Ethnic and Civic Nationalism

This paper explores the influence of nationalist political thought on the stability and inclusiveness of modern nation-states. The purpose is to assess how different forms of nationalism-civic and ethnic-shape political cohesion, minority integration, and institutional resilience. Key findings indicate that civic nationalism tends to promote inclusiveness and democratic stability, while ethnic nationalism often correlates with exclusion, social fragmentation, and authoritarian tendencies. The paper also reveals how historical and cultural contexts condition the outcomes of nationalist ideologies. This study adds value by offering a comparative and theoretical framework for analyzing nationalism's dual potential as both a unifying and divisive force in state-building processes.

Nationalism and national sentiment could be considered blessing on the one hand and curse on the other understood properly from various perspectives. These notions can be considered blessing in the sense that they arouse the feeling of unity, nearness, oneness and ownness among the conationals or compatriots; they can be understood as curse in the sense that they create borders, divide humans into various different groups and subgroups which arouses the parochial feeling of conational which sometimes results in conflict, civil war and division of a country. Nationalism, viewed from positive perspective, can be understood as an effective means or a tool that can work to arouse the feeling of unity, nearness, and ownness among the people belonging to a certain nation. In essence, it requires that all individuals belong to a nation for the realization of their true moral worth. As a result, they owe their primary loyalty to their nation over any other sub-groups to maintain the moral value. Viewed from negative perspective, nationalism, mostly the extreme form of nationalism, leads the individuals, their subgroups, and nation to a dark moment. Racial hatred and ethnic cleansing-consequences of extreme kind of national sentiment--can be considered as some instances. The curse side of nationalism and national sentiment can be turned into blessing by properly handling the spirit of nationalism and national sentiment with positive thinking.

Nationalism remains one of the most potent and contested ideologies in modern political discourse, shaping nations' identities and political landscapes worldwide. This article undertakes a comparative analysis of two foundational theories of nationalism, Benedict Anderson’s concept of "imagined communities" and Ernest Gellner’s modernist approach, to explore their contributions to the understanding of national identity formation. Despite the extensive scholarship on nationalism, a gap persists in systematically comparing these two influential theories within a single framework. This paper aims to fill this gap by juxtaposing Anderson’s cultural and media-centric view with Gellner’s structural and economic perspective, providing a more nuanced understanding of how nations are formed and sustained. The methodology of this paper involves a critical analysis of primary texts by Anderson and Gellner, supported by case studies that apply their theories to historical and contemporary examples of nationalism. Through this comparative approach, the paper reveals that while Anderson emphasizes the role of shared cultural experiences and media in imagining national communities, Gellner highlights the socio-economic conditions that necessitate the creation of standardized, homogeneous cultures for the functioning of modern industrial states. The most important result of this research is the recognition that Anderson’s and Gellner’s theories, rather than being mutually exclusive, are complementary, each illuminating different facets of the complex phenomenon of nationalism. This synthesis not only enhances our understanding of nationalism but also provides valuable perspectives for contemporary studies on national identity in an increasingly globalized world.

Pendant la dictature de Francisco Franco, les cultures et les identités ethniques comme ceux de Catalogne et Pays Basque ont été ignorés ou directement rejetées en Espagne par le système juridique et politique. Après la transition vers la démocratie cette situation a profondément changé. La Constitution de 1978 a etabli des institutions démocratiques, garanti les principes de liberté et d'égalité, et permis un degré élevé d'autonomie dans les régions avec une identité ethnique spécifique. Ces changements n'auront pas apparemment satisfait toutes les exigences et les attentes des partis et organisations nationalistes sous-étatiques, et des nouvelles exigences sont apparues aussi dans les années suivantes. Influencés par un débat idéologique qui a commencé en Espagne au début des années quatre vingt dix, les deux principaux partis espagnols ont déclaré le Patriotisme Constitutionnel comme le référent d'une nouvelle identité nationale espagnole inclusive au début des années deux-mil. Au cours de ces années et les suivants les tensions et les conflits nationalistes n'ont pas cessé. Au contraire, les mouvements nationalistes périphériques ont augmenté la portée de leurs revendications, qui incluent de plus en plus souvent le droit à l'autodétermination. La question qui se pose est de savoir quelle est la raison de cet échec. Une explication possible est que la version espagnole du Patriotisme Constitutionnel n'a pas suivi certains des principes défendus dans sa formulation théorique originale. Un autre point de vue possible c´est que, en termes généraux, le Patriotisme Constitutionnel peut rencontrer des problèmes importants quand il est appliqué à des situations concrètes. Le cas espagnol serait un exemple particulièrement illustratif

This paper examines the relationship between politics and history in Chile in the 1930s. It analyses how Conservative circles, including politicians, members of the Catholic Church, and historians expressed concern about the absence of a real sense of nationhood during this period. It argues that these people articulated a shared discourse that revealed the value of national history as a way to recover traditional political and moral values to bolster a sense of civic nationalism in society. By analysing newspapers, magazines and parliamentary debates, the paper focuses on the role played by these Conservative individuals in the public commemorations of the 1833 constitution and the nineteenth-century statesman Diego Portales (1793-1837).

