African Politics

IntroductionTraditionally fieldwork involved journeys to the "field" far from home, possibly picturesque, probably small and rural, and very likely inhabited by people who bore little relation to home society, class, profession, or employing institution (Forsythe 2001). Although with the end of colonialism, with the reduction in funding for academic institutions, with increases in student enrolments and with difficulties in accessing the fields, there has been an increase in fieldwork at home (Munthali 2001), the notion of the "field" has been resilient. Fieldwork has been defined as the laborious agricultural tasks, though it has also come to designate the act of inquiring into the nature of phenomena by studying them at first hand in the environment, in which they naturally exist or occur (Georges et al 1980). Moreover, the notion of fieldwork also conjures up adventures (Gerber et al 2000) with the primary task being to "gather", to "collect&quo...

Adam Mayer’s Military Marxism is an ambitious and readable book that brings together the political thought of some of Africa’s leading Marxist and socialist thinkers in the last 65 years. Notably, he deliberately avoids providing a definition or broad theorization of African military Marxism, writing, ‘Afro-Marxism for this volume will be as capacious and non-sectarian as possible, with no formal definition of what constitutes Marxism, historical materialism, or the dialectic’ (italics original, 21). In Chapter 1, Mayer’s survey of the socialist movements from 1960 to 1990 stands out for its wide geographical scope, offering a vivid snapshot of an era when “nearly one-third of the African landmass was under the heavily contested rule of Marxist-Leninist parties” (italