Effectiveness of Foreign Aid in Sub Saharan Africa

the urban divide between the informal and the planned city. The African microstate of São Tomé and Príncipe as case-study. ABSTRACT. The worldwide acceleration of the urbanisation process in the last decades has induced great pressure in the urban built environment, especially in developing countries, where this growth could not be met by similar provision of support structures, thus creating extensive disparities and informal settlements. This has happened in megacities, but also in their smaller counterparts. Focusing on the case-study of São Tomé and using the data collected during research and fieldwork, this paper will present an analysis of the urbanisation process, its heterogeneity and its spatial repercussions of unbalanced distribution of public space and dwelling conditions. These will contribute to the discussion of options for challenging these disparities within the urban built environment, their misconceptions and disarticulations, namely the role of planning, design and stakeholders as catalysers for development.

While the first volume provides a detailed analysis of at least $4.2 trillion (in constant USD 2023) allocated to sub-Saharan Africa between 1960 and the end of 2023, equivalent to 26 Marshall Plans, this second volume, subtitled ’The EU: a Weak Link in Aid to the Region?’, focuses on the example of the European Commission’s development aid, offering a critical assessment of its implementation and outcomes. Based on 35 years of personal involvement in over a thousand EU-funded projects throughout the world, notably in sub-Saharan Africa, it concludes with actionable recommendations for improving aid effectiveness, emphasising the need for a paradigm shift in how ODA is designed and delivered.
The main idea of ‘No to a Marshall Plan for Sub-Saharan Africa’ is that the failure of development aid is not due to insufficient funding, but to fundamental problems in its implementation. Neither increasing nor decreasing aid will solve these problems; instead, a complete overhaul of aid strategies is required.
This approach does not necessitate additional funding, but rather a better implementation and allocation of current resources to optimise the impact.

This volume provides a detailed analysis of at least $4.2 trillion (in constant USD 2023) allocated to sub-Saharan Africa between 1960 and the end of 2023. This staggering sum, equivalent to 26 Marshall Plans, has failed to lift the region out of poverty. I examine the characteristics of each financial flow, revealing that while remittances directly benefit recipients, at least 70% of ODA are returning to lenders and contributors through repayable loans, consultancy fees, technical assistance, and work carried out by companies from donor countries. I also explore internal factors within sub-Saharan Africa that contribute to its developmental challenges, using Ethiopia as a case study for FDI impacts.

Schweller approaches international politics from the theoretical perspective of a neo-classical realist. Realists believe that state behavior in the international playing field is primarily motivated by the desire for power and security, rather than by ideals or ethics.

NRIC is a model that has been piloted by Gen. Salim Saleh to kick-start effective national socio-economic transformation of Uganda. He has successfully established an Industrial and Logistics Hub as an enabling environment for the smallholder farmers. The Industrial and Logistics Hub in Namunkekera, Kapeeka Sub-County is an incentive to smallholder farmers to become more productive

This paper examines defence-sector security reform in South Sudan from independence to the
present (2011-2025), with emphasis on the post 2018 Revitalized Agreement on the Resolution of the Conflict in the Republic of South Sudan (RARCSS) and subsequent security arrangements. It synthesizes primary United Nations reporting, Resolutions of the UN Security Council, oversight by the Reconstituted Joint Monitoring and Evaluation Commission (RJMEC), and recent policy and human-rights analyses. The study maps the institutional landscape (South Sudan People Defence Forces SPDF, Ministry of Defence and Veterans Affairs, National Security Service NSS, and other organized forces), diagnoses structural and operational challenges (fragmented command, fiscal stress and payroll opacity, political-military entanglement, human-rights abuses, arms flows and community violence), evaluates progress and setbacks on unification of forces, Disarmament Demobilization Reintegration (DDR), and civilian oversight, and proposes a sequenced, politically feasible reform roadmap.

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This research presents the epidemiological evaluation and statistical analysis COVID-19 Pandemic in Nigeria after three months of its first incidence. The aim is to assess the performance of the medical professionals, Nigerian Center for Disease and Control (NCDC), the Governments and the general public respectively in the fight against COVID-19 in the last three months of the first incidence case. This was done using the data collected from the NCDC and analyzed using the Microsoft BI analyzer. From the evaluation, it was observed that after three months, a total number of 8077 cases have been recorded. Of this, 68.5% are active cases, receiving treatment in the hospital, 28.6% have recovered while 2.9% have died with majority of them over 50 years in age and have cardiac related cases before the virus struck. The implication of this result shows that the health care professionals and NCDC are doing their best having recorded a very low death rate so far compared to the total recorded cases. However the government needs to support and properly equip the hospitals with enough health care resources to help optimize patient response to Short Research Article

Background: COVID-19 emerged as a novel disease with global health importance. Personal and collective behaviours have been modified to prevent the spread of this pandemic. This study is aimed to assess the knowledge, attitude and risk perceptions of Nigerians towards COVID-19. Method: A cross-sectional survey was conducted between the 30th of April and 17th of May 2020 with a national representative among Nigerians using a combination of online and interviewer administered questionnaire. Results: A total of 1,135 respondents participated in the study with a slight male preponderance (M: F=1.5:1). The mean age of the participants was 42±12.2 years with the majority (77%) between the ages of 26 and 55 years. The majority were aware of the pandemic, mostly through mass and social media. Most of the respondents demonstrated good knowledge of COVID-19 but the unaware minority (0.6%) were likewise uneducated. Educational status had no significant association with attitude towards hand wa...

