Electoral System

SOMMARIO: 1. Premessa. – 2. La campagna elettorale e l’esito del voto politico del 25 settembre 2022. –2.1 Alla vigilia del voto: il contorto sistema dei partiti tra storiche alleanze e mancati accordi. – 2.2All’indomani del voto: una chiara definizione degli esiti elettorali tra preannunciati successi e assetti tutti da definire. – 3. L’avvio della XIX legislatura e la formazione del Governo Meloni: un ritorno alla fisiologia del governo parlamentare. – 3.1 Leadership politica e guida dell’Esecutivo. – 3.2 La fisionomia del governo. – 4.Spunti di riflessione sulla transizione governativa. – 5. Brevi osservazioni sugli accadimenti successivi alla formazione del Governo Meloni.

I consider the decision of a parliament that might change the electoral system for the forthcoming elections from plurality rule to proportional representation. Parties are o¢ ce-motivated. They care about winning and about the share of seats obtained. I consider two di¤erent scenarios of how parties in the government share the spoils of o¢ ce: Equally or proportionally to their share of seats. If the government is formed by a single party and parties expect that each party will obtain the same share of votes in the next election the electoral rule will never be changed. That is, for a change to occur the government should be formed by a coalition. I …nd that a change is more likely to occur when the number of parties is larger and also when the spoils of o¢ ce are shared equally among the members in the governing coalition. I extend these results to analyze the decision of a change from a less proportional rule to a more proportional one.

Transition, as one of the most popular sociological and political concepts of
today, means nothing but the transition from one state to another one, the desired
state, that is, the movement from undemocratic political regimes (authoritarian,
totalitarian, post totalitarian and sultan) to democratic regimes. During the
transitional period, that is, the transition, new political and overall social relations
are being formed, and they are spreading and becoming the necessary conditions for
the functioning of the new political and, overall, the new social system. Observed
from this aspect, this paper discusses a complex process of the democratic transition
in the societies of South and East Europe. In the first part of the paper, we will
consider political parties, the party system and political regimes in the process of the
democratic transition. We will see what the characteristics of political parties are, the
party systems and the political regimes, that is, authoritarian, totalitarian, post-
totalitarian, sultan and democratic regimes. In the second part we are talking about
the phenomenon of the democratic transition. We focus on: 1) defining a democratic
transition, as an extremely popular sociological and political concept; 2) analysis of
the actors of the democratic transition; 3) sociological and political analysis of
democratization (waves of democratization) and liberalization; 4) sociological and
political analysis of social-political elites in the process of the democratic transition;
5) consideration of the sociological and political aspects of the consolidation of
democracy; and 6) the attempt to give a final answer to what is to be achieved at all
in the democratic transition. In the third part of the paper, we are discussing the
democratic transition in Southern Europe, that is, in Spanish, Portuguese and Greek
society. As we will see, it was a very successful process, which, thanks to its internal
social-political factors, was rapidly completed. It was a direct transition from the
semi-periphery system of the world (authoritarian regime, dictatorship) into the
center of the world system (democracy). In the fourth part of the paper, we focus on the democratic transition in Eastern and Southeastern Europe, that is, in Russian,
Polish, Romanian, Czechoslovak, Hungarian, Bulgarian and Montenegrin society. In
the fifth, the last part of the paper, we will talk about the crisis of democracy on a
global level. We will try to give arguments that support our assumption that liberal
democracy is in a serious crisis today. In the conclusion of this paper, we will
present the results of our research, that is, we will see if our hypotheses have been
confirmed or overturned.
Keywords: authoritarian regime; totalitarian regime; post-totalitarian
regime; sultan; democracy; transition; democratic consolidation; Spain; Portugal;
Greece; Russia; Poland; Romania; Czechoslovakia; Hungary; Bulgaria; Montenegro.
Scientific area: Sociology.
Narrow scientific field: Sociology of politics.

iflettere sulla sentenza n. 1 del 2014 della Corte costituzionale. sulle questioni sollevate dalla Corte di cassazione circa la legge elettorale vigente fino alla fine dell’anno scorso (cd. legge Calderoli) richiede che si tocchino vari punti, alcuni di più facile comprensione, altri assai più delicati. In alcune parti, fermo restando il rispetto che si deve a una decisione della Consulta, si può persino sostenere che il ragionamento seguito dal giudice delle leggi non sia del tutto convincente e, de iure condendo, renda necessarie alcune riflessioni approfondite.

