrichten & Wiener Zeitung) durchgeführt, zweitens Gruppendiskussionen mit Leitungs- und Fachkräften der städtischen Wohnungslosenhilfe und drittens Gruppendiskussionen mit wohnungslosen Menschen. Die Ergebnisse der Diskursanalyse legen nahe, dass in beiden Städten Nürnberg und Wien ein Diskurs von Wohnungslosigkeit geführt wird. Anhand der Problemdefinitionen System, Krankheit, Tragödie und Krise, Migration, abweichendes oder abgrenzendes Verhalten und Entscheidungsfreiheit handeln die Sprecher*innen im Diskurs aus, ob Wohnungslosigkeit als strukturelles Problem, als individuelles Problem oder als kein Problem zu verstehen ist und welche individuellen oder kollektiven Akteur*innen die Verantwortung tragen. Die Leitungs- und Fachkräfte der Wohnungslosenhilfe deuten Wohnungslosigkeit als mehrdimensionales Problem, dessen drei Problemdimensionen die strukturellen Rahmenbedingungen (gesellschaftlich, ökonomisch, politisch), die wohlfahrtsstaatliche Bearbeitung (Wohnungslosenhilfe) und jene Menschen, die selbst in Wohnungslosigkeit leben, umfasst. Eine gelungene Bearbeitung von Wohnungslosigkeit deuten sie unterschiedlich: manche verstehen
darunter die Bearbeitung von Individuen (z.B. Selbstwertgefühl stärken oder Wohnfähigkeit aufbauen), während andere die Relevanz der Bearbeitung von Strukturen (Veränderung der strukturellen Rahmenbedingungen) betonen. Auch der Zeitpunkt der Bearbeitung (präventiv, intervenierend, nachsorgend) unterscheidet sich. Daraus konnten sechs sozialarbeiterische Deutungsmuster gelungener Bearbeitung von Wohnungslosigkeit rekonstruiert werden. Die wohnungslosen Diskutant*innen in Wien deuten Wohnungslosigkeit in der Mehrzahl als ein persönliches Scheitern, welches durch die Überwindung von Schamgefühlen und der eigenmächtigen Annahme von Hilfe gelöst werden kann. Konterkariert wird diese Deutung von einer Diskutant*in, die keine rechtlichen Ansprüche auf Hilfe in der Stadt hat und ihre Situation deshalb als strukturelles Problem markiert. Die Diskutant*innen in Nürnberg hingegen kritisieren die strukturellen Gegebenheiten (z.B. eine mangelnde Klarheit in den Verantwortlichkeiten von Behörden), äußern aber auch Dankbarkeit für die vorhandenen Hilfen, die sie erhalten haben. Aus den Ergebnissen der drei Forschungsebenen wurden folgende Faktoren identifiziert, die Wohnraumverluste und Wohnungslosigkeit verhindern könnten: 1. Recht auf Wohnen, 2. Menschenwohlorientierte Wirtschaftssysteme, 3. Politisierung der Sozialen Arbeit, 4. Präventive Intervention im Kindes- und Jugendalter, 5. Einfache Zugänge und klare Zuständigkeitsbereiche und 6. Leerstandsbesteuerung. Die Ergebnisse zeigen, dass die Sicherung von Wohnraum und die Verhinderung von Wohnungslosigkeit nur durch das Zusammenwirken struktureller und individueller Ansätze nachhaltig gelingen können. Dies gilt sowohl für Nürnberg als auch für Wien.

Sommario: 1. Le nuove frontiere della democrazia partecipativa/deliberativa e la loro applicazione in sede europea. – 2. La Conferenza sul futuro dell’Europa. – 3. Cosa ha funzionato e cosa potrebbe funzionare meglio: perfezionare lo strumento. – 3.1. Partecipazione e visibilità. – 3.2. Buon funzionamento. – 3.3. Impatto. – 4. Creatività e path dependency nel processo di integrazione europea: perché i panel dei cittadini rimarranno nell’ordinamento dell’Unione.

Return migration has become very prominent a pattern in the migration trajectories of peoples' mobility and thus increasingly researched, revealing a myriad of nuances to achieve a success which will prove fruitful upon return. However, the return is faced with different challenges which were/are being under the scrutiny of return of emigration due to its turbulent political history and ongoing economic challenges there are evidenced cases of voluntary return migration. In this paper I will bring established businesses upon return that resulted with certain degree of development and upward social status mobility at personal and communal level. The return of low skilled workers in rural areas may be among the most challenging returns if considered limited opportunities these areas usually provide. However, new dynamics, especially in tourism potential, are emerging in rural areas. The cases in this paper are quite unique and serve as an illustration of different individual agencies of migrants used as strategy of return.

Introduction. In the conditions of modern digital and globalized society, the higher education system faces the task of forming
a set of required competencies in graduates, including an arsenal of general professional skills, among which it is necessary
to focus on the readiness to carry out teaching activities within the framework of educational programs of higher education.
The solution of this problem becomes possible due to the search and implementation of advanced methods in the educational
process, providing the achievement of high educational results in the pedagogical field.
The aim of the study is to develop the content of the components of the system of training postgraduate students of a medical
university for teaching activity.
Materials and methods. The methods used were: analysis of theoretical and methodological literature on the organization and
provision of educational process in higher education; pedagogical experiment. The empirical study involved 408 postgraduate
students (first year) studying under the programs of training scientific and pedagogical staff of higher qualification on the basis of
the I.M. Sechenov First Medical State University.
Mathematical and statistical processing of the obtained results was carried out by methods of registration, quantitative and
qualitative processing of experimental data. Pearson's χ 2 (chi-square) criterion was applied to evaluate the effectiveness of the
conducted study.
Results. At the end of the realized research, the actual data were recorded, stating the effectiveness of the implementation
of the system of preparation for teaching activity among postgraduate students of medical university. The obtained indicators
registered an increase in the parameters of basic (by 10%), optimal (by 9%), advanced (by 11%) levels, as well as a reduction
in the insufficient level (by 25%). The effectiveness of the implementation of the system of preparation for teaching activity in
the experimental group was confirmed by qualitative changes in the results of the formation of general professional competence
among graduate students of medical university before and after the implementation of the system of preparation for teaching
activity (χ 2 еmp. = 34,052; p < 0,001).
Discussion and Conclusions. In the process of the study, the conclusions about the need to improve the level of competencies
related to teaching among postgraduate students of a medical university were obtained. The proposed training system
contributed to the growth of qualitative indicators of the formation of the considered competencies among students. The practical
significance of the study lies in the applicability of the developed materials in the educational process of higher medical school.
They can serve as a didactic means of improving the level of students' preparedness for the implementation of the teacher's
activity.

The Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies, created in 1992 and currently directed by Professor Brigid Laffan, aims to develop inter-disciplinary and comparative research on the major issues facing the process of European integration, European societies and Europe's place in 21 st century global politics. The Centre is home to a large post-doctoral programme and hosts major research programmes, projects and data sets, in addition to a range of working groups and ad hoc initiatives. The research agenda is organised around a set of core themes and is continuously evolving, reflecting the changing agenda of European integration, the expanding membership of the European Union, developments in Europe's neighbourhood and the wider world. For more information: The EUI and the RSCAS are not responsible for the opinions expressed by the author(s). GLOBALCIT is the successor of EUDO CITIZENSHIP, which has been the key reference for the study of citizenship and the franchise between 2009 and 2017. With the geographic expansion of the Observatory's scope the new name reflects our worldwide coverage. GLOBALCIT provides the most comprehensive source of information on the acquisition and loss of citizenship in Europe for policy makers, NGOs and academic researchers. Its website hosts a number of databases on domestic and international legal norms, naturalisation statistics, citizenship and electoral rights indicators, a comprehensive bibliography and glossary, a forum with scholarly debates on current citizenship trends, media news on matters of citizenship policy and various other resources for research and policy-making. GLOBALCIT studies political participation in the context of the project Fostering Awareness, Inclusion and Recognition of EU mobile citizens' Political Rights (FAIR EU) and as a part of the EU-CITZEN network.

This paper takes the normative position that the fragmentation caused by the United Kingdom's withdrawal from the European Union requires legal solutions to protect the rights and status of EU citizens in the United Kingdom, and UK citizens in the European Union. The suitability of international law, domestic law, and European Union law measures are analysed on the basis of how comprehensive protection would be, and how practicable the solutions. The paper concludes with the observation that the upheaval of Brexit has prompted radical reconsideration of how the EU legal order and EU citizenship may develop in the future. Accordingly, constituting a core European citizenry would insulate European citizens and citizenship from fragmentation in the EU legal order.

The framing of elections represents the most overt instance of the media&#x27;s power to influence politics. We content analysed twelve newspapers&#x27; coverage of the 2011 general election in Ireland. Ireland&#x27;s newspaper market has some special advantages for social scientists, as it allows us to separate the newspaper types/formats (tabloid versus broadsheet) from their commercial basis (vulnerability or otherwise to short-term sales and profits). Therefore, we are able to make a particular contribution to the long-standing debate about the interaction ...

This article re-evaluates Jürgen Habermas's concept of post-national identity, a key element of his model of deliberative democracy, within the context of Germany's renewed debates on memory politics. Habermas posits that democratic belonging in multicultural societies should be fostered through post-national identity based on shared political culture. Central to this identity are the learning processes that arise from public debate, with discussions on coming to terms with the past playing a vital role. However, recent restrictions on freedom of expression in Germany, justified in part by appeals to the politics of memory, challenge Habermas's framework. The article first examines the role of post-national identity within Habermas's theory to better understand these restrictions and their implications for his democratic theory. It then explores key points in Germany's discourse on memory politics, and finally, contends that the emergence of Staatsräson indicates a crisis for post-national identity, revealing a democratic backsliding.