This paper aims to present the results of the evaluation of the financial sector development operations of the African Development Bank during 2011-2018 to assess if the policy and strategy approved in 2014 made a difference. To this end, the paper analyzes the financial sector development portfolio while comparing the pre and post 2014 policy and strategy periods. The evaluation found that the structure and the evolution of the portfolio had many positives in line with the 2014 financial sector development policy and strategy. It makes recommendations to improve the design of the new strategy as well as the design and the implementation of the operations.

Objective: We sought to determine the spectrum of heart diseases among adult patients at the Bamenda Regional Hospital in the North West Region of Cameroon. This is a chart review of echocardiographic records. In total, 673 records were included in our study, of which 506 had a definite heart disease. Of the 506, 93 had mixed cardiopathies. Their ages ranged from 18 to 105 years with a median age of 64.0 (Interquartile range = 47-75) years. Females accounted for a greater proportion (55.3%) of the study population. The most common echocardiographic diagnoses were hypertensive heart disease (41.1%), valvular heart disease (22.3%) and cardiomyopathies (11.4%). The prevalence of heart failure was 17.5%, with hypertensive heart disease being the leading cause.

This study examines the relationship between military expenditures and the frequency of armed conflicts using data from 92 countries over the period 1949 to 2024. Contrary to expectations of a direct linear relationship, the analysis reveals a negligible correlation, challenging the assumption of a causal link between military spending and conflict occurrence. Instead, four distinct security strategy types emerge: superpowers (high expenditures, many conflicts), deterrence strategists (high expenditures, few conflicts), fragile states (low expenditures, many conflicts), and peaceful pragmatists (low expenditures, few conflicts). The findings highlight the importance of geopolitical context and state capacity over absolute military spending in influencing conflict dynamics. This typology provides a nuanced framework for understanding diverse security approaches and underscores the need for context-sensitive policy-making in defense and conflict prevention.

The study argues that the LAS’s engagement is shaped less by normative commitments to democracy and more by the strategic interests of dominant member states, particularly GCC monarchies. Ultimately, the League’s actions reveal a pattern of authoritarian collaboration masked by pro-democracy rhetoric, aimed at regime survival and regional stability rather than genuine democratic transformation.

One of the goals of the Heavily Indebted Poor Countries (HIPC) debt initiative is to provide additional resources for basic health care to the population of eligible developing countries. In this paper I investigate the effect of debt relief on per capita health expenditure in a sample of developing countries while controlling for other factors used in the literature. I find that debt relief has -at the marginlittle or no effect on health expenditure in countries that are classified as HIPC. The level of health expenditures in HIPC countries, however, is significantly higher than in other developing countries. On the other hand, countries not classified as HIPC increase their per capita health expenditures more than proportionally if they receive debt relief. This result is surprising considering that per capita amounts of debt relief provided to HIPC countries are on average significantly higher than those to Non-HIPC countries.

Le multilatéralisme organisationnel apparaît menacé par l'affirmation des politiques de puissance, en particulier à travers le système de l'ONU. Les demandes de réforme de ce système perdurent cependant. Et les formes de consultations souples se développent : diplomaties de clubs ou minilatéralismes. La recomposition multilatérale s'effectue ainsi largement hors du système organisationnel. Éloignée d'un ordre international libéral ou d'unordremultipolaire,ellenefavorisepasl'inscriptiondel'habitabilitédela planète au faîte de l'agenda multilatéral.

This paper proposes a new framework for foreign aid effectiveness in Zimbabwe and Southern Africa, moving "beyond dependency" by synthesizing critical lessons from the region's historical engagement with international assistance. It examines how past aid models, often characterized by donor conditionalities and a focus on macroeconomic reforms, frequently failed to translate into sustainable improvements in people's livelihoods and sometimes fostered dependency. Drawing on this experience, the paper offers concrete proposals for future aid models that prioritize recipient-led development, strengthen national ownership of strategies, and emphasize capacity building over prescriptive interventions. Crucially, it analyzes the transformative role of China and the broader landscape of South-South cooperation, arguing that these alternative financing and partnership models offer vital pathways for African nations to assert greater policy autonomy, reduce traditional aid dependency, and chart more coherent, self-determined development trajectories.

This paper evaluates the impact of foreign aid and economic liberalization policies during Zimbabwe's Economic Structural Adjustment Programme (ESAP) era, spanning the early 1990s. It examines the domestic and international pressures that led to Zimbabwe's adoption of ESAP, focusing on the pervasive role of donor conditionalities attached to foreign aid inflows. The study critically analyzes the social and economic fallout experienced during this period, including rising poverty, persistent inflation, and declining formal employment, contrasting these outcomes with the stated goals of the structural adjustment reforms. Ultimately, the paper argues that despite significant foreign aid, the ESAP era largely failed to deliver sustainable and inclusive economic development, demonstrating how donor-driven conditionalities and the inherent nature of externally imposed liberalization policies can undermine national sovereignty and exacerbate socioeconomic challenges in recipient countries. This paper, with the working title "Foreign Aid and Economic Liberalisation: Evaluating the ESAP Era in Zimbabwe," would delve into a critical phase of Zimbabwe's economic history, building on the broader historical narrative of foreign aid and economic development from the article "Foreign aid and economic development in Zimbabwe (1980-2000)." Here are more details about this paper, focusing on the specified areas:

This paper examines the role and impact of foreign aid in Zimbabwe during its pivotal first decade of independence (1980-1990), a period characterized by both national optimism and emerging developmental challenges. It provides an overview of the ZIMCORD conference and the subsequent substantial aid inflows, analyzing the distinct contributions and influences of key bilateral donors (including the UK, US, and Scandinavian countries) and multilateral institutions (IMF, World Bank). The study assesses aid's tangible effects on critical sectors such as education, health, and infrastructure, highlighting early successes in postwar reconstruction and social service expansion. Crucially, the paper identifies nascent signs of aid misalignment with Zimbabwe's long-term development goals, arguing that donorimposed conditionalities and the inherent nature of aid flows began to foster a subtle yet growing dependency, potentially undermining the nation's sovereign policy space and laying the groundwork for future economic complexities.

This paper offers a theoretical review of foreign aid's trajectory in postcolonial Africa, exploring its evolution from post-World War II reconstruction efforts to its complex role during and after the Cold War. It critically examines the prevailing theoretical debatescontrasting the modernization theory's promise of growth and poverty alleviation with the dependency theory's assertion of aid as a perpetuator of underdevelopment and external control. The study dissects the multifaceted motivations of donor nations, ranging from strategic and economic self-interest to genuine humanitarian concerns. Particular emphasis is placed on how aid functions as a tool of soft power and the pervasive impact of conditionality, arguing that such stipulations have often undermined the sovereignty of African states, fostering a cycle of dependency rather than sustainable, self-driven development. Ultimately, this review highlights the contested effectiveness of foreign aid, suggesting that its historical application has frequently prioritized donor agendas over the genuine, internally-driven needs of recipient nations. Definitions and Classifications of Foreign Aid: The paper would begin by laying a foundational understanding of what constitutes foreign aid. It would cover various definitions, including: • Assistance provided by governments or financial institutions to needy countries, in either cash or in-kind.

Feminist study has shown precise resource deprivation and physical and sexual violence committed against girls and women worldwide. Even where constructive regulation to defend the victims of domestic violence are established, weak execution remains caused through exclusive and occasionally fraudulent judicial and police structures. In Ethiopia, women's exposure to domestic violence should be considered from the context of their position in the society. High degree of violence is being perpetrated on women in both the public and private spheres of their life. This article concludes therefore that, to realize its national and international obligations to gender equality more policy efforts are still required from the Government of Ethiopia. These inter alia include changing the societal attitudes to and perception on women, reassessing the existing scattered applicable laws, urgently establishing comprehensive legal framework to protect the victims of domestic violence, and ratif...

There is not one explanation for the source of revolutions that took place in late 2010 early 2011 in Arab World. Liberalists argue combination of growing inequality produced revolutionary aspiration. Marxists believe that location of Arab states in the capitalist world system produced the revolt. Some scholars believe these revolts to be a reaction to the rapid growth of social media in the region leading to collective action. Others ascribe them to the emergence of a civil. There are still some other authors who explain these revolutions by reference youth unemployment which fueled uprisings. The research, however, was not questioning why revolutions in Arab countries did happen. What was being investigated, rather, is why they ended up differently in different Arab countries. That is, how dictatorship in some of the Arab countries could be overthrown and give a rise to democracy, e.g. Tunisia, whilst it failed to do so in some other Arab countries leading to civil wars (Syria), military splits, or even humanitarian intervention (Libya). This research advanced four hypotheses derived from different theories. Hypothesis one, which was based on the Third Wave of Immanuel Huntington and Stepan's operationalization, argued that democracy in Arab Spring was more likely to consolidate in states that had experienced three consecutive years of democratic level equal or greater than +4. The second hypotheses derived from Lipset's modernization theory and Przeworski's operationalization, argued that it was economic growth that determined outcomes of the Arab Spring leading to democracy in some countries and to the civil war in some others. The third hypothesis was based on Moore's argument of "no bourgeoisieno democracy" and argued that the larger the number of labor force participants in industry sector, the greater probability of democracy to be achieved. Finally, the fourth hypothesis of this research argued that democracy in Arab Spring was more likely to be achieved in countries where the military had less v incentives to stay loyal to the regime. In order to test these hypotheses, the research applied comparative case studies method and contrasted relevant indicators in the countries in question in the ear of 2011. Additionally, the research questions whether there is correlation between democracy level in Arab World and GDP per capita, Military expenditure, and the number of employment level in industry sector in general. For testing this hypothesis, we applied regression analysis taking the figures in a time range from 1960 to 2016. Due to the lack of data for independent variable in the case of Libya, and lack of variation in dependent variable in this country, we excluded Libya from regression analysis, applying only three of initial cases. The research found out whilst military expenditure and GDP per capita were significant in determination of democracy level in Arab countries throughout the history (since 1960), only military choice affected by rational and moral incentives was significant in determination of the outcome of Arab Spring. Despite the limitations of the research, the findings of it are very interesting, since they reveal that, although there were two crucial variables affecting democracy throughout the history, only one of them remained crucial in 2011.

