Political symbolism

The author accepts full responsibility for the arguments and interpretations presented in this article with respect to the research conducted. Support was only provided related to language and presentation as per academic dos and don'ts. No other alteration of authorship or conceptual framing was claimed. This remains fully the authors' work without shares of authorship.

The seventeenth century is generally considered a watershed in both Russian and global history. It represented a dividing line between the medieval and the modern eras, and it was the century associated with the emergence of bourgeois civilization. This characterization applies to Russia as well, although the transition from a traditional society to a modern civilization there had its own specific features, most notably the persistence of serfdom and the absence of stable capital required for the development of market relations.

The paper examines the role of religion among Dalits in India, especially focusing on Dalit religious conversion from Hinduism to Buddhism. It is based on a case study of Dalit conversion in Shabbirpur village in the Northern Indian state of Uttar Pradesh. In line with the existing research on Dalit conversions, this paper shows that Dalit conversion in Shabbirpur serves not merely as a religious but also as a political and social strategy of Dalits through which they try to negotiate their caste identity. For Dalits, conversion means a resistance to caste oppression as well as assertion of divergent religious identity from the majoritarian Hindu identity. While exploring the Dalit religious identity following their conversion in Shabbirpur, the paper challenges the prevailing notion that religious conversion simply denotes a transfer of religious affiliation. Instead, it elucidates that Dalit religious conversion is a social process wherein Dalits’ transition from one religion to another devoid of a fundamental spiritual transformation. Through this case study, I argue that there exists a continuation of the past and present spiritual affiliation which involves hybridization of religious practice, fusing worship of Ravidas with a new Buddhist identity. Interestingly, this syncretization is not unintentional. It is a conscious attempt to keep both pre-and post-converted religious traits as part of their re-invented socio-religious identity.

In my latest article (2025), I argue that Taiwan is not merely a contested territory, but a symbolic lens exposing the cracks in our global order.

Drawing on Bourdieu’s symbolic power and Nye’s soft power, I explore how Taiwan — alongside Singapore and Qatar — wields influence not through military strength, but through narrative, digital diplomacy, and algorithmic visibility.

This research situates Taiwan within the framework of the Third Generation of International Relations, where legitimacy is shaped by resonance, ethical storytelling, and algorithmic reach.

This article reframes Taiwan not merely as a geopolitical flashpoint but as a symbolic lens exposing fractures in the global order. Positioned at the intersection of U.S.-China rivalry and performative diplomacy, Taiwan emerges as a metaphor for 21st-century crises of sovereignty, visibility, and recognition. Drawing on Bourdieu's concept of symbolic power and Nye's theory of soft power, the paper examines how Taiwan, alongside Singapore and Qatar, cultivates influence through narrative, digital diplomacy, and algorithmic visibility. Rather than relying on military strength, Taiwan's symbolic diplomacy operates through cultural production, media framing, and technological reputation. The analysis situates Taiwan within the proposed "Third Generation of International Relations," where legitimacy stems less from treaties and alliances and more from resonance, ethical storytelling, and algorithmic reach. Taiwan exemplifies the paradox of symbolic power: marginalized yet central, excluded yet influential. Through this lens, the paper contributes to rethinking diplomacy in a fragmented, hyper-mediated world.

Artificial intelligence (AI) is reshaping political, economic, and social systems, yet the narratives surrounding it often obscure the complex power structures driving its design and deployment. Policymakers navigate digital platforms without fully grasping their algorithmic foundations, while engineers master technical architectures but remain detached from the political, financial, and ideological forces directing their work. This gap creates a governance blind spot, enabling opaque algorithmic control to expand without democratic oversight.
This paper introduces a symbolic governance model that maps the flow of influence from capital owners and political authorities through technological infrastructures and algorithmic design, down to societal targets and cultural feedback loops. By translating technical complexity into an accessible analytical language, the framework equips non-technical stakeholders—diplomats, journalists, and policy analysts—with tools to decode embedded power structures in AI ecosystems. In doing so, it reframes AI not as a neutral tool but as an encoded structure of influence, shaped by human actors in a continuous interplay between economics, politics, technology, and society.

Święta są niezwykle energochłonne, ale produkują też energię pozwalającą przetrwać wspólnocie i afirmować gatunkową odrębność człowieka. Dla wielu osób są one też jedynymi momentami w roku, w których mogą one zaspokoić swoje wszystkie potrzeby, poczuć, iż niczego im nie brakuje, i nie martwić się niczym. Święto to również czas, w którym możemy czuć się lepiej niż na co dzień, wreszcie tak, jakbyśmy chcieli zawsze się czuć. Jednocześnie to czas utożsamiany z marnotrawstwem, bezsensownym zużywaniem cennych zasobów. Te paradoksy i pułapki, jakie zastawia na nas świętowanie, polegają też na tym, iż nie jest ono tylko czasem pojednania, ponownego złączenia tego, co na co dzień rozdzielone, ale też czymś, co dzieli – zwłaszcza tam, gdy chodzi o klasowe zróżnicowania i koncepcje dobrego życia. Rozważanie styku świętowania i energii jest dla mnie okazją do tego, by pokazać, jak złożone są dyskusje o komforcie i jak często pomijamy w nich fakt, iż doświadczenie go dla wielu osób jest bardzo okazjonalne, te nieliczne zaś momenty, w których jest on im dany, podlegają ostrej krytyce jako bezmyślne marnotrawstwo, niedopuszczalny eksces czy niesolidarne zachowanie

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The paper deals with Croatian democratization as the most important process of its political modernization and identifies the main facilitating and inhibiting factors and their influence on its outcomes. The analysis is carried out at the sociostructural, institutional-political and sociocultural levels, while the outcomes of democratization are evaluated in relation to the features of a consolidated (substantive) democracy and the basic features of political modernization. It is shown that the specific sociostructural and sociocultural features – modeled by contingent factors – had a decisive influence on the context, processes and actors of democratization and its outcomes. It turns out that elite-driven democratization in such a specific context produced further limited modernization. Despite the normative-institutional consolidation and stability of democracy, incomplete sociostructural modernization and sociocultural adaptation, as well as democratic deficits, indicate that the political modernization of Croatian society and the state is still an open process.

As Artificial Intelligence systems increasingly surpass or replace traditional human roles, institutions founded on beliefs in human cognitive superiority, moral authority, and procedural oversight encounter a more profound challenge than mere disruption: expiration. This paper posits that, instead of being outperformed, many legacy institutions are becoming epistemically misaligned with the realities of AI-driven environments. To clarify this change, the paper presents the Expiration Theory. This conceptual model interprets institutional collapse not as a market failure but as the erosion of fundamental assumptions amid technological shifts. In addition, the paper introduces the AI Pressure Clock, a diagnostic tool that categorizes institutions based on their vulnerability to AI disruption and their capacity to adapt to it. Through an analysis across various sectors, including law, healthcare, education, finance, and the creative industries, the paper illustrates how specific systems are nearing functional obsolescence while others are actively restructuring their foundational norms. As a conceptual study, the paper concludes by highlighting the theoretical, policy, and leadership ramifications, asserting that institutional survival in the age of AI relies not solely on digital capabilities but also on the capacity to redefine the core principles of legitimacy, authority, and decision-making.

This article traces the origins, evolution, and contemporary manifestations of totalitarianism from the twentieth century to the present. Drawing on Hannah Arendt’s seminal analysis and a broad range of historical and current examples, it explores how totalitarian systems arose from the collapse of traditional societies, thrived through mass mobilization and ideological control, and adapted their methods through technological advances in the digital age. The discussion moves beyond classical cases of Nazi Germany and Stalinist Russia to examine recent warning signs in both established democracies and hybrid regimes. Special attention is given to the complicity of Western democracies in supporting or learning from authoritarian systems. The article concludes by emphasizing the enduring threat totalitarianism poses to democratic institutions and civil liberties, offering key lessons for defending freedom in a rapidly changing world.

Cultures are showcases of symbols. Every culture is the carrier of all the symbols, tangible or intangible, of the community to which it belongs. Here symbols become clusters in which social meanings are hidden over time. However, we now live in a world where the image overrides all kinds of meanings. In such a world, symbols are the first condition of ‘being visible’ for collective cultural identities. Especially for cultural communities living as ‘minorities’ far away from their homeland, ‘being visible’ is no longer only a matter of legitimacy, but also a matter of existence. One of the solutions to this problem for these communities can be said to be the use of symbols in their social spaces. From this point of view, symbols (and the symbolism produced through them) also have some functional features. A similar functionality applies to the meanings of concepts in the mind. Indeed, meaning is not a simple bundle of thoughts living in the mind, but a unifying element that establishes commonalities. Based on many of the findings of a year-long field research in the United Kingdom, this article is interested in the functional characteristics of the symbols used by the Alevi community in the interior and exterior spaces of the Alevi community in this country. The questions of how Alevi identity is constructed, produced and transmitted through cultural symbols in Alevi spaces in the UK constitute the limits of interest of the article. Throughout the study, the discourse analysis method has been chosen as the most appropriate research technique for sub-meaning readings of symbols. The ultimate aim of the following article around this interest is to reveal the symbolic expressions of Alevi identity far from the homeland, thus offering new contributions to the field of Alevism studies.

Wkład autorów: A. Zaplanowanie badań B. Zebranie danych C. Dane -analiza i statystyki D. Interpretacja danych E. Przygotowanie artykułu F. Wyszukiwanie i analiza literatury G. Zebranie funduszy Celem artykułu jest socjologiczna refleksja zogniskowana wokół problematyki przemijania i śmierci. Odwołując się do ogólnopolskich reprezentatywnych badań, publikacji naukowych i popularnonaukowych, chciałbym pokazać specyfikę polskiego przeżywania żałoby, wierność tradycji, kultywowanie pamięci zmarłych i jednocześnie odnotować zmiany, jakim podlega dynamicznie rozwijający się przemysł funeralny. Osobne miejsce poświęcam możliwościom, jakie daje Internet w zakresie społecznego wsparcia -tematyczne portale internetowe oferują wielokierunkową pomoc osobom przeżywającym żałobę. The purpose of the following article is to provide a sociological reflection focusing on the problems of transience and death. By referring to representative surveys and specialist articles published in journals and on the Internet, I wish to present the specificity of Polish experience of grief, faith traditions, honoring the memory of the dead and, at the same time, note changes such as, for example, a dynamic growth of the funeral industry. Additionally, the paper indicates the existing social support in the form of numerous thematically arranged websites available on the Internet, which offer multidirectional help to those in mourning.

Recent publication of The Tiananmen Papers (hereinafter, TP) by the Public Affairs Publishing House in New York, synchronized masterfully with the publication of excerpts of the 513-page book in the journal published by the prestigious Council on Foreign Relations, 1 and with generous coverage in the world press, was an event transcending its importance to the community of China scholarship. It seems fair to say, in view of the book's provenance, that this was not only a contribution to our understanding of recent history, but an instance of "using the past to serve the present"; those responsible for this publication are in the position to insist that the events associated with the crackdown of the night of 3-4 June 1989, though still unmentionable in public, are relevant to the generational succession being arranged in preparation for the 16th Party Congress in October 2002. And yet nearly everything about the documents is still controversial. First, are the documents authentic? Secondly, what do they reveal about Chinese politics that we did not already know? And thirdly, what will be the impact of this publication on political developments in the PRC? The first question in a sense is of course key to the other two (at least it should be). The second question is the only one to which China scholarship can claim relevance -though scholarship can perhaps also inform speculations about the third. And the third question, in many ways the most tantalizing, is in a sense a wild card, contingent not so much upon authenticity as on plausibility, wide journalistic currency, and political backlash effects, the whole gamut of intended and unintended consequences. Although the question of authenticity is key, it is frustratingly difficult to resolve in this case. Authentication is a defined procedure in which a questioned document is compared with the original, or to an authenticated copy of the original. In this case, the compilers and editors of this collection had no opportunity to make such a comparison, because they did not have the original documents; indeed they saw no proof that the originals existed. They apparently did not have what they call the "minutes" (not "transcripts") in question, the accounts of meetings, telephone conversations and other communications that China's top leaders had with one another within Zhongnanhai during mid-April to 10 June 1989, as allegedly hand-copied by a variety of Chinese secretaries and officials in several ministries and other state organs. What they had, according to Mike Wallace's anonymous 7 January CBS interview with "Zhang Liang," was a collection of computer disks allegedly containing 1.

This paper offers a critical response to "Thinking Through Crisis – The Role of Think Tanks" by Holzhacker and Umar, arguing that most traditional think tanks remain trapped in outdated epistemological frameworks. It introduces the "Third Generation in International Relations" as a model of cognitive and symbolic innovation capable of addressing the failures of predictive models, institutional conformity, and strategic irrelevance. Through analytical commentary and historical reflection, the paper calls for a radical rethinking of how global policy knowledge is constructed and applied.

Too often, surrender in warfare is reduced to a flat image-a raised white flag, a signed treaty, or an army in retreat. Yet behind this gesture lies a deeper, multi-dimensional landscape shaped by religious conviction, national identity, collective trauma, and cultural memory. This study seeks to deconstruct these simplified narratives, particularly the kind promoted by political figures such as Donald Trump, who often weaponize the language of surrender to portray strength or shame. By drawing on global historical examples-from Japanese kamikaze pilots and Palestinian resistance to the cultural resilience of Native Americans, Koreans, and Africans-this paper introduces a new conceptual framework for understanding surrender as a culturally coded act rather than a tactical endpoint. We explore how theology, ideology, ethnicity, and propaganda intersect to sustain resistance or catalyze capitulation, arguing that surrender is not simply a military decision but a rupture in symbolic systems of meaning.

This study explores the architectural and furnishing stylistics in the ceremonial and reception spaces of political leaders from various countries, including the USA, Japan, Turkey, the UK, the UAE, Malaysia, and Albania. Through a visual and semiotic analysis of seven representative interiors, the article offers a cross-cultural comparison between the aesthetics of East and West, modern and traditional approaches, and the political symbolism conveyed through the design of official spaces. The results show that the spaces of leaders are not only functional, but also visual tools for communicating national identity, cultural status, and personal style of power. The Albanian case is a unique postmodern, eclectic, conceptual style approach that breaks traditional forms, reflecting more a personal character and a growing institutional vision.

As a result of the national rebellions, which were the most important effects of the French Revolution, the existence of monarchies that had continued their existence with the power they received from God until that day, came under threat in the 19th century. In this context, some monarchs in the said century resorted to political symbolism tools that would further strengthen their existence in the eyes of society. In this study, the traces of this attitude, which was also seen in monarchies such as England and Russia, will be examined within the framework of the sovereignty area of Abdulhamid II, one of the last sultans of the Ottoman Empire, covering three continents. The source of the study is the archive information of the Malumat newspaper, one of the leading publications of the period, which was examined in a way that covers the years 1898-1901. In these archive sources, data on the political visibility of Abdülhamit II, supported by concepts such as the caliphate, especially the Pan-Islamist policy, were compiled and in this context, various traces of the political symbolism constructed by Abdülhamit II in the Ottoman geography were encountered in 40 different newspaper issues of Malumat. In this context, these information obtained will be discussed under three main headings: symbolism within the context of discourse language, symbolism within the context of visual tools such as flags and coats of arms, and symbolism coming to life within the framework of official ceremonies.

This paper investigates the global phenomenon of performative heroism—where political leaders are celebrated through symbolic gestures and media narratives, yet fail to bring real structural change or national renewal. It critiques outdated paradigms of international relations (G0–G2+) that reward theatrics over substance, allowing populism and media spectacle to replace governance and accountability.

Using comparative case studies—Ukraine, Iraq, Iran, Afghanistan, Brexit, and Italy—the paper illustrates how staged heroism often leads to war, sanctions, economic decline, and national disintegration. These costs, disproportionately carried by the public, are the hidden price of symbolic politics.

In contrast, the paper highlights quiet but genuine nation-building models from Singapore, Japan, and South Korea, where leadership is not measured by defiance or dramatic speeches, but by institutional resilience, strategic planning, and long-term investment in people and systems.

This study contributes to rethinking global leadership metrics and calls for a paradigm shift from performative resistance to measurable governance.

Fairy tales, folklore, and centuries-old fears have long shaped how humans perceive large predators like wolves. In contemporary Austria, these cultural imaginaries are not only preserved but strategically reactivated within the political discourse of the radical right. The return of wolves to Austrian landscapes has become more than an ecological development – it has become a symbolic battlefield within the populist rhetoric of the Freedom Party of Austria (FPÖ). Drawing on Benjamin Moffitt and Simon Tormey’s concept of populism as a style, this study examines how the FPÖ performs populism through the figure of the wolf. Central to this style are the dramatization of crisis, a stark division between the “common rural people” and a detached “urban elite,” and the use of provocative language and imagery to assert authenticity and urgency. The analysis is based on a discourse analysis of FPÖ press releases, party manifestos, media appearances, and local events from 2010 to 2024. Importantly, the study incorporates an ecological foundation that contextualizes and challenges the FPÖ’s claims about large predators. Scientific research on wolf and bear behavior, ecological roles, and human-wildlife conflict is used to contrast and deconstruct political narratives driven by fear, misinformation, and ideological positioning. The results show that the FPÖ weaponizes the figure of the wolf to symbolically represent state failure, external control, and threats to traditional rural life, while selectively ignoring ecological facts. Gendered narratives further reinforce this rhetoric: male actors appear as protectors of land and culture, while female figures are framed as vulnerable mothers in need of protection. Ultimately, the case of the wolf in Austria demonstrates how ecological debates become deeply entangled with populist identity politics – and how addressing such conflicts requires not only scientific knowledge but also an understanding of the political and cultural performances shaping them.

Автор статьи обращается к давней острейшей теме отечественного историографического и историософского дискурса, связанного с изучением личности и реформ Ивана Грозного в контексте суровых реалий XVI в. Проводится мысль о том, что эпоху Грозного можно понять, лишь поставив ее в связь с предшествующим и последующим развитием России. Действия царя были ответом на жестокие внешне- и внутриполитические вызовы времени, а избыточно репрессивный характер этому ответу придавала сложная психологическая структура государевой личности, формировавшаяся в среде, которая оставила на нем свой нездоровый отпечаток. Однако сводить всю политику Грозного к психиатрическому диагнозу — значит заведомо уходить от сути большой и неисчерпаемой проблемы.
The author of the article turns to the long-standing acute part of Russian
historiographical and historiosophical discourse related to the study of the personality and reforms of Ivan the Terrible in the context of harsh realities of the 16th century. It is suggested that his time can be understood only by connecting it with the previous and subsequent development of Russia. The tsar's actions were aimed to respond to the brutal external and internal political challenges of the time. An excessively repressive character of this response was due to complex psychological structure of the sovereign's personality formed by an environment that left its unhealthy imprint on him. However, to reduce the entire policy of Grozny to a psychiatric diagnosis means to deliberately get away from the essence of a large and inexhaustible problem.

dans «Nodi, vincoli e groppi leonardeschi». Études sur Léonard de Vinci, sous la direction de Frédérique Dubard de Gaillarbois et Olivier Chiquet (Actes de la Journée d'Études à l'Institut Culturel Italien, 22 Janvier 2018); Paris, Spartacus Éditions; pp. 173-238

Les bannières, les étendards et les drapeaux utilisés durant de siècles en Iran et dans le monde musulman nous dévoilent un panorama étendu de l’imagerie des artistes capables de métamorphoser par une stylisation subtile toute allégorie martiale, politique ou mystique requise. Ils  restent à la fois un vecteur et un protecteur d’une modèle culturelle et confessionnelle.

The clash was transformed from tension and confrontation into calm and a smile—a philosophical conflict partially translated through algorithms. This paper reflects on the symbolic and conceptual divergence between two intellectual traditions, bridging East and West through moral reasoning and algorithmic insight.

This article explores the complex dynamics surrounding the memorialization of Hugo Chávez's remains in Venezuela. Drawing on Friedrich Nietzsche, Michael Taussig, and Furio Jesi, this essay examines the role of state-sponsored monuments and rituals in shaping national identity and political discourse. It challenges simplistic interpretations of Chávez's invocation of the "eternal return," arguing that the state's appropriation of myth serves to reinforce existing power structures rather than instigate revolutionary change. Finally, it highlights the tension between state control over memorialization and popular forms of remembrance, emphasizing the need to dismantle the "mythological machine" to reimagine alternative forms of political agency and resistance.

This paper explores how Donald J. Trump's presidency marked a symbolic and structural rupture in the practice of global diplomacy, redefining leadership through performance, algorithmic engagement, and narrative warfare. Rather than being a historical anomaly, Trump is examined as a prototype of an emerging leadership model—one shaped by media spectacle, emotional mobilization, and post-institutional charisma.

Grounded in the author's original framework, the "Third Generation of International Relations" (3GIR), this study argues that traditional diplomatic institutions—rooted in treaties, multilateral norms, and procedural consensus—have been rendered fragile in the age of platforms, perception, and symbolic disruption. Trump's use of social media, economic nationalism, and algorithmic signaling exposed the performative foundations of diplomacy, challenging the very architecture of global governance.

The paper draws on a multidisciplinary approach combining political theory, media analysis, and historical comparison. It introduces models such as the Algorithmic Presidency, the Triple Persona (Tycoon, Showman, Strategist), and the Symbolic Power Triangle, offering a new vocabulary to understand post-truth politics and its global implications.

Ultimately, this research calls for a reimagining of diplomacy: one that embraces ethical innovation, human-centered design, and digitally fluent governance. In the world after Trump, diplomacy must evolve—not to resist the spectacle, but to out-narrate it.

This paper explores Taiwan not merely as a contested territory, but as a symbolic lens through which we can examine the transformation of global power in the 21st century. Drawing on the frameworks of symbolic power (Bourdieu), soft power (Nye), and narrative sovereignty, the study argues that Taiwan embodies a new diplomatic archetype — one where visibility, myth-making, and algorithmic circulation rival traditional forms of recognition and statehood. In an era marked by fractured legitimacy and media-simulated geopolitics, Taiwan becomes both a mirror and metaphor: reflecting the collapse of multilateral order and projecting the future of diplomacy shaped by perception, not position. This paper positions Taiwan alongside other “symbolic microstates” like Qatar and Singapore, highlighting their strategic use of presence, narrative, and soft influence in navigating global volatility. Ultimately, the study offers a contribution to the Third Generation in International Relations — where narrative, symbolism, and informational ecosystems redefine power, sovereignty, and the global stage.

W artykule analizujemy różnice w rezonansie informacyjnym wywołanym przez śmierć papieża Jana Pawła II (2005) i papieża Franciszka (2025), ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem wydarzeń takich jak konklawe 2005 i konklawe 2025. Badanie obejmuje aspekty medialne, społeczne i psychologiczne, wskazując na ewolucję zbiorowego przeżywania żałoby i zmiany w charakterze reakcji społecznych. W artykule wykorzystano podejście interdyscyplinarne, łączące socjologię mediów i psychologię społeczną. Część analizy powstała przy wsparciu zespołu specjalistów z Centrum Terapii Psyche (www.centrum-psyche.com.pl) – to umożliwiło pogłębioną refleksję nad współczesnymi mechanizmami przetwarzania informacji o śmierci liderów duchowych.

Bénéficiant d’une rente pétrolière, le Venezuela n’avait, au milieu des années 2010, qu’un nombre réduit de ressortissants vivant à l’étranger. Puis ce pays a connu, à la fin des années 2010, une émigration massive engendrant de nom-breuses diasporas. En prendre la mesure et préciser leur géographie est in-dispensable pour analyser ses effets géopolitiques tant pour le pays souche, le Venezuela, que pour les pays où elles résident.

Chiar dacă vechile Ducate sau Regate nu se mai regăsesc,azi, pe hartă, simbolistica rămasă în memoria colectivă lucrează mai eficient decât programele politice. În timp ce Belarus se apropie tot mai mult de integrarea în Federația Rusă, Lituania, Polonia și Ucraina strâng rândurile politic, militar și cultural în căutarea securității regionale și, prin aceasta, simbolic, a vremurilor Uniunii de la Lublin (1569).

As a result of the national rebellions, which were the most important effects of the French Revolution, the existence of monarchies that had continued their existence with the power they received from God until that day, came under threat in the 19th century. In this context, some monarchs in the said century resorted to political symbolism tools that would further strengthen their existence in the eyes of society. In this study, the traces of this attitude, which was also seen in monarchies such as England and Russia, will be examined within the framework of the sovereignty area of Abdulhamid II, one of the last sultans of the Ottoman Empire, covering three continents. The source of the study is the archive information of the Malumat newspaper, one of the leading publications of the period, which was examined in a way that covers the years 1898-1901. In these archive sources, data on the political visibility of Abdülhamit II, supported by concepts such as the caliphate, especially the Pan-Islamist policy, were compiled and in this context, various traces of the political symbolism constructed by Abdülhamit II in the Ottoman geography were encountered in 40 different newspaper issues of Malumat. In this context, these information obtained will be discussed under three main headings: symbolism within the context of discourse language, symbolism within the context of visual tools such as flags and coats of arms, and symbolism coming to life within the framework of official ceremonies.

Polish identity is strongly attached to the nation’s history, Christianity and Polish culture. Many of the aestetic values and symbols were born in the 19th century when the patriotic ethos came to be accepted among Polish communities, leading to the cultural and educational endeavors.

“Towards the end of his life [Primo Levi] was beginning to worry about precisely what Alastair writes about: that memories would fade and the horror of the holocaust – the greatest evil ever inflicted on man by man – might fade as well”.
Fraser Nelson.

Wywiad ten odbił się dość szerokim echem, a zatytułowano go właśnie Byliśmy głupi. Później powstała książka pod tym samym tytułem, ale -co istotnezostała wydana i napisana jeszcze przed porażką liberałów, przed zwycięstwem prezydenta Andrzeja Dudy i Prawa i Sprawiedliwości (PiS). Z dzisiejszej perspektywy czyta się ją nieco odmiennie niż przed zwycięstwem formacji politycznej Jarosława Kaczyńskiego, nabiera ona zupełnie nowego charakteru, mówiąc górnolotnie "rachunku sumienia", pytania o to: gdzie były błędy, gdzie pobłądziliśmy. Wpisuje się to również w szerszy kontekst myśli Marcina Króla. Jeśli chodzi o formację intelektualną, Król bardzo wiele zawdzięcza Krakowowi, zarówno poprzez wieloletnią przyjaźń z Tygodnikiem Powszechnym, którego był też redaktorem, ale przede wszystkim przez wnikliwe jego studia konserwatystów krakowskich, "stańczyków", Zmartwychwstańców i księdza Kalinki. Przypomnijmy, że konserwatyzm krakowski oznaczał przede wszystkim szyderstwo z powstań, to znaczy, jak to określał Paweł Popiel, konserwatyści woleli być w roli strażaków niż podpalaczy; chodzili z sikawką, żeby gasić niewczesne

This paper explores the origins, transmission pathways, and cultural significance of mirror culture during the Jin Dynasty (1115–1234). The Jin, founded by the Jurchen people, represents a pivotal period in Chinese history, marked by cultural exchanges and political shifts between the Jurchen, Song, Liao, and Tangut peoples. Mirrors, as both practical objects and powerful symbols, were central to the Jin’s political, religious, and social life. These artifacts not only served utilitarian functions but also conveyed profound spiritual meanings, symbolizing cosmic order, imperial power, and cultural identity. This study investigates the technological advancements and artistic developments in Jin mirror production, analyzing the materials, methods, and iconography that define these objects. Additionally, it examines the role of mirrors in political rituals, religious ceremonies, and social stratification, offering insights into the cultural and ideological landscape of the Jin court. The transmission of Jin mirrors across East Asia and into Central Asia further highlights the empire’s engagement with neighboring cultures, particularly through the Silk Road. By tracing the flow and adaptation of these mirrors in various cultural contexts, this paper contributes to a deeper understanding of the Jin Dynasty’s legacy and its place in the broader Eurasian world. Through this analysis, the study not only enhances our knowledge of the Jin period but also provides new avenues for exploring the intersection of material culture, identity, and power in medieval East Asia.