The United Nations Research Institute for Social Development (UNRISD) is an autonomous agency engaging in multidisciplinary research on the social dimensions of contemporary problems affecting development. Its work is guided by the conviction that, for effective development policies to be formulated, an understanding of the social and political context is crucial. The Institute attempts to provide governments, development agencies, grassroots organizations and scholars with a better understanding of how development policies and processes of economic, social and environmental change affect different social groups. Working through an extensive network of national research centres, UNRISD aims to promote original research and strengthen research capacity in developing countries.

Izbori za Evropski parlament 2024. godine doneli su važne strukturne izmene unutar političkih sistema država članica, ali i same Unije. Rad ispituje da li je i u kojoj meri došlo do promene načina kompeticije unutar partijskog sistema Evropske unije nakon parlamentarnih izbora 2024. godine. Putem analize dva saziva Evropskog parlamenta, analize političkih programa i faktora koji utiču na smer takmičenja, autor nastoji da dokaže promenu u smeru takmičenja sa već ustaljene centripetalne kompeticije ka centrifugalnoj kompeticiji, zasnovanoj na uspehu partija koje odudaraju od tipičnih centrističkih pozicija. Istraživanje na prvom mestu daje okvir dosadašnjeg partijskog sistema Unije, sa glavnim fokusom na smerovima kompeticije sve do 2024. godine, te nakon toga analizira rezultate izbora i pruža kriterijume za objašnjenje latentne pro- mene smera takmičenja. Osnovni argument rada je da je dosadašnji centristički sistem postao neprilagodljiv promenama, što dovodi do asimetrične polarizacije koja sama po sebi nije dovoljna za centrifugalni model. Upravo to dovodi do oštrijih političkih rascepa i samim time kulminira promenom ideje o konsenzusu zasnovanom na centrističkim silama.

Lesotho general elections have been characterised by illegitimate conflicts since preindependence elections in 1965. These conflicts have had a detrimental effect on the country's already weak economy and have sometimes claimed human lives. While it does not, in and of itself, constitute a sufficient political condition for democracy, elections are a critical ingredient in this political system. It is therefore important that elections held are free and fair, and the results are accepted by all the stakeholders. Due to the ambiguity of the concept of 'free and fair elections', several regional, continental and international bodies came up with the guidelines of what is to qualify as free and fair elections. Despite being mostly declared as free and fair by the observers, Lesotho's elections have never been accepted by all participants. This research sought to understand the nature of election-related conflict and what needs to be done to arrest the eruption of such conflict in Lesotho. It sought the opinions of selectively respondents who have been involved in the conflicts in different ways. The interviews and documented literature revealed that what constitutes a background to election-related conflict involves issues that are many and varied. Among others such issues include the following: weak political institutions, use of vulgar language by political leadership, and the weak economy that intensifies neo-patrimonial tendencies. The research concluded that all the factors associated with the eruption of illegitimate conflicts during and after general elections in Lesotho are a result of the politicians' desire to retain or capture national resources to satisfy their selfish interests and those of their cronies. The conflicts could be minimised if the country's economy could be transformed to provide the politicians with alternatives of economic survival outside the structures of government. Furthermore, to minimise the conflict, the country should consider establishing electoral courts. These have the potential of speeding up the resolution of electoral grievances, in the process preventing them from graduating into serious conflicts.

Lesotho general elections have been characterised by illegitimate conflicts since preindependence elections in 1965. These conflicts have had a detrimental effect on the country's already weak economy and have sometimes claimed human lives. While it does not, in and of itself, constitute a sufficient political condition for democracy, elections are a critical ingredient in this political system. It is therefore important that elections held are free and fair, and the results are accepted by all the stakeholders. Due to the ambiguity of the concept of 'free and fair elections', several regional, continental and international bodies came up with the guidelines of what is to qualify as free and fair elections. Despite being mostly declared as free and fair by the observers, Lesotho's elections have never been accepted by all participants. This research sought to understand the nature of election-related conflict and what needs to be done to arrest the eruption of such conflict in Lesotho. It sought the opinions of selectively respondents who have been involved in the conflicts in different ways. The interviews and documented literature revealed that what constitutes a background to election-related conflict involves issues that are many and varied. Among others such issues include the following: weak political institutions, use of vulgar language by political leadership, and the weak economy that intensifies neo-patrimonial tendencies. The research concluded that all the factors associated with the eruption of illegitimate conflicts during and after general elections in Lesotho are a result of the politicians' desire to retain or capture national resources to satisfy their selfish interests and those of their cronies. The conflicts could be minimised if the country's economy could be transformed to provide the politicians with alternatives of economic survival outside the structures of government. Furthermore, to minimise the conflict, the country should consider establishing electoral courts. These have the potential of speeding up the resolution of electoral grievances, in the process preventing them from graduating into serious conflicts.