Afrika kıtası, ekonomik büyüme potansiyeli ve genç nüfusuyla yatırımcılar ve girişimciler için cazip fırsatlar sunmaktadır. Afrika Kalkınma Bankası'nın (AfDB) öngörülerine göre, kıta önümüzdeki yıllarda küresel olarak en hızlı büyüyen ikinci bölge olacak ve 2024-2025 döneminde ortalama reel GSYİH büyümesi %4,0 civarında seyredecektir. Bu büyüme ivmesinin arkasındaki itici güçlerden biri de Doğu Afrika'nın ekonomik canlılığıdır. Kıtadaki demografik yapı da dikkate değerdir; nüfusun %60'ının 25 yaşın altında olması, 2050 yılına gelindiğinde Çin'den bile daha büyük bir iş gücü ve tüketici tabanı anlamına gelmektedir. Bu genç ve hızla büyüyen nüfus, tüketim malları, enerji, gıda ve sağlık hizmetleri gibi çeşitli sektörlerde talebi artırmaktadır.

The objective of this paper was to analyze the impact of foreign exchange rate and institutional quality on fiscal sustainability in Sub-Saharan Africa. The study analyzed a sample of 966 country-year observations drawn from 42 countries over the years 2000-2023. The study employed the GMM model analysis on the panel data to test the hypotheses. In addition, the fixed effect model was employed to validate the baseline regression results. Results based on the GMM model suggest that foreign exchange rate and institutional quality both have positive effect to the fiscal sustainability respectively. In other words, foreign exchange rate appreciation led to higher fiscal sustainability in SSA. Similarly, inclusive institutional increases fiscal sustainability. Our results remained robust under fixed effect model. The practical implications of these findings suggest that policymakers should prioritize strengthening institutional frameworks and stabilizing foreign exchange rates to enhance fiscal sustainability. Investing in governance and regulatory transparency will promote accountability and economic growth, while measures to manage currency volatility will protect fiscal health. These strategies will create a more resilient economic environment conducive to sustainable development.

The global Aid for Trade/AfT Initiative was inspired by the Doha Round of WTO negotiations. It involved specific aid commitments as well as a broad agreement on categories of AfT, and principles of delivery (outlined by a WTO Task Force in 2006). The WTO and the OECD were tasked with monitoring this form of aid and supporting the various donors and partners. As with any international development initiative, the limitations to the AfT Initiative are clear. Overall funding remains modest, the categories are very broad and the statistics are often queried. Yet recent efforts to dismiss the Initiative as a failure are overstated. The monitoring system was based on best-practice techniques of governance in a diverse non-hierarchical institutional environment, such as the international development community. This form of cooperation cannot be expected to overcome global political and economic asymmetries, but it can be effective in several respects. Starting from this realistic perspective, one notes several achievements. In particular, the Initiative has led to increased funding for AfT and kick-started a range of initiatives and technical advances. Also the monitoring process evolved and expanded to include, and give voice to, a range of new actors from the global community. Alternative proposals for operationalizing AfT, such as creating a multilateral fund, are not to be dismissed but it is incumbent on the proposers to outline this plan in more detail. While the future of the AfT initiative, in its current form, is uncertain, its achievements merit careful consideration.

This study investigates the role of solar orientation in creating sustainable urban land systems in desert regions, using the Ksour of M'Zab in Algeria as a case study. The Ksour are vernacular Islamic and millenarian cities inhabited for centuries, and their urban design has evolved to respond to extreme climatic conditions, particularly insolation. Through a geometric analysis of the road system, this study demonstrates how the optimal orientation of urban lanes ensures the integration of extreme climatic conditions and creates comfortable streets for pedestrians. The study compares two old Ksour (El Atheuf and Beni Yezguen) with a new Ksar (Tafilalet) and statistically evaluates their solar orientation. The results show that solar orientation is a crucial tool for understanding the sustainability of desert cities. Thus, traditional knowledge and contemporary design practices can be integrated to create sustainable urbanism in arid environments. This study contributes to the growing body of knowledge on sustainable architecture by providing insights into how traditional knowledge can create resilient cities in challenging environments and promote sustainable development.

Scholars have long relied on a limited set of Arabic sources, particularly geographies, to reconstruct the history and beliefs of the Barġawāṭa, a Berber group of the Atlantic coast with an indigenous prophetic legacy and a 'Qurʾān' in the local language. The present article revisits these texts, arguing that they must be understood as two distinct veins of tradition: an early account by Ibn Ḥawqal and a separate presentation by al-Bakrī that became hegemonic. It then builds on the work of Allaoua Amara, who first noted the promise of legal compendia in studying the Barġawāṭa, presenting a set of previously neglected legal rulings from ʿAbd al-Mālik Ibn Ḥabīb that are the earliest known source on the Barġawāṭa and cast a critical, independent light on the movement's origins and practices. Finally, it reconsiders the historiography of the Barġawāṭan faith, arguing that it was an early indigenous conversation with the new religious grammar of Islam rather than a later 'decolonial' rejection of the conqueror's faith.