This case study examines the theory that Abraham Lincoln, the 16th President of the United States, may have had African ancestry, challenging traditional historical narratives of his racial identity. By analyzing the racial categories and identity definitions of the 19th century, this study explores how race was socially and legally constructed during Lincoln's time and how these constructs may have shaped perceptions of his heritage. The study delves into Lincoln's family history, physical appearance, and public persona, comparing these factors with the racial norms of the era. Additionally, it explores how Lincoln's political actions, particularly his advocacy for the abolition of slavery, may have been influenced by a potential African lineage. The case study also draws comparisons with other historical figures, such as Thomas Jefferson and Sally Hemings, to illustrate the complexities of racial identity and misidentification in the 19th century. Ultimately, this study provides a nuanced perspective on Lincoln's racial identity, suggesting that it was more complex than traditionally understood, and invites further reflection on the fluidity of race in American history.

И.В. Дубровский.
История и литература Московского царства. М.: Модест Колеров, 2025.

Содержание

Дмитрий Донской и черти ...
К истории «Песни о гневе Ивана Грозного на сына» ...
Филологические проекты доктора Келлермана ...
Три загадки «Записок Великой особы» ...
Принцесса и трон пропавшего стольника А. П. Прозоровского ...
Послесловие. О границах истории и филологии ...

The ideological black sheep of the Chinese Communist Party during the 1980s, Zhao Ziyang was ultimately held in view by the party as a significant cause of the Tiananmen Square protests that led to the massacre of June 3rd and 4th 1989, resulting in the deaths of an unknown number of students, labourers and Beijing citizens.

During his eight years in office, Barack Obama used his presidency as a platform to highlight the voices and experiences of ordinary Americans. His refrain was often that, "in a democracy, the most important office is the office of citizen." Illustrating this belief, his 1 speeches were littered with references to Americans whose stories exemplified whatever moral vanguard Obama was then attempting to advocate. He identified these citizens as part of both the historical record and the contemporary moment: slaves and abolitionists, coal miners and parents, servicemen and corporate leaders of industry. They were not always names known to us, though Obama does favor stories of the Founding Fathers and civil rights leaders like Martin Luther King, Jr. and John Lewis. In Obama's narratives, rather, the heroes were more often "ordinary Americans with extraordinary courage," who helped to bend the "arc of the moral universe," to borrow King's phrase. By challenging systems of oppression or instances of 2 injustice, these individuals exemplified the gradual process of moving toward what Obama envisioned of "a more perfect union." Citizen engagement, for Obama, was part of a communal 3 process required to render a freer, fairer world.

During his eight years in office, Barack Obama used his presidency as a platform to highlight the voices and experiences of ordinary Americans. His refrain was often that, "in a democracy, the most important office is the office of citizen." Illustrating this belief, his 1 speeches were littered with references to Americans whose stories exemplified whatever moral vanguard Obama was then attempting to advocate. He identified these citizens as part of both the historical record and the contemporary moment: slaves and abolitionists, coal miners and parents, servicemen and corporate leaders of industry. They were not always names known to us, though Obama does favor stories of the Founding Fathers and civil rights leaders like Martin Luther King, Jr. and John Lewis. In Obama's narratives, rather, the heroes were more often "ordinary Americans with extraordinary courage," who helped to bend the "arc of the moral universe," to borrow King's phrase. By challenging systems of oppression or instances of 2 injustice, these individuals exemplified the gradual process of moving toward what Obama envisioned of "a more perfect union." Citizen engagement, for Obama, was part of a communal 3 process required to render a freer, fairer world.