Článek se zabývá relativně novým konceptem europeizace, který je intenzivně používán ve studiích komparativní politiky a evropské integrace. Autor se snaží objasnit tento koncept obecně pro účely komparativního politologického výzkumu. Zkoumá možnosti aplikace tohoto konceptu na poli výzkumu politických stran a stranických systémů. Dále jsou diskutovány určité důležité metodologické obtíže s tímto konceptem spjaté. Hlavním cílem článku je rozvinutí základního konceptuálního rámce pro výzkum dopadů europeizace politických stran a stranických systémů kandidátských zemí. Autor tvrdí, že konceptualizace založené na modelech rozvinutých v západní Evropě mohou být pro tuto skupinu politických systémů v zásadě použity. Snaží se však poukázat na hlavní potíže a rozdíly týkající se středoevropských a pobaltských kontextů. Europeizace je nakonec chápána jako zajímavý a užitečný koncept, který lze přijmout také pro srovnávání napříč tradičními hranicemi mezi západoevropskými a (východo-)středo...

Este artigo oferece uma proposta de reforma incremental do sistema eleitoral da Câmara dos Deputados. A natureza incremental da proposta se funda na suposição segundo a qual o sistema político é uma arquitetura complexa e delicada, sendo a possibilidade de piorá-lo com mudanças ambiciosas e intempestivas bem maior do que a de aperfeiçoá-lo. A proposta mantém o sistema de representação proporcional com lista aberta, mas altera duas variáveis-chave, uma vez que reduz a magnitude média das circunscrições eleitorais e estabelece uma regra proporcional de distribuição de cadeiras entre partidos coligados. A operacionalização da reforma leva a um novo desenho do mapa eleitoral do país, com circunscrições eleitorais menores dentro de 12 estados. O artigo também apresenta os resultados de um exercício de simulação feito com base nos dados das eleições de 2006 que recalcula a composição partidária da Câmara dos Deputados a partir das regras aqui preconizadas.

Sono trascorsi quasi sei lustri da quando, agli inizi degli anni Ottanta, si cominciò a discutere di riforme costituzionali di ampia portata come vitale necessità per il nostro Paese e si accese il dibattito in merito alle delicate questioni, di ordine procedurale e contenutistico, poste dalle istanze riformiste ( 1 ). Come è noto, nel tempo trascorso si sono succeduti i primi tentativi di autoriforma di sistema politico-istituzionale (che già taluni protagonisti di quella fase e, comunque, gli osservatori più avveduti, percepivano come ormai in fase, per così dire, degenerativa), la brusca rottura segnata dal fenomeno di "Tangentopoli" e dal mutamento dello scenario internazionale, i primi vagiti di quella che, in gergo giornalistico, è stata definita come la c.d. "seconda Repubblica" e, da ultimo, la crisi delle stessa, che ancora non restituisce l'immagine di un modello istituzionale consolidato e capace di garantire, a tutti i livelli, la governabilità e la semplificazione del sistema politico diffusamente auspicate. Nondimeno -anche se la transizione istituzionale italiana non appare conclusa e non può certo dirsi che l'evoluzione della forma di governo si sia consolidata in un sistema stabile e pienamente efficiente -si deve, comunque, riconoscere che non sono stati certo vani gli sforzi tesi alla costru-