يتناول المقال قراءة لكتاب المساعدات المميتة الذي يُعد من أبرز الأعمال النقدية في حقل الاقتصاد السياسي للتنمية الإفريقية. تقدم الكاتبة دامبيسا مويو أطروحة جريئة تقول فيها إن المساعدات الخارجية، بدلًا من أن تكون وسيلة للنهوض بالقارة الإفريقية، تحوّلت إلى أداة لإدامة التبعية وإعاقة التنمية. تعتمد مويو في تحليلها على خبرتها كباحثة ومحللة اقتصادية عملت في البنك الدولي وغولدمان ساكس، وتستند إلى شواهد من الواقع الإفريقي لتُظهر كيف أن تدفق المساعدات على مدى أكثر من نصف قرن لم يؤدّ إلا إلى تفشي الفساد، تآكل المؤسسات، وتثبيط روح المبادرة لدى الحكومات والمجتمعات.

Articolul cuprinde o succintă prezentare a laturii umaniste a USAID, destinata celor ce vor să fie informați dar si celor ce s-au lăsat pradă retoricii anti-USAID din țările est-europene. Cu ajutorul cifrelor, statisticilor sau declarațiilor celor implicați, am încercat o sensibilizare a unui public puțin sau deloc avizat într-un domeniu cu implicații enorme pentru lumea în care (încă) trăim.

The study aimed at examining citizens’ participation in the government budget process. Specifically, the study intended to find out the local government officials’ perception on involvement of citizens in the budget process and establish the challenges hindering citizens’ participation in the budget process. This was an exploratory research which used qualitative research methods to explore respondents’ opinions and perception towards citizen participation in the budget process. Focus group discussions (6) were employed using small groups of 10 participants; whereby a total of 60 respondents were involved. Besides, the study employed Key Informants Interviews (27), Observation and Desk Reviews to further triangulate the findings from the Focus Group Discussions. The respondents were purposively selected based on their experience and knowledge on government budgeting process and citizens above the age of 18. The findings revealed that, local government officials believed in the impor...

This paper examines whether official development assistance (ODA) is an effective tool for human development and progress of recipient OIC (Organization of Islamic Cooperation) member countries. The paper estimates the impact of aid on social indicators rather than on economic growth. It measures the impact of ODA classified by sectors on the components of Human Development Index (HDI): standards of living, life expectancy, and education indices. It controls for the magnitude of civil violence, population growth, foreign direct investment, income, urbanization and regime type; whether a regime is democratic or autocratic. It utilizes annual data between 2002 and 2015 for OIC member countries. Results indicate that ODA is an effective tool for human development, having a greater and a more efficient impact on human development than other development instruments included in the analysis. We also find that civil violence is a powerful deterrent of HDI. Based on these results, the paper...

The study analyzes the transformation of Türkiye's relations with African countries from a constructivist perspective, examining historical, economic, political, and cultural developments. Türkiye's relations with the African continent have undergone a significant transformation, evolving from historical ties during the Ottoman Empire to the present day. During the Ottoman period, Africa was seen as a region shaped by religious and cultural bonds, and its peoples were recognized as 'brothers' and part of the 'ummah'. However, due to the Westernization policies of the early Republic, relations with Africa were largely neglected. The Africa Action Plan, launched in 1998, along with increasing diplomatic and economic efforts since the 2000s, led Türkiye to adopt a strategic opening policy towards Africa. Through this process, Türkiye has expanded its diplomatic presence on the continent, increased its trade volume, and strengthened its influence in Africa by utilizing cultural diplomacy and soft power strategies. The Study, Theoretical Framework: Principles of Constructivist Theory, Historical Relations between Türkiye and Africa, Türkiye's Opening to Africa in the 2000s, Türkiye's Perception of Africa and the Change in this Perception, and the Future of Türkiye-Africa Relations. Also the study predicts that Türkiye's Africa policy has a multidimensional structure and that these relations will deepen further in the future. It emphasizes that cultural and social interactions are just as important as economic interests in Türkiye's relations with Africa.

Nigeria has adopted unprecedented measures to control the rapid spread of COVID-19 pandemic in the country. Citizens' adherence to control measures is affected by their knowledge, beliefs, and Practices towards COVID-19. This study investigated the knowledge, beliefs and practices of the Covid-19 pandemic among Nigerians. The study adopted a cross-sectional web-based survey. The population of the study comprised Nigeria population of 200,000000 and a sample of 384 was drawn from the population. Data were analysed using descriptive and inferential statistics at 0.05 level of significance. The results of the study revealed that the respondents' knowledge of the pandemic was very high and that the respondents do not have negative beliefs about Covid-19 pandemic. The results further revealed that the respondents were observing most of the Covid-19 rules and protocols. The study concluded that government at all levels should engage in continuous sensitization of the masses targeting both urban and rural communities in order to achieve higher knowledge and maintain safe practices.

This study focus on assessing causes of deviation and delays of foreign aid disbursement in Tanzania. It was conducted in 2012 at Manyoni District of Singida region in Tanzania. The study adopted a cross sectional research design and stratified sampling techniques to collect data from a sample of 75 respondents by using questionnaires and interviews. Data analysed and revealed that deviation of foreign aid is a problem in both organizations such as causes of deviations of funds includes occurrence of emergency issues, unlawful personnel, and lack of commitment, failure to meet donor conditions, political influence, and existence of poor project implementation. While causes of delays of foreign aid includes existence of bureaucracy, corruption, stringent conditions, lack of commitment, Lack of accountability, and poor communication, unsatisfactory proposal, poor coordination and poor report Preparation. It is suggested that, in order to reduce the problem of deviation of foreign aid in most of Local Government Authorities and Non government Organizations there is a need to improve the techniques of preparing proposal, increase the level of independent and level of community participation.

À l’instar de plusieurs pays en développement et depuis les années 80, le Maroc a entrepris des politiques d’attractivité et de proximité visant, d’une part, l’amélioration du climat des affaires, l’encouragement des investisseurs et la mise à niveau des territoires, et, d’autre part, la création des activités génératrices de revenus et la satisfactions des aspirations de la population en matière de services de base. Certes, ces séries de réformes ont nettement amélioré les performances globales du territoire marocain, cependant, d’importantes inégalités subsistent entre les régions notamment au niveau du développement socio-économique, du capital humain, de la densité des infrastructures de bases et des investissements. Cela est renforcé par le manque d’utilisation et d’efficience des mécanismes de solidarité entre les collectivités territoriales.
Si l’environnement international marqué par l’incertitude et la récurrence des crises de toutes sortes (économiques, sanitaires, sécuritaires, géopolitiques…) n’a pas toujours été favorable pour asseoir les bases d’un développement territorial inclusif et durable des territoires marocains, il n’en demeure pas moins que sur les facteurs internes qu’on peut et qu’il faudrait agir pour redresser la situation. Ainsi, une territorialisation de développement en mobilisant harmonieusement toutes les parties prenantes dans un cadre fédérateur s’avère une piste pouvant paver le chemin vers la concrétisation à terme de l’ambition de l’émergence économique et sociale de l’ensemble des territoires du pays

This thesis engages in an analysis of the European Development Fund (EDF) in
order to show how the underpinning theoretical and conceptual frameworks fail to
enable a sufficient understanding of Sub-Saharan African (SSA) statehood and
development practices. The thesis argues that development failures in SSA are
inherently linked to donors’ misunderstanding of partner states. Equally important,
this thesis claims that development failures are connected to donors’ incapacity to
connect to local SSA governance and social realities. The puzzle is not only that
there is an evident mismatch between donor policies and local social realities, but as
well that western donors appear to be incapable of understanding SSA governance
and social realties while claiming to sustain their development. An interpretive
research design has been employed for uncovering the perceptions and beliefs of
policy-makers and non-governmental organizations (NGO) employees involved in
EDF-related processes.
The findings show that the European EDF policy-makers, while being
responsible for designing development policies, encounter substantive difficulties in
understanding the way partner governments and more broadly SSA states and
societies function. Therefore, the thesis explores the EDF policy-makers’ lack of
understanding of SSA states and societies, in an attempt to uncover its implications
for international relations theory and development policy. In more detail, building
partially on the previous literature, the thesis looks into the implications of lack of
empirical sovereignty of SSA states for statebuilding and development efforts. The
thesis shows that SSA states continue to be seen as states by western donors because
of the incapacity to observe and translate at a policy level the meanings-in-use that
state-like institutions acquire within the local socio-cultural contexts in SSA. On a
conceptual level, the thesis claims that the centrality of western understandings of
statehood, while making all other forms of governance irrelevant, obscures
furthermore our capacity to conceptualize and run analysis beyond the theoretical
boundaries of western statehood, leading to policy incoherence.
The thesis aims to empirically illustrate discrepancies between western
conceptions of statehood- and development-related practices and SSA experiences. It
does so through a single case study research design analyzing the perceptions of
policy-makers and NGO employees involved in EDF-related interactions. A specific
focus is shed on the negotiations carried out between the European Commission and
SSA governments. Based on 76 interviews, carried out in Brussels, Burundi, Kenya,
Mali, Rwanda, Senegal, Tanzania, and Uganda, the empirical analysis reveals the
perception of substantial inconsistencies and discrepancies between various
meanings attributed to development and state-related norms, institutions, and
practices. The thesis shows how the discrepancies observed at an operational-policy
level are connected to discrepancies at a general conceptual level and how both such
discrepancies are partially determined by the western ethnocentricity of the
conceptual frameworks underpinning EU development policies.

Revolutionary uprising of Egyptian in 2011 drew the question of what is the entity of this uprising. Some theorists call it, on Philip Schmitter's spring of freedom view, Arab spring and had known it entity Arab identity and secular nationalist. Others, with Islamic perspective and in the direction of Iran 1979 Islamic revolutionary political Islam interpret it as Islamic awakening. But inefficiency of these theories had appeared in continuity of Egypt transformation. We believe that the aforementioned theories are placed under the meta-theory of democracy globalization. Even, USA role and position on development of democracy and implementation of some policy in Egypt can be explained with this meta-theory. Thus, this article in the frame of globalization of democracy investigates recent changes and it future in Egypt and takes its entity ground-based democracy.

Ministerial Declaration specifies in paragraph 57 that "Aid for Trade should aim to help developing countries, particularly LDCs, to build the supply-side capacity and traderelated infrastructure that they need to assist them to implement and benefit from WTO Agreements and more broadly to expand their trade". This note addresses some of the challenges and current methods to identify the binding constraints hindering developing countries' capacity to benefit from trade expansion, and highlights some of the considerations that should be taken into account when donor-provided financial assistance -Aid for Trade-is used to tackle them. Most developing countries have benefited significantly from WTO Agreements and trade expansion. During the period 1990-2005, their total share in world exports of non-oil manufactures almost doubled from 21.5 percent to 40.2 percent, a remarkable achievement considering that world trade has been growing around three times faster than world output. However, some countries are failing to leverage trade for economic growth and poverty reduction. At the risk of oversimplifying, one could distinguish four main groups:

Nigeria has adopted unprecedented measures to control the rapid spread of COVID-19 pandemic in the country. Citizens' adherence to control measures is affected by their knowledge, beliefs, and Practices towards COVID-19. This study investigated the knowledge, beliefs and practices of the Covid-19 pandemic among Nigerians. The study adopted a cross-sectional web-based survey. The population of the study comprised Nigeria population of 200,000000 and a sample of 384 was drawn from the population. Data were analysed using descriptive and inferential statistics at 0.05 level of significance. The results of the study revealed that the respondents' knowledge of the pandemic was very high and that the respondents do not have negative beliefs about Covid-19 pandemic. The results further revealed that the respondents were observing most of the Covid-19 rules and protocols. The study concluded that government at all levels should engage in continuous sensitization of the masses targeting both urban and rural communities in order to achieve higher knowledge and maintain safe practices.

L'explosion urbaine est une réalité africaine. Elle va continuer de marquer en profondeur les économies et les sociétés au cours des vingt ans qui viennent, qu'elle se poursuive de façon spontanée, anarchique et traumatisante ou qu'elle soit mieux maitrisée, au pri x de politiques ambi tieuses, coûteuses et systématiques. C'est un fait : jusqu'ici nos partenaires africains en développement n'ont pas sollicité la coopération fran çaise autour de projets stratégiques et nous n'avons pas, pour notre part, défini d'approche globale de ce secteur. Il est vrai aussi que cela commence à changer, car les expériences engagées, J'évolution des cadres de réflexion et d'action, et les atouts spécifiques dont dispose la coopération française doivent permettre d'engager notre contribution au développement urbain, à la demande de nos partenaires, sur des voies nouvelles, rendant compte à la fois de l'immensité des besoins, des contraintes financières et de la nécessité d'engager des stratégies de long terme.

Promoting gender equality and closing the persisting gender gap is critical for achieving wide-ranging global objectives and sustainable development for all. One of the key domains in achieving gender equality is women’s political empowerment, which shows the least and slowest progress among all domains, even within the European Union. Regardless that women represent nearly half of the global workforce, they still have limited access to leadership and decision-making roles, as the political arena manifests unequal power relations and male domination across all levels. Due to a fundamental shift in the philosophy of development cooperation over the last decades, gender equality and women empowerment have been placed at the heart of donor programming. As a result, the international donor community has increasingly invested in closing the gender gap both through multilateral and bilateral aid. Despite existing theories and empirical evidence on pathways for increasing female participat...

Resumen: El debate sobre la cuestión colonial en relación con los inacabados procesos de descolonización en el Sáhara Occidental posee una gran actualidad. Para interpretarlos correctamente es necesario indagar sobre las estrategias seguidas por Francia y España para someter el sistema tribal y las redes morabíticas saharianas. Desde el estudio de las teorías segmentaristas tribales hasta la mística del desierto. El factor discursivo, como proceso de dominación colonial, pueden ser incluido en el concepto de "geocultura" enarbolado por I. Wallerstein. El Sáhara, espacio ignoto, habitado por las tribus nómadas, sin someter a ningún poder estatal, fue objeto privilegiado de la geocultura. Los informes confidenciales franceses ofrecen noticias importantes para interpretar la geocultura empleada en la conquista y sumisión del Sáhara. Todo como parte del gran juego geoestratégico sahariano entre potencias coloniales. Figuras como los franceses Charles de Foucauld y Ernest Psichari o el español Enrique D'Almonte son fundamentales para la correcta interpretación de las políticas de dominación.

The world has witnesses and experienced conflicts in several forms, and this has enormously subjected humanity in untold suffering and unprecedented levels of destitutions and deprivation encountered by those who directly or indirectly affected as a result. Sub-Saharan Africa for instance is a region highly plunged into conflicts as a result of either weak institutional governance structures put in place or manipulations of the system by the few ruling elites and their associates to retain and maintain power perpetually. This Thesis examines the relationship between conflict implications, human safety and the socio-economic conditions of the people of Juba County South Sudan. Its worthy noting that South Sudan has engaged in armed conflicts that lasted nearly forty years (1955-1972),  (1983-2005) and (2013-2016 and continues). The objectives of the study include: to identify the root causes of the armed conflicts, to assess the short and long term impacts/consequences of humanitarian crisis on the socioeconomic conditions, disruption of basic service delivery to the people of Juba County. The study used both primary and secondary methods for data collection. The results obtained from the study indicate that the majority of the people of Juba County have experienced various armed conflicts. There is insecurity in the place, retardation of socioeconomic development, poverty, humanitarian crisis and disruption of basic service delivery to the people of Juba County. Additionally, armed conflicts has caused an immense destruction of both physical and economic infrastructures and therefore rendering the economy of the country week and the civil population into a state of destitution and impoverishment because their means of survival are destroyed and left behind due to insecurity. Accordingly, it is recommended that warring parties in armed conflicts should not convert developmental facilities such as schools and hospitals into military barracks, which are used to develop basic service to the population and by doing frightened workers who are supposed to manage these facilities and therefore resulting into abandonment of these professions

Analysis (IIASA) wurde 1972 in Laxenburg bei Wien gegründet und war das weltweit erste Forschungsinstitut, an dem-dem eigenen Anspruch zufolge-Wissenschaftler:innen von Ost und West gemeinsam an der Lösung globaler oder transnationaler Probleme arbeiten sollten. Nach einer Beschreibung der Gründung des IIASA wendet sich der vorliegende Beitrag den Analysemethoden zu, die bei IIASA zum Einsatz kamen, und zeichnet anhand der Geschichte dieser Analysemethoden Wechselwirkungen zwischen Organisationsform und Erkenntnisform nach, die den Forschungsalltag am IIASA in den ersten zwei Jahrzehnten seines Bestehens prägten. Aufgrund seiner spezifischen Ausrichtung und Organisationsform, bot das IIASA eine förderliche Umgebung für die Entwicklung eines innovativen Zugangs zu jenen epistemologischen, methodologischen und wissenspolitischen Problemen, mit denen sich eine global ausgerichtete Erforschung des Planeten und seiner Bewohner:innen in der zweiten Hälfte des 20. Jahrhunderts konfrontiert sah.

The views expressed in this paper are those of the authors, and should not be taken to be the views of the European Report on Development, of the European Commission or of the European Union Member States. Toute votre félicité, Sujette à l'instabilité, En moins de rien tombe par terre; Et comme elle a l'éclat du verre, Elle en a la fragilité. Corneille 1 Introduction: the fragility concept in retrospect 1 Concepts have a history, and fragility has one. Before becoming the fashioned notion it is now, with multiple definitions, meanings and few measurements, state fragility has appeared as a political response to an operational issue. The history of the (state) fragility notion is linked to the design of aid policies, the measurement of fragility to the issue of aid allocation. A kind of international recognition of the notion of "fragile states" appeared in 2005 when the Development Aid Committee of the OECD organised two high level meetings on these states, defined as "a lack of political commitment and insufficient capacity to develop and implement pro-poor policies" (OECD/ DAC 2005). These meetings led to the constitution of a "fragile states group" within the DAC. One year before, US AID ( ) published a White Paper relying on a sharp distinction between stable and fragile states. In 2005, it published a strategy paper on fragile states (US AID, 2005), as did DFID (2005), 2 and then other bilateral donors (for

Bu araştırmada, apartheid rejim sonrası dönemdeki Güney Afrika dış politikası çerçevesinde Güney Afrika-Türkiye ilişkileri analiz edilmektedir. Dış politika analizi çerçevesinde ele alınan bu çalışmada, iki ülke arasındaki ilişkilerin önemi ortaya konulmaktadır. Tarihsel süreç
ve doğası bakımından Güney Afrika-Türkiye ilişkileri 3 ana dönem içerisinde ele alınmıştır. Bunlar: Kolonyal dönem, Güney Afrika Birliği dönemi, Apartheid ve sonrası dönemleridir. Ayrıca makalede Güney Afrika-Türkiye ilişkilerinin 1990’lı yıllardan itibaren neden bozulduğu ve nasıl tekrar düzeldiği irdelenmiş olup; Güney Afrika Cumhuriyeti’nin iç aktörlerinden kaynaklanan olumsuz etkilerin ikili ilişkilere olan yansımaları analiz edilmiştir.

This paper aims to shed light on socio-political events in con temporary Algeria. The Hirak, which began in February 2019, was a landmark event reflecting the population's need to put an end to an as ymmetrical system in ter ms of citizenship rights. This essay links the question of re re-appropriating public space with th e claim to the right to the city by so so-called minority categories. We look at the presence of Algerian women during the popular movement and its impact on the struggles of women and the feminist movement in particular. The Hirak provided a historical remin der of women's struggles, and gave rise to new tactics for occupying the public sphere, both physically and in the media. The impetus pr ovided by the Hirak, now at a standstill, has opened up new avenues for reflection and strategies for organizing the fem inist movement in Algeria within an intersectional framework, enabling us to broaden our demands in a dialectic between social and political citizenship.

This paper aims to shed light on socio-political events in contemporary Algeria. The Hirak, which began in February 2019, was a landmark event reflecting the population's need to put an end to an asymmetrical system in terms of citizenship rights. This essay links the question of re-appropriating public space with the claim to the right to the city by so-called minority categories. We look at the presence of Algerian women during the popular movement and its impact on the struggles of women and the feminist movement in particular. The Hirak provided a historical reminder of women's struggles, and gave rise to new tactics for occupying the public sphere, both physically and in the media. The impetus provided by the Hirak, now at a standstill, has opened up new avenues for reflection and strategies for organizing the feminist movement in Algeria within an intersectional framework, enabling us to broaden our demands in a dialectic between social and political citizenship.