This article introduces three small, European stateless nations thatinvigorated by pervasive metropolitanisation phenomenaare increasingly shaping calls for devolution: Catalonia, the Basque Country and Scotland. These three nations are re-scaling their respective nation-states (Spain and the UK) in different ways: (i) being bolstered by their metropolitan hubs (Barcelona, Bilbao, and Glasgow) and (ii) generating a stateless 'civic nationalism' rooted in the metropolitan 'right to decide'. Oppositional response to this 'civic nationalism' has re-emerged as state-centric 'ethnic nationalism'. This article concludes that gaining or lacking metropolitan support for the 'right to decide' will establish the future directions of devolution debates.

Sažetak U radu se govori o etničkoj nereprezentativnosti u oružanim snagama kao jednom od uzroka etničkih ratova. Na primjeru Jugoslavije i Ruande, dvije zemlje koje su 1990-ih godina obilježene velikim etničkim sukobima, nastoji se vidjeti kako dva različita obrasca ...

National anthems are one of the earliest forms of universal symbols which unify communities and create a strong bond among individuals. They include the significant values of a nation and arouse intense feelings since they are usually written after an important victory in a country's history and are performed orally in a loud manner altogether with a sense of identification. However, they have not undergone extended research so far in the scope of literature as the context and the performance of them have been the main focus of interest. Indeed, national anthems are regarded as not only significant components of oral culture but also contributors of the genre of epic poetry after they are put into written form. For this study, with the hope of providing further research to the area, national anthems of England, the USA and France have been selected as the core sources to be evaluated in accordance with the methodology of textual analysis. The reason behind this choice is to relate the concept of anthems to literature specifically English Literature; thus, anthems of England and the USA have been prioritized. Since these two countries have been in close interaction and had respectable relationships with France for decades, the national anthem of France has been found appropriate as the third item of the analysis. The results of the study have shown that though they may differ in tone, the level of God's influence and in the use of combining other national elements, anthems present similar patterns and are personified with the attribution of patriotic and stimulating characteristics, which result in the formation of a national identity embracing every segment of the nation holistically. It is concluded that anthems play an important part in maintaining the unity of a nation and in creating a sense of belongingness among its citizens proving once again the intrinsic unitary power of literature and literary works simultaneously.

Abstracts Znanstveni neologizmi “transnacionalizam” i “transnacija” odnose se samo posredno na termine iz kojih su derivirani. Transnacionalizam kao termin i kandidat za koncept u društvenim znanostima nije izrastao na teorijskim pretpostavkama vezanima uz istraživanje ...

U obrazlo`enju kategorièkog imperativa kod Kanta zaista èesto nailazimo na argumentaciju koja ne samo da ukljuèuje naèelo zlatnog pravila nego je i na granici utilitaristièkog obrazlo`enja, naroèito u razmatranju du`nosti da se poma`e drugima u nevolji. 4 Pa ipak, postoje znaèajne razlike. Analiza tih razlika pokazaaee da se samo jedno od ova dva naèela-kategorièki imperativ-mo`e smatrati autentiènim moralnim naèelom. Drugo naèelo-zlatno pravilo-suprotno utisku na prvi pogled, mo`e samo produkovati razlièite oblike dalekose`nog i relativno kvalitetnog obezbeðenja onoga ¹to bi Kant nazvao samoljubljem, dakle svega onoga ¹to, ¹iroko shvaaeeno, spada u domen ljudske sreaee, ukljuèujuaei tu i naivni egoizam. Pokazaaee se da ono ¹to predstavlja najbitniju, ali i moralno najopasniju, znaèajku zlatnog pravila jeste da ono daje osnovu da se, pod odreðenim uslovima i njima prilagoðenim okolnostima, opravdaju razlièiti heteronomni ideali, i tako obezbeðuje ne samo udobnost konformizma zalo`enog u efikasnom situiranju u datu dru¹tvenu, politièku ili religijsku situaciju, veae daje i opravdanje za razlièite oblike moralnog i drugog nasilja. Zlatno pravilo aee tako dati opravdanje za postupke koji se mogu èiniti i pravdati samo pod okriljem jakih obrazlo`enja kadrih da proizvedu sna`na ubeðenja i spremnost da se kao irelevantno odbaci sve ¹to se ne uklapa u okvir tih obrazlo`enja. Da li je naèelo koje ka`e "Ne èini drugome ono ¹to ne `eli¹ da se tebi èini" samo popularni oblik Kantovog kategorièkog imperativa koji u svojoj prvoj i najop¹tijoj formulaciji glasi: "Delaj samo prema onoj maksimi za koju mo`e¹ istovremeno hteti da postane op¹ti zakon"? 5 Sam Kant je na to pitanje odgovorio negativno, obja-¹njavajuaei da se nu`na du`nost prema drugome, sadr`ana, na primer, Zlatno pravilo i kategori~ki imperativ 17 4

Grounded Nationalisms: A Sociological Analysis has become an instant classic in nationalism studies. In just over 300 pages, Siniša Malešević, one of the world’s leading nationalism scholars, has constructed a rich treatise on some of the central questions of our day: How should we think about nationalism? What is the future of nationalism? And what accounts for the ubiquity of national identities and national identification long after the so-called Age of Nationalism ended?

Despite inevitable elusiveness of its meanings, explication of the persisting issues of identity remains the challenge for contemporary humans. Inability to achieve full insight into its complexity points to the need to corelate basic ideas as the essential way of self-cognition and self-awareness, which represent the meaning, value and the purpose of humanity. The development of global processes can, in the same spirit, be viewed as a contribution to the conscious transformation and integration of identities.

Fiji has had a turbulent political history of successive coups that have
caused the nation to oscillate between the pursuit of ethnic nationalism and civic
nationalism. Since the final coup in 2006, Fiji has suppressed ethnic nationalism that
attributes national rights based on the ethnicity of indigenous peoples and has
adopted a political trajectory of civic nationalism that promotes multi-culturalism
and equal rights within the nation regardless of ethnicity. This article explores how
indigenous Fijian (iTaukei) urban village residents continue to imbue urban space
and infrastructure with ethnic value. The ethnic values they imbue in the city
provide them a sense of belonging to the city, and the city belonging to them,
forming an inalienable notion of ethnic citizenship in the urban context.
I ethnographically detail how iTaukei urban residents imbued two spaces, an
abandoned house, and a bulk clothing distribution centre, with ethnic value embodied
by slogans “Magic City” and “Value City”. In this article, I argue that this ethnic
project occurs within a broader moral geography whereby contested notions of how
the city should operate between the civic nationalist Fijian state and ethnically
nationalist iTaukei residents plays out. The Fijian state regulates this moral geography
through the policing of urban space, the suppression of free speech, and the
implementation of urban formalisation policies.

Apstrakt: U radu se razmatra "vladavina" tzv. postgraðanskog politièkog centra koji korespondira sa poznatim konceptom otvorenog društva, te se ispituju kako dobre, tako i rðave strane te "vladavine". Istra uje se pre svega stabilnost globalnog otvorenog društva i pa nja se posveaeuje njegovim savremenim neprijateljima-od terorizma, preko organizovanog kriminala, sve do tzv. lokalnih legitimnosti koje se suprostavljaju univerzalnoj i globalnoj legitimnosti koju zastupaju pristalice otvorenog društva iz prostora postgraðanskog politièkog centra. Rad predstavlja polemiku sa Fukujaminom tezom o "kraju istorije" buduaei da otvoreno društvo, tj. globalni postgraðanski politièki centar, ima vidljive neprijatelje koji ne dozvoljavaju da dijalektika istorije miruje kao što je smatrao Fukujama. Mesto Fukujaminog "kraja istorije" rad zakljuèuje da trenutnu globalnu situaciju obele ava postmoderni opozit liberalno-demokratskog postgraðanskog centra i ekstremnih antigraðanskih margina, odnosno opozit otvorenog društva i njegovih neprijatelja, što aee usloviti dalji hod istorije ka novim sociološko-istorijskim oblicima

Interesting comments on this literature and additional references are given by K. Peter Etzkorn in Honigsbeim (1979). A larger review can be found in Cerulo (1986). For all their undeniable virtues, these attempts, and others like them, suffer some major flaws. First, they usually attend to only

In this paper the author examines the key principles of Kant's conception of eternal peace and the possibility of an international legal order grounded in Reason. The central segment of the paper consists of an analysis of the problem of mediation between Kant's normative theory and political practice.

The article explores the meaning and usages of "communicative and cultural memory" in the context of "mental maps". It looks particularly at theories which, on the basis of constructed symbolic divisions (such as "Europe" vs. "Balkans"), connote a "lasting Balkan/European reality". The explication focuses on the content considered by these theories as specifically Balkan (or specifically Serbian) understanding of the concepts of Space and Time.

This article introduces three small, European stateless nations thatinvigorated by pervasive metropolitanisation phenomenaare increasingly shaping calls for devolution: Catalonia, the Basque Country and Scotland. These three nations are re-scaling their respective nation-states (Spain and the UK) in different ways: (i) being bolstered by their metropolitan hubs (Barcelona, Bilbao, and Glasgow) and (ii) generating a stateless 'civic nationalism' rooted in the metropolitan 'right to decide'. Oppositional response to this 'civic nationalism' has re-emerged as state-centric 'ethnic nationalism'. This article concludes that gaining or lacking metropolitan support for the 'right to decide' will establish the future directions of devolution debates.

The article considers paradoxical nature of identity that emerges from: 1) the very concept of identity whose abstract generality unites various and even opposite features; 2) the processual nature of reality that is easier to express in the poetical metaphors or abstract principles than in unambiguous conceptual networks; 3) the oppose relationship between being and knowledge, mind and matter, subject and object, self and personality. Entangled in the labyrinth which evade efforts to be conceptually defined, the modern thinking of identity moves towards abandoning the idea of ?self? on behalf of the ?ego? and towards the misapprehension of identity as being identical. This corresponds to the ?time of the lost spirit? stretched between the simultaneous need to find an identity and to give it up.

Socio-territorial psychic constructs, such as national identities, are perhaps the most important psychic phenomena for political science, with their strength so consequential for wars and inter-ethnic conflicts. The construction of the EU has faced scholars and practitioners with two identity-related problems: (i) whether the socio-territorial identities can be conceptualized as being multi-layered (nested, hyphenated, with non-conflictual relationships among the components), and (ii) whether the higher levels of these identity constructs can be confined to civic aspects (e.g. to a Habermasian constitutional patriotism), as opposed to traditional nationalisms relying on assumptions of common origin, and shared culture. The most entrenched classification of nationalisms relies on an obvious difference between the kinds of nationalisms endorsed by the Irish and Germans, on one hand, and the French and white immigrant countries like the US, on the other hand. These versions are generally labeled "ethnocultural," involving the consciousness of a shared ancestry and history, and "civic", relying on the idea of belonging to the same state. My argument is that a schism within the "civic" approach to nationalism can theoretically be expected and empirically supported on the basis of the ISSP 2003, Eurobarometer 57.2 and 73.3 surveys. These datasets confirm the existence of three principal components of nationalism, which can be labeled "ethnocultural", "great-power-civic" and "welfare-civic". While the great-power-civic approach is concerned with and takes pride in the country's military strength, international influence, sovereignty, and national character, the welfare-civic approach takes a more civilian stance and it is concerned with common rights, fair treatment of groups, social security, and welfare within the country. In addition, support has been found for the assumption that people tend to construct their supra-national identity layer according to the molds for their national identity.

Unatoc naslovu koji pokriva iznimno opsirno podrucje, clanak se usredotocuje na blisko pitanje da li Specijalna teorija relativnosti (STR) nužno zagovara ukidanje ontoloske razlike između proslih i buducih događaja, između proslosti i buducnosti opcenito. Izraženo žargonom koji uvodi Stein: jesmo li u okviru STR prinuđeni birati iskljucivo između ‘solipsizma’ i ‘determinizma’? Posebice ce biti rijeci o ulozi koju konvencionalnost istovremenosti u STR ima u pokusaju odgovora na ovo pitanje. Standardni argumenti pozivaju se na relativnost istovremenosti, tvrdnju da STR negira postojanje univerzalne ‘sadasnjosti’ koja razgranicava ‘proslost’ i ‘buducnost’, kako bi pokazali da nema ontoloske razlike između proslosti i buducnosti, da su obje jednako određene/zbiljne (determinizam). Pritom se presutno prelazi preko cinjenice da je za uspostavu ontoloskih tvrdnji vezanih uz relativnost istovremenosti potrebno prvo rijesiti pitanje konvencionalnosti istovremenosti u okviru STR. U clanku ce ...

The article considers the importance which freemason lodges had in the construction of new political culture in 18th century, on the ground of English political practice and French enlightenment. Attention is also focused on the main reasons why masonry didn't succeeded in holding that direction, that is, why it wasn't more than a simple transmission of aspiration for the creation of political institutions of the civil society.

Nationalism (and Liberalism) in the Light of Lutheran Theology. Tiililä Society Lecture at the Finnish Theological Institute. 3.12.2019

Nationalismi (ja liberalismi) luterilaisen teologian valossa. Tiililä-seura. Suomen teologinen instituutti, 3.12.2019

Interesting comments on this literature and additional references are given by K. Peter Etzkorn in Honigsbeim (1979). A larger review can be found in Cerulo (1986). For all their undeniable virtues, these attempts, and others like them, suffer some major flaws. First, they usually attend to only

Este artículo nos presenta los resultados del análisis de contenidos de los sucesivos discursos etnonacionalistas realizados por el Gobierno Vasco sobre la diáspora vasca desde la restauración de la democracia hasta hoy. El artículo pretende aportar una visión sobre la actual influencia de la ideología en la construcción de discursos de identidad de la diáspora. ¿En qué medida ha influido la existencia de la Comunidad Autónoma Vasca y un Gobierno, con sus políticas, sus acciones e ideologías en la identidad vasca de la diáspora y sus discursos institucionales?

Cilj ovog rada je dvostruk: najpre aee biti analizirane èetiri savremene teorije demokratije, da bi potom bio predlo en teorijski okvir za dalja istra ivanja koji se zasniva na prethodno anliziranim teorijama. U radu aee biti analizirane sledeaee èetiri teorije demokratije: pluralizam, teorija društvenog izbora, deliberativna demokratija i participativna demokratija.

The article considers the importance which freemason lodges had in the construction of new political culture in 18th century, on the ground of English political practice and French enlightenment. Attention is also focused on the main reasons why masonry didn't succeeded in holding that direction, that is, why it wasn't more than a simple transmission of aspiration for the creation of political institutions of the civil society.

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Pojam aktuelnosti u naslovu ima hipotetièki karakter -rad bi trebalo da preispita tezu, koju utemeljuje Jirgen Habermas (Juergen Habermas), a elaborira Aksel Honet (Axel Honneth), da jezièki zaokret u kritièkoj teoriji dovodi do napretka u konceptualizovanju konfliktne prirode modernih društava u odnosu na "prvu generaciju" Frankfurtske škole, pre svega u odnosu na delo Teodora Adorna 1

SA¬ETAK: Unatoè naslovu koji pokriva iznimno opširno podruèje, èlanak se usredotoèuje na blisko pitanje da li Specijalna teorija relativnosti (STR) nu®no zagovara ukidanje ontološke razlike izmeðu prošlih i buduaeih dogaðaja, izmeðu prošlosti i buduaenosti opaeenito. Izra®eno ®argonom koji uvodi Stein: jesmo li u okviru STR prinuðeni birati iskljuèivo izmeðu 'solipsizma' i 'determinizma'? Posebice aee biti rijeèi o ulozi koju konvencionalnost istovremenosti u STR ima u pokušaju odgovora na ovo pitanje. Standardni argumenti pozivaju se na relativnost istovremenosti, tvrdnju da STR negira postojanje univerzalne 'sadašnjosti' koja razgranièava 'prošlost' i 'buduaenost', kako bi pokazali da nema ontološke razlike izmeðu prošlosti i buduaenosti, da su obje jednako odreðene/zbiljne (determinizam). Pritom se prešutno prelazi preko èinjenice da je za uspostavu ontoloških tvrdnji vezanih uz relativnost istovremenosti potrebno prvo riješiti pitanje konvencionalnosti istovremenosti u okviru STR. U èlanku aee se nastojati pokazati da promatranjem pitanja konvencionalnosti istovremenosti iz perspektive 'èisto filozofskog' Dummettovog odreðenja razlike izmeðu prošlosti i buduaenosti mo®emo u okviru STR pokušati razviti shvaaeanje razlikovanja prošlosti i buduaenosti mimo (nepo®eljne) stroge ontološke dihotomije 'solipsizam'/'determinizam', ukoliko kriterij koji postavlja STR shvatimo kao epistemièki, a ne kao ontološki. KLJUÈNE RIJEÈI: Blok-svemir, Einsteinova sinkronizacija, jednosmjerna brzina svjetlosti, konvencionalnost i relativnost istovremenosti, protoènost vremena, retrogradno uzrokovanje, Specijalna teorija relativnosti. * Radna verzija ovog èlanka predstavljena je na skupu "Prostor, vrijeme, beskonaènost", u Zagrebu, 9. prosinca 2005, u organizaciji Instituta za filozofiju. Zahvaljujem svim sudionicima na komentarima.

The term 'civic nationalism' as it is used today in nationalism studies is misleading because it combines territorial collective identity with liberal-democratic values. As such, for example, it does not provide much insight into the comparison of Azerbaijani and Georgian concepts of national identity. Azerbaijan, arguably an authoritarian country, has used unconditional citizenship by birth on territory (jus soli) and refused to naturalize Azeri co-ethnics from Georgia. Georgia, seemingly a developed liberal democracy, hasn't practiced any jus soli, has bestowed citizenship on Georgian co-ethnics abroad and refused it to its ethnic minorities. These two cases testify to the need to revise the term 'civic nationalism', inapplicable to many, especially non-Western, empirical cases of national identity. By establishing distinct historical narratives based on premodernist sources, the article argues that the ethnic/territorial tension is premodern, which explains why civic nationalism has a premodern (territoriality) and a modern (liberal-democratic values) component. Territorial collective identity, in its contrast to an ethnic one, has deep historical roots and needs to be separated from the overall umbrella of civic nationalism. Such an approach resolves many current theoretical objections to ethnic/civic dichotomy, a ubiquitous, but still insufficiently understood, heuristic tool.

Izvor: Дмитрий Узланер, "Россия в транснациональных культурных войнах", (Часть 1), Неприкосновенный запас, 2020, (3):100‒120; Неприкосновенный запас, 2020, (4): 158 ‒184. (Часть 2).
Prevod emitovan na Trećem programu Radio Beograda (11 - 15. januar 2021)

The state's attempt to build consolidated nationhood is not always a success. The arguments provided hereafter reinforces such assertion analyzing the theoretical arguments and procedural steps that are relevant in assessing the process of nation-building and when and why they fail to succeed. In doing so, it explores both ethno-symbolist and modernist arguments as relevant to the subject matter of the question and examines Smith's 'Triple Revolution of Modernity' that is shared by the theorists in both groups as integral elements of a modern-nation building, or as the ethno-symbolist put it, to transform ethnie to a nation. Nation-building is the attainment of modern national integration and common national consciousness by organising a society of diverse origins, histories, language, cultures and religion within the boundaries of a sovereign state. Such definition is more or less modernist as it clearly emphasizes the importance of the state in nation-building unlike the ethno-symbolist theorists such as Smith and Hastings that rather emphasize the role of ethnic groups in nation-building by exemplifying nations like Japan during the Edo period. To answer this particular question, however, I will focus on the modernist theory advocated by Gellner, Giddens and the likes of them to examine the roles and factors of success and failure of the state in the process of nation-building.

This chapter aims at characterizing nationalism within the context of the new states that were born from the process of decolonization in the first half of the 20 th century. Its key concepts are: nationalism, epochalism, essentialism, culture and ideology. • Between 1945 and 1962 sixty-six "countries" achieved political independence. • The outcomes of independence are disappointing when compared to the expected results. • The signs of this disappointment: nostalgia, disenchantment with state affairs, and uncertainty of direction. • The realities of postcolonial social life: a) the reduction in the splendor of political leadership; b) the consolidation of the stratification system; c) less social mobilization; d) persistent nationalistic (diffuse) sentiment; e) sensitivity to outside "interference"; f) nationalisms within nationalisms provincialism or separatism as a threat to the new formed national identity. • Effects of persistent nationalistic sentiment: isolationism, neotraditionalism, regional imperialism, border conflicts, ethnic civil war. • The construction of a collective identity remained an issue in the post revolutionary period, being the formal liberation from colonial rule just a stage of this process rather than its end. Four Phases of Nationalism 1. Nationalist movements formed and crystallized • Cultural, racial, local, and linguistic categories of self-identification and social loyalty are confronted with an abstract concept of political ethnicity-nationality, a vague sense of collective identity. • The idea that anticolonialism and collective redefinition were the same • Nationalism as the desire for freedom 2. Nationalist movements triumphed • Idealization of national movement: People's frames of self-perception are transformed the nationalists would make the state the state would make the nation • The political revolution is accomplished. 3. The organization of new states • A political system is established as well as the 'who are we?` question reemerges. 4. The need for stabilizing internal and external relationships • The definition of a collective subject revolves around two forms abstractions: essentialism and epochalism. • Essentialism looks at the essential or characteristic customs and conventions of a community and the units of common experience-"tradition", "culture", "national character", "race" as the roots of a new identity.

This article shines new light on the life and work of the Prague historian Hans Kohn (1891-1971), on his study of nationalism in the Low Countries, and in particular on Flemish nationalism. The article traces the influence of the Zionist philosopher Martin Buber (1878-1965) on Kohn’s analysis of nationalism. Buber discerned three ideal types – prophets, psalmists and kings – which Kohn would rely upon when studying nationalism from a comparative perspective. Kohn would use these types when analysing the Flemish case, resulting in a peculiar interpretation of Flemish nationalism and the Flemish movement in general. Kohn argued that Flemish nationalism constituted a successful national movement precisely because it vied for harmony with the Belgian state. Via the three ideal types Kohn primarily highlighted poets, writers and politicians who strove for unity and harmony, whilst simultaneously branding nationalists that pursued an independent Flemish nation as pernicious agitators. While Kohn’s analysis did contain clear shortcomings, the Prague historian’s peculiar analysis of the Flemish case still compels us to reflect on nationalism, highlighting Kohn’s continued relevance for the study of nationalism, in Flanders and elsewhere.

(Article is in Dutch)

Apstrakt: Autor ovoga èlanka imao je intenciju da se analizom primitivnog mentaliteta ranih društvenih zajednica probije do novog znaèenja i smisla toga pojma. Takoðe i da ukaae na eventualne refleksije duha i svesti naših predaka na nas, ovde i sada. Prvi deo rada posveaeen je kritièkom promišljanju antropoloških sporova koji su nastali povodom rasudne moaei takozvanih primitivaca. Krucijalno pitanje je u sledeaeem: da li je razlika izmeðu "primitivnog" i "civilizovanog" mentaliteta fun-damentalna ili je ona moguaea samo u odreðenom stepenu. Pojam primitivnog menta-liteta autor provodi kroz vreme i ukazuje na shvatanja u srednjem veku, koja su zao-kupljena teratološkim temama, zatim na renesansno poimanje, koje se oslanja na prva iskustvena zapaaanja i, najzad, na prosvetiteljske predstave o egzotiènim naro-dima iz kojih je roðen mit o "dobrom divljaku". Devetnaesti i dvadeseti vek uvode u igru pojmove "narodnog karaktera" i "nacionalnog duha". Polarizuju se mišljenja, s jedne strane etnocentrizma, nošena predrasudama o ljudima i etnièkim grupama i, s druge strane, kulturnog relativizma, zasnovana na razumevanju i uvaaavanju kul-turnih razlika. Autor na kraju prepoznaje i savremenog primitivnog èoveka, onoga koji nije spreman da se suoèi sa izazovima svoga doba. Savremeni primitivac priziva duhove prošlosti, preeivele i anahrone modele ponašanja, ne sluteaei da su to oni isti modeli koje je pripisivao "divljacima". Meðutim, dok je kulturni stadijum na kome su iveli naši preci opravdavao takvo razmišljanje i postupanje, mentalni sklop današnjih pri-mitivaca bitno odudara od visokog nivoa civilizacijskog razvoja.

Apstrakt: Autor ovoga èlanka postavlja tezu da su mnogi oblici identiteta (pre svih nacionalni i personalni identitet) danas povezani sa potkulturama. Potkulture su središta alternativnog kulturnog ivota; one predstavljaju svojevrsne enklave u koji-ma se oblikuju identiteti. Autor postulira, eksplicira i definiše potkulturni identitet kao posebnu vrstu identiteta, koji se zasniva na znaèenju stila. U tu svrhu on konstruiše tri-jadu: potkultura-stil-identitet. Analizom postavljene relacije otkrivaju se kulturni obrasci manjinskih grupa, okupljenih oko sledeaeih elemenata: pogled na svet, strate-gije mišljenja, simbolièko predstavljanje, vrednosti, verovanja, raspolooenja, ukusi, specifièna oseaeajnost i jezièka osobenost. Sociološka analiza pokazuje da su ovi ele-menti èvrsto povezani sa pripadnošaeu klasama, slojevima i neformalnim društvenim grupama. Naravno, svaka identitarna osobina nema svoj socijalni ekvivalent-identi-teti u potkulturama su pre svega stvar liènog izbora u procesu personalizacije; oni jesu najbolja manifestacija kulturne razlièitosti, otpora i alternative. Kljuène reèi: identitet, potkultura, socijalna struktura, stil, alternativa, izbor, otpor. Zašto identiteti, i zašto potkulturni? Sociološka prouèavanja identiteta dosad su se bazirala ma-hom na istraaivanjima koja se tièu procesa globalizacije i problema multikulturalnosti. Paanju istraaivaèa naroèito je zaokupljalo pitanje oèuvanja identiteta lokalne kulture u uslovima njenog prooimanja sa stranim kulturama. Sa dosta opreza, pa i straha, gledalo se na uticaje moaenih kultura koje dolaze izvana, najèešaee sa Zapada. U vezi sa tim formirala su se razlièita kolektivna mišljenja o globalizaciji kao procesu ujedinjavanja èoveèanstva. Ona su se kretala od romanti-èarsko-afirmativnih stavova, preko tolerantnih i umerenih, sve do 233 FILOZOFIJA I DRUŠTVO 2/2006 * Rad sa projekta Kultura mira, identiteti i meðuetnièki odnosi u Srbiji i na Balkanu u procesu evrointegracije (149014D), koji se realizuje na Institutu za socio-logiju Filozofskog fakulteta u Nišu, a finansira ga Ministarstvo nauke i zaštite ivot-ne sredine Republike Srbije.

Many scholars have argued that orthodox Muslims harbor attitudes that are more economically communitarian and politically illiberal, since individuals are seen as embedded within a larger community that places a premium on social order. Yet most studies have ignored the potential of Islam as an ideological platform for political reformers. Religion in general and Islam in particular has mostly been treated as a predictor rather than a derivative of political-economic preferences. This article suggests that, in the absence of credible secular political ideologies and representative political mechanisms, reformist-minded individuals are likely to use religion as a political platform for change. When Muslims are a minority in a repressive non-Muslim society, Islamic orthodoxy can serve as a political platform for politically and economically liberal forces. We test these conjectures with original micro-level data from the Russian North Caucasus and find strong support for them.

Against the background of the rise of ‘diaspora institutions’ since the early 2000s, this commentary reflects on China’s diaspora engagement and India’s interest in it in the context of its own institutionalization of diaspora engagement since the early 2000s. It argues that, notwithstanding historical and political differences, some lessons could be learned from China. These pertain to the importance of recognizing the various segments of the diaspora; the role of community organizations; the centrality of diaspora research; and the connection between diaspora policies and shifting national priorities. However, both in China and India, some principal limits remain in terms of diaspora engagement due to the prioritizing of the socio-economically advantaged; the tension between cultural, ethnic, and territorial understandings of the nation; and because political inclusion lags behind the focus on economic and knowledge contributions. These limits lead us to reconsider some of the shared ideas, assumptions, and practices behind the rise of ‘diaspora institutions’ in a broader sense.

Le projet communautaire, élaboré aujourd’hui, par le Mouvement wallon et les autorités wallonnes tourne autour des notions de liberté, de démocratie, de citoyenneté et d’anti-nationalisme. Cet idéal de société, purement citoyen, ne révèle pas toute l’histoire. En premier lieu, des notions telles l’hospitalité, bien que déjà présentes avant la Seconde Guerre Mondiale, ne pénètrent vraiment le fondement de l’image de soi wallonne qu’après 1960. À ce moment-là, le Mouvement wallon se met à craindre que le déclin démographique dans le sud du pays ne serve d’éteignoir à l’économie et que la Wallonie ne soit à la merci de la Flandre numériquement supérieure. Quelques rapports retentissants font comprendre que, seule, une politique active de natalité et d’immigration est à même de combattre le ‘dépeuplement’ de la Wallonie. En second lieu, les wallingants définissent leur ‘peuple’, non seulement, par des critères citoyens. Ils reprennent aussi, involontairement (quand ils ne réfléchissent pas consciemment au concept de nation), des principes ethniques, comme la terre natale wallonne, la langue, le sang et la race, la filiation ou le sort historique commun.

Le mouvement wallon a donc pris fait et cause pour les droits de la nation wallonne, mais peut-on le qualifier de nationaliste ? Cela pose un problème, si nous nous référons à la définition classique du nationalisme: il se comprend, alors, comme la tendance à l’adéquation entre nation et État. Il est vrai que les wallingants qui luttent pour un État indépendant ou pour le rattachement à la France ont toujours été minoritaires. La majorité du MW s’est plutôt concentrée sur l’acquisition de pouvoir à l’intérieur de l’État belge, par l’intermédiaire des institutions fédérales qui doivent lui garantir l’autonomie nécessaire. Cependant, la définition classique du nationalisme est réductrice. Elle néglige, en effet, la correspondance réelle qui existe entre la manière dont la nation est construite, soit par des États-Nations établis, soit par des mouvements nationalistes qui exigent un État propre, ou par des mouvements nationaux qui ne l’exigent pas. Faire la distinction entre ces trois éléments, pour autant qu’ils usent des mêmes mécanismes, a peu de sens. De ce qui précède, nous pouvons déduire que la construction de la nation wallonne est identique à celle d’autres mouvements nationalistes en Europe, en ce compris le mouvement flamand. Malgré les concordances, le mouvement wallon refuse l’étiquette nationaliste parce qu’elle s’oppose au nationalisme ‘ethnique’, ‘étroit’ du mouvement flamand. En situant, simultanément, le nationalisme à l’extérieur de sa communauté, mais en faisant, malgré tout, usage de la rhétorique et des rituels propres aux mouvements nationalistes, le mouvement wallon se classe dans la catégorie du ‘nationalisme banal’.

Bref, il n’y a pas de différence fondamentale qui puisse se réduire à des opinions complètement contradictoires sur la communauté entre le Mouvement flamand et le Mouvement wallon. Chaque construction de nation se fonde sur des éléments citoyens volontaristes et sur des données ethniques et culturelles; l’existence d’une cloison étanche entre les deux est inadmissible.

The Walloon Movement is the lesser-known counterpart to the Flemish Movement in Belgium. In contemporary political debate it presents itself, and is usually perceived, as a civic and voluntaristic movement predicated on the values of democracy, freedom, openness and anti-nationalism. As such it is contrasted against its Flemish counterpart, which accordingly is characterized as tending towards an ethnic exclusivist form of nationalism hinging on descent, culture and language. The historical record behind these representations, however, shows that the Walloon Movement is rooted in ethnocultural as much as social politics, and that it has always contained both civic and ethnic elements, to varying degrees. This article highlights the Walloon Movement in order to analyse the language and national stereotypes in which national movements are characterized both in political rhetoric and in scholarly analysis. The case is particularly relevant for the problematic usage of the ‘civic-ethnic’ opposition slipping between the discourses of antagonism and analysis; one type of such slippage is here identified as ‘denied ethnicism’.