Análisis jurídico sobre el derecho al olvido y la protección de datos personales en el Perú. Se examinan los marcos normativos, la jurisprudencia nacional y los mecanismos legales —como la tutela de derechos— para solicitar la eliminación de datos personales en buscadores. El estudio incluye recomendaciones para la cooperación institucional con la Autoridad Nacional de Protección de Datos Personales y lineamientos para mitigar el impacto reputacional en la función pública.

hat in der Welt am Sonntag gefordert, Personen mit doppelter Staatsbürgerschaft die deutsche Staatsbürgerschaft abzuerkennen, wenn diese straCällig geworden sind. Seine Forderungen werden als "Dammbruch" kritisiert, auch als verfassungswidrig. Wir haben Dana Schmalz dazu befragt. Sie ist Referentin am Max-Planck-Institut für ausländisches öCentliches Recht und Völkerrecht in Heidelberg.

Bringing Permeability Back In. Transnational Communication in the Debate on the Constitutional Treaty in Two Swedish Quality Newspapers. The academic discourse on the need for a shared political public sphere at the level of the European Union has in recent years produced the conventional wisdom that an emerging transnational community of communication is already observable in the mass media. However, the empirical indicators on which this notion rests tend to accommodate parallel national public spheres rather than a genuine transnational communicative space. Arguing that the mutual permeability of national public spheres is a key precondition for the emergence of spaces for transnational opinion formation, this article analyzes to which extent the debate on the Constitutional Treaty in two Swedish quality newspapers has been characterized by transnational communication. While showing certain embryonic elements, the debate analyzed still falls short of fulfilling the normative requirements for a European public sphere understood as a genuine communicative community.

La experiencia se enmarca en un proyecto de intercambio Comenius desarrollado entre lso años 2002-2005, con la participación de seis centros europeos. A partir de la asignatura de prácticas de los alumnos de la Universidad de Girona, se ha implicado en la educación ...

Die Geschichte gönnt Europa keine Ruhepause. Noch sind die historischen Umbrüche der letzten Jahre nicht verarbeitet, da stehen bereits neue Weichenstellungen an. Die Regierungskonferenz 2000 war dabei nur eine Etappe eines längeren Prozesses, der eine sich erweiternde Europäische Union regierungs-und handlungsfähig machen sollte. Die Mitgliedstaaten der Europäischen Union hatten es in der Hand, ob ihr Gemeinwesen stagniert oder ob es zukunftsfähig gestaltet wird. Der Kampf um Millimeter und die Kleinherzigkeit aus taktischem Kalkül waren dabei keine angemessene Strategie und der Eindruck drängte sich auf, dass Unterhändler, deren Blickwinkel nicht über den Rand der Regierungskonferenz hinausreichten, des öfteren den Maßstab ihres Handelns verloren. Statt lediglich technische Details oder Teillösungen zu verhandeln, verlangt der Kontinent nach richtungsweisenden Debatten und vorausgreifenden Lösungen. Europa ist fünf Jahrzehnte ohne eine klare Vorstellung seiner "finalité politique" ausgekommen. Ohne einen offenen Prozess jedoch, der neben einer breiten Öffentlichkeit auch die Beitrittskandidaten in einem Post-Nizza-Prozess an einen Tisch holt, droht die Kraft der europäischen Idee, wie wir sie kennen, zu versiegen. Die von den Staats-und Regierungschefs in ihrer Zukunftserklärung formulierte Agenda für eine weitere, 2004 ins Auge gefasste Regierungskonferenz greift trotz des ambitionierten Programms angesichts der Herausforderungen des Kontinents zu kurz. Dennoch, eine Grundsatzdebatte über die Zukunft Europas hat zweifellos begonnen. Doch obwohl die Zukunftsentwürfe unterschiedliche Vorstellungen und theoretische Leitbilder widerspiegeln, teilen sie eine Wahrnehmung: Die europäische Einigung erreicht mit der Einführung des Euro und der Erweiterung eine neue Qualität, während zugleich die demokratische Legitimität und das Vertrauen der Bürger mehr denn je in Frage steht -eindrucksvoll zur Schau gestellt mit dem irischen Nein zum Vertrag von Nizza im Juni 2001. Die Grundrechtecharta, wie sie im Dezember 2001 in Nizza feierlich proklamiert wurde, ist ein beachtlicher Schritt hin zu einer Stärkung des Grundvertrauens und der Akzeptanz des europäischen Projekts. Jürgen Meyer und Markus Engels zeichnen deren Entstehen und Implikationen für den weiteren Integrationsprozess nach. Die Autorinnen und Autoren des Jahrbuchs greifen die an Nizza geknüpften Hoffnungen und Befürchungen der heutigen und künftigen Mitgliedstaaten der erweiterten Union auf und berichten in ihren Länderstudien über Themen von innen-und europapolitischer Relevanz. Zum zweiten Mal geht das Jahrbuch dabei auch intensiv auf den Beitrittsprozess ein. Johanna Deimel beleuchtet Bulgarien,