Izvorni znanstv"eni rad UDK 340.12:1(09l)Hegel:l(091)1 lobbes Pisani ustav za Ujedinjeno kraljevstvo Velike Britanije i Sjeverne Irske -kraj jedne epohe ARSEN BAĆIĆ* Saže rak U tck.w se govori o vremenski otvorenoj ~kusiji treba li Vt:li.koj Britaniji "pisani" ili "nepisani~ u.\l av, OsnOVI:Ia pitanja koja su obrađena o tekstu jesu ona o akterima ustavne debate. nekim prijedlozima ustf.Mic reforme, o saddaju diskusije o "c:nglesk:om• ustavu, 1e jednom hroju po~ljedica koje bi proizišle i7 PrihvaćanJa "pisanog" ustava za jednu od najl>Ulrijih demokracija na svijetu. Zaključak~ autora !fa ula.! p ni ;n:nbijent ali i. motivacjska.~llll,l\a nacionalnog karaktera u VelikOJ Britaniji JO § UVIJC:k DJSU spn:mm ua revolut.-1JU pisanoj! u.\tava. ZabvaJjujući najnovijem plimnom valu ustava, koji je na prijelazu iz osamdc:::.et ih u devedl!sete godine XX. stoljeća na dramatičan način zapljusnuo dojučer "komunističke" dijelove evropskog kontinenta. zamalo da ne:: zamJelismo jedn u izvan red no zanimljivu politićko-ustav nopravou kootroverzu na sa:.vim drugom, od nas zapadnijt: polo-lenom, atlantskom ku tku Europe. Naime, riječ je o na novo potaknutim 1 oživjc::lim ra:.pravama o "'t:ngleskom ustavu", toj kl asićnoj temi konslitucionalne teorije i prakse. Gotovo stotinu godina stare rasprave o tome gdje se krije tajna "englt:skog ustava'' 1 , ili pak, da li razlog 1 Usp.

Elections are the foundation and inevitable elements of democracy. As an inevitable element of democracy, it imposes democratic country to fix its election to be free and fair. Moreover, fair elections also enable regimes change and the implementation of good governance and may significantly advance or impede long-term democratic development. In recent years, the Malaysian government has increasingly faced negative perceptions toward the electoral system. The negative perceptions toward the Malaysian election are influenced by the performance of the Election Commission (EC). The ignorance or failure of the government to improve the credibility of every election led to the demand for reform from civil societies and Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs) to bring the election framework in line with the concept of an ideal election. Therefore, this article aims to explore the issues of electoral reform and to suggest a framework for electoral system reform in Malaysia. This research applies a qualitative method which is document analysis and interview. The result of this study found that issues on the electoral system includes all election cycle. The electoral system reform framework shows few elements on electoral cycle such as voter education, absentee voter, and empowerment of Election Commission (EC) need serious attention from the government. This research contributes in term of reform suggestion to increase the efficiency and election credibility.

Autor rekapitulira delovanje pojedinih aspekata izbornog sistema i političke posledice koje su proizveli u političkom sistemu. Pokazuje se da su za 24 godine građani Srbije gotovo mesec dana proveli na biralištima glasajući za odbornike, poslanike, predsednika države ili glasajući na referendumima. Samo dva puta su izbori za narodne poslanike održani samostalno, odvojeno od izbora za druge nivoe vlasti, a većina izbora, sedam, bili su vanredni. Deset izbornih ciklusa pokazuje trend rasta izborne apstinencije koji je u izborima 2014. godine alarmantan. Dve su faze u razvoju izbornog sistema. Prva, koja se završava 2000. godine, karakteriše se čestim velikim izbornim reformama. Druga faza, od 2000. godine do danas, pokazuje da proporcionalni sistem poprima karakter „nepromenjive institucije”. Zatvorena blokirana lista i relativno nizak izborni prag u jednoj izbornoj jedinici doveli su do velikog broja stranaka u parlamentu i slabih koalicionih vlada. Indeksi disproporcionalnosti i broja efektivnih partija pokazuju slabu institucionalizovanost partijskog sistema, neukorenjenost stranaka u društvu i nizak nivo stranačke identifikacije. Zaključak je da izborni sistem nije doprineo stabilnosti parlamentarnog i stranačkog sistema, što ima negativne posledice na funkcionisanje političkog sistema u celini i zahteva osmišljenu izbornu reformu.

Tranzicija, kao jedan od najpopularnijih sociološko-politikoloških pojmova danšnjice, ne znači
ništa drugo nego prelaz iz jednog u drugo stanje, tj. prelaz iz nedemokratskog režima u de-
mokratski režim. Tranzicija otpočinje kada pojedinci, koji pripadaju vladajućoj strukturi nede-
mokratskog režima – autoritaranog, totalitarnog i posttotalitarnog – počinju da koriguju svoja
pravila ponašanja i da djeluju u pravcu razvoja cjelokupnih individualnih i kolektivnih prava i
sloboda u društvenom sistemu. Slabljenjem i urušavanjem nedemokratskog režima počinje
se sa tranzicijom kojom se želi postići izgradnja političkog života koji će, prije svega, biti
pluralistički. Tranzicija može imati dva smjera – naprijed: od nedemokratskog prema demo-
kratskom režimu i nazad: od demokratskog do nedemokratskog režima. U prelaznom periodu
– tranziciji – formiraju se novi politički i ukupni društveni odnosi koji se šire i postaju nužni
uslovi funkcionisanja novog političkog i, cjelokupnog, novog socijalnog sistema. U ovom radu
se razmatra proces demokratske tranzicije u mađarskom društvu. Fokusirani smo na analizu
i istraživanje društveno–političkih faktora, koji omogućavaju ili eventualno i onemogućavaju
da do uspješnog prelaza iz jednog nedemokratskog političkog režima u drugi, bolji politički
režim i dođe. Taj bolji politički režim jeste demokratski režim.

The text analyzes the character of the second wave of electoral system reform in post-communist countries. It describes the direction of the change in status quo after the first reform, which was usually implemented by participants on the basis of imperfect or incomplete information. We claim that the character of the second reforms favored the bigger and established parties and accentuated the tendencies towards establishing electoral competition between political parties at the expense of other participants (independent candidates). We furthermore use a sample of 40 electoral events in 15 post-communist countries to analyze the potential of the strongest electoral parties and other parliamentary parties to transform votes into seats, and we connect this characteristic with the electoral changes made, arguing that the logic of the electoral rules and the effects arising from the actual shares of the vote won in elections sometimes reinforced one another but – at least in some elect...

In the city of Ushuaia there were several intents to change or to eliminate the method of preferences for the legislators in order to guarantee gender equality among the representatives. It has been said that, erasing this method or changing it would be a good measure in order to concrete gender equality in the legislature. We aim to present here an historical evolution of the voting system to see if it is true or if, on the contrary, due to other causes, there should be other issues to think about.Los intentos de modificar o eliminar el método de preferencias para los concejales de la Ciudad de Ushuaia a fin de garantizar la paridad de géneros en la representación produjeron un debate que debe atenderse. Se postuló que, suprimiendo ese método o incluso modificándolo para que respete la igualdad de géneros en el actual contexto de régimen electoral se garantizará la paridad de género en ese órgano legislativo municipal. Un estudio de la evolución de su sistema electoral nos dirá si ...

economists, whose research aims to provide answers to the global labor market challenges of our time. Our key objective is to build bridges between academic research, policymakers and society. IZA Discussion Papers often represent preliminary work and are circulated to encourage discussion. Citation of such a paper should account for its provisional character. A revised version may be available directly from the author.

El presente artículo aborda el tema de la representación femenina en la legislación electoral, enfocándose en las modificaciones más recientes de las leyes electorales chilenas. Primero se examina la relación conceptual entre democracia representativa e igualdad, planteando una distinción entre igualdad y representación formal y sustantiva, con la finalidad de comprender a cabalidad el posible impacto de las leyes electorales sobre la representación femenina. Luego se ofrece una perspectiva comparada, mostrando la actual representación femenina en el Parlamento y revisando la conexión entre las distintas características de los sistemas electorales. En este contexto, se analizan las cuotas de género como uno de los mecanismos que se han utilizado para aumentar la representación femenina. Finalmente, se presentan las modificaciones recientes de la ley electoral chilena sobre esta materia, con la finalidad de anticipar lo que se puede esperar para la representación femenina en años futuros.

How do mixed legislative systems shape voter behavior and public perceptions? Through an analysis of the electoral systems in Japan, South Korea, and Taiwan, this paper evaluates the extent to which the public in these three countries understand their mixed systems and whether claims of voter ignorance translate into irrational voting behavior based on the institutional effects of mixed systems. Through a multi-method approach including data from outside of East Asia, this analysis seeks to determine whether these three cases exhibit patterns consistent with other mixed systems. Empirical analysis affirms levels of strategic voting consistent with comprehension of electoral rules. Furthermore, this analysis suggests a disconnect between practical knowledge and electoral expectations.

What influences the timing of vote choices in mixed-member systems and to what extent does this influence split-ticketing voting? Although voters cast both ballots in effect simultaneously, they may make their decisions on which candidate and party to support sequentially. Using Japan's 2012 election as a case study, empirical analyses find that the district nominations influence the timing of one's district vote intention. Meanwhile the timing of vote choices corresponds with ticket-splitting, even after controlling for partisan and socio-economic factors.

The literature on losers’ consent identifies clear distinctions in perceptions of democracy between electoral losers and winners. However, little of the literature addresses the complexities of mixed member electoral systems or compares this winner–loser divergence to that of non-voters. An analysis of post-election surveys in Germany in 2009 and 2013 allows for a disaggregation of types of losers and non-voters. Results find that voting for a district candidate from a losing party has a greater effect on perceptions than voting for a losing party in the proportional representation tier, while losing in both appeared to slow the decline in positive evaluations of the system. Meanwhile clear distinctions between perceptions of different types of non-voters emerge.

Ron Johnston, Charles Pattie and David Rossiter consider the background to and likely electoral consequences of the delay in implementing agreed changes to Parliamentary constituency boundaries. The Conservatives had anticipated their chances of victory in 2015 would be enhanced by the reduction of the number of MPs and the introduction of new rules for defining equal-sized constituencies. Because of a ‘revolt’ by their coalition partners which prevented those changes being implemented they now face a much harder task of winning a majority in the current 650 constituencies

This report presents a critical and data-driven examination of Bangladesh’s First-Past-The-Post (FPTP) electoral system and its democratic shortcomings. Drawing on historical electoral data, it highlights persistent issues such as voter alienation, political polarization, electoral violence, and disproportional seat allocations. The study explores the structural distortions caused by FPTP and evaluates the transformative potential of adopting a Proportional Representation (PR) system, specifically the Mixed-Member Proportional (MMP) model, as a context-appropriate alternative.

Incorporating comparative global case studies from countries like Germany, New Zealand, Sweden, South Africa, and Nepal, the report demonstrates how PR systems can enhance representativeness, inclusivity, and political stability. It also provides comprehensive policy recommendations—including institutional and legal reforms—to ensure a smooth transition. The study is grounded in both qualitative and quantitative methods, aimed at guiding policymakers, researchers, and civil society stakeholders in fostering a more participatory and democratic electoral framework for Bangladesh.

In political system, voters belong to diverse nature of communities. These communities have their own particular set of voting behaviors that emerged out from an ongoing social-interaction process. Similarly, their voting intentions are the outcome of their participation in social networks and learning from community’s socialization process. Where, social agents play very significant and influential contribution in shaping the community’s overall voting behavior. These social agents influence and are influenced by the community members during the process. This research begins to address the opinion leading role of opinion leaders in community’s overall voting behaviors and in political brand building at constituency level. This is done by conceptualizing a socialization process model that is empirically evaluated by surveying and collecting 550 valid responses from registered voters of selected constituency. A carefully designed questionnaire was used to collect the empirical data f...

In Guyana, the allocation of parliamentary seats is governed by a system of Proportional Representation (PR) as set out in the Constitution of Guyana and the Representation of the People Act (Cap. 1:03). This system aims to ensure that political parties receive the number of seats in the National Assembly that is proportional to the number of votes they receive in national elections.

The present study examines the link between temperature and long-run productivity for a balanced panel of 21 countries, covering the period 1000-1800 CE. Collectively the countries examined accounted for about 2/3 of the global population by 1700. Each epoch in the analysis is a century long, which thus allows time for human adaptation after a temperature shock has occurred. Our principal …nding is that lower temperatures worked to reduce productivity growth during the period in focus, consistent with contributions to the literature in economic history that argue the Little Ice Age was as a contractionary shock.

This article critically assesses claims that India has entered a new party system after the 2014 general elections, marked by renationalisation with the BJP as the new 'dominant' party.' To assess these claims, we examine the electoral rise of the BJP in the build-up to and since the 2014 general elections until the state assembly elections in December 2018. Overall, we argue that despite the emerging dominance of the BJP, a core feature of the third party system -a system of binodal interactions-has remained largely intact albeit in a somewhat weaker form. Furthermore, by comparing the post 2014 Indian party system with key electoral features of the first three party systems, we conclude that the rise of the BJP has thrown the third-party system into crisis, but does not yet define the consolidation of a new party system.

Članak je fokusiran na analizu crnogorskog javnog diskursa u periodu urušavanja socijalističke ideološke paradigme, prema dva istraživačka pitanja: uvođenje političkog pluralizma i demokratizacije društva. Istraživački fokus rada usmjeren je na analizu ključnih stavova političkih aktera prema demokratizaciji društva u kontekstu međunarodnih (rušenje Berlinskog zida) i lokalnih političkih procesa (AB revolucija). Istraživačka hipoteza rada zasnovana je na tezi da lokalne političke elite iz redova Saveza komunista Crne Gore, nijesu razumjele promjenu ideološke paradigme 1989. godine, da nijesu razumjele suštinu tih promjena i da u skladu sa tim nijesu ni imali adekvatan politički odgovor na te promjene. Rad je vremenski ograničen na period između AB revolucije i održavanja prvih višestranačkih izbora u Crnoj Gori i pripremljen na osnovu javno iznešenih stavovima političara, koje pratimo kroz njihovo pojavljivanje u listu Pobjeda – tada jedinom dnevnom listu u Crnoj Gori, kao i na relevantnoj arhivskoj građi i relevantnoj literaturi.

We thank Greg Adams and Dena Levy for their assistance in running the experiments and Jeff Ollie for programming assistance. We also thank Robert Forsythe, Roger Myerson, Thomas Rietz, and Robert Weber for access to their data and the helpful comments and advice of Phil Schrodt and other attendees at the 1994 Annual Political Methodology Summer Meetings in Madison, Wisconsin. We have benefited from the comments of Bill Clark, Matt Golder, Shigeo Hirano, and Daniel Ho. We especially acknowledge the time-consuming help and assistance of Elisabeth Gerber on earlier versions of this paper. However, we take credit for all remaining errors.

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We report the results of elections conducted in a laboratory setting, modelled on a threecandidate example due to Borda. By paying subjects conditionally on election outcomes, we create electorates with (publicly) known preferences. We compare the results of experiments with and without non-binding pre-election polls under plurality rule, approval voting, and Borda rule. We also refer to a theory of voting "equilibria," which makes sharp predictions concerning individual voter behavior and election outcomes. We find that Condorcet losers occasionally win regardless of the voting rule or presence of polls. Duverger's law (which asserts the predominance of two candidates) appears to hold under plurality rule, but close three-way races often arise under approval voting and Borda rule. Voters appear to poll and vote strategically. In elections, voters usually cast votes that are consistent with some strategic equilibrium. By the end of an election series, most votes are consistent with a single equilibrium, although that equilibrium varies by experimental group and voting rule.

We thank Greg Adams and Dena Levy for their assistance in running the experiments and Jeff Ollie for programming assistance. We also thank Robert Forsythe, Roger Myerson, Thomas Rietz, and Robert Weber for access to their data and the helpful comments and advice of Phil Schrodt and other attendees at the 1994 Annual Political Methodology Summer Meetings in Madison, Wisconsin. We have benefited from the comments of Bill Clark, Matt Golder, Shigeo Hirano, and Daniel Ho. We especially acknowledge the time-consuming help and assistance of Elisabeth Gerber on earlier versions of this paper. However, we take credit for all remaining errors.

Abstract. Vótáil is an open source Java implementation of Irish Proportional Representation by Single Transferable Vote (PR-STV). Its functional requirements, derived from Irish electoral law, are formally specified using the Business Object Notation (BON) and refined to a Java Modeling Language (JML) specification. Formal methods are used to verify and validate the correctness of the software. This is the first public release of a formally verified PR-STV open source system for ballot counting and the most recent of only about half a ...

Celem podjętej analizy było ustalenie, jak kształtuje się aktywność polityczna mieszkanek wsi, rozumiana jako udział w lokalnych strukturach samorządowych i jednostkach pomocniczych. Poddano weryfikacji hipotezę mówiącą, że prawdopodobieństwo odniesienia sukcesu w sferze publicznej przez kobiety wiejskie jest niższe w porównaniu z kobietami mieszkającymi w mieście, oraz ustalono najczęstsze bariery utrudniające im partycypację polityczną. Wskazano, że największe znaczenie mają obiektywne czynniki zewnętrzne, tj.: obowiązki rodzinne, patriarchalny model rodziny, niechętne postawy otoczenia wobec kobiet angażujących się w życie publiczne oraz liczne stereotypy. Możliwości działania w sferze publicznej ograniczają także niższe wykształcenie mieszkanek wsi w porównaniu z kobietami z miast oraz, niejednokrotnie, brak przekonania o własnych możliwościach. Rolę istotnych czynników wspierających pełnią natomiast tradycje rodzinne. W prezentowanym artykule, spośród interesujących trendów zwi...

According to the definition of modern democracy, the main means of control of the government by citizens is free elections. Elections are a necessary condition for the democratic nature of the state and not a guarantee of it. The election is the key factor in the functioning of democratic systems, which determines the relevance of this topic. The article concerns the Georgian Electoral System, its characteristics, and existing problems; in detail reviews the establishment of the electoral system and the existing regulations of electoral procedures. The article reviews the current problems related to the amendment of the Constitution that includes the transformation of the electoral system to a totally proportional electoral system. The authors gave a detailed analysis of the given draft law and comparative analysis regarding the German electoral system. With respect to democratic principles, thus, any electoral system may be chosen, regardless if it is a plurality or majority system...

Paper offers a snapshot of the political preferences of youngest voters in Poland on the eve of parliamentary elections 2023, explaining it through prism of theory of socialisation and historical legacy. The study is based on the results of an empirical survey conducted in spring 2023 in two regions: Podkarpackie and Lubuskie. The results showed that the plurality (49%) of prospective first-time voters back the radical right-wing Confederation (Konfederacja). Its supporters were more numerous in Podkarpackie (53.2%) than in Lubuskie (42.5%) and more men (67.8%) than women (25.4%) declared support for Confederation. The gap between the Confederation and its nearest contender, Civic Platform/ Civic Coalition (Platforma Obywatelska/Koalicja Obywatelska-PO/KO), was immense, with PO/KO receiving the support of just 13.3% of prospective youngest voters. The potential voter share of the Law and Justice (Prawo i Sprawiedliwość-PiS) was even lower (7.8%). In this paper, we provide the characteristics of voters of each party by including ideological beliefs, civic activity and other demographic characteristics. We also provide an interpretation of the differences between the political preferences of youngest voters and the whole population, and the reasons for such a radical shift.

Bezpieczeństwo lokalne w wybranych gminach powiatu koszalińskiego Streszczenie Bezpieczeństwo jako pojęcie i przedmiot badań naukowych staje się coraz bardziej popularne ze względu na dynamikę zmian, jakie zachodzą we współczesnym świecie. Dotyczy ono nie tylko zagrożenia płynącego z zewnątrz, ale obejmuje również sferę wewnętrzną, wliczając w to funkcjonowanie samorządów i społeczności lokalnych. Zagrożenia bezpieczeństwa to także występująca lokalnie przestępczość, różnorodne wykroczenia i zakłócenia porządku. Z tymi wyzwaniami zmagają się jednostki samorządu terytorialnego oraz współpracujące z nimi struktury policji. Próbując dokonać analizy zjawiska, należy uwzględnić także występującą na danym obszarze stopę bezrobocia oraz wsparcie z zakresu pomocy społecznej. Autor wykorzystując metodę case study, porównania oraz metodę ilościową podjął się dokonania analizy zagrożenia dla bezpieczeństwa wewnętrznego w postaci występujących zjawisk o charakterze kryminogennym w dwóch sąsiadujących ze sobą gminach powiatu koszalińskiego: gminy Mielno oraz gminy Będzino w 2023 roku. Chcąc uwzględnić specyfikę wybranych podmiotów, wykorzystano przy tym dane na temat bezrobocia i lokalne dokumenty strategiczne, uwzględniając także różnice w zasobach endogenicznych gmin. Niniejsza analiza ma wykazać związek bezrobocia z przestępczością na danym obszarze, w zależności od badanego okresu, położenia gminy i jej zasobów ekonomicznych i osobowych.

For most observers, Iraq's recent elections were an important first step on the road to democratic normalcy. However, three related outcomes-the political marginalization of Sunni Arabs, the electoral gains made by Shi'a religious parties, and the triumphant performance of the Kurds-render the task of crafting Iraq's permanent constitution significantly more problematic. In this paper, we examine the implications of these election results for the design of Iraq's federal system. Our focus is on the character of the subunits in any future system, specifically on whether Iraq should adopt a form of territorial federalism based on the country's existing eighteen provinces (as most scholars argue) or whether a form of ethnic, or ''plurinational,'' federalism based on five regions would be better able to address the very significant problems created by the election results. After assessing the relative merits of the various proposals for a federal Iraq, we conclude that a system based on five broad regions, though not ideal, is the least bad of the options available. We wish to express our gratitude to three anonymous reviewers, Brendan O'Leary, and Jackie Ravine for their insightful and constructive suggestions on how to improve the quality of this article.

In this section, I estimate equation (13) without control variables (that is, twelve lags of the dependent variable, time-varying controls, deterministic sixth-order polynomial time trends per country, and month-country xed e ects) to ascertain that the main results are not sensitive to the exclusion of those controls, which in some extent corroborates the validity of my empirical design (that is, generating plausible exogenous variations in the probability of being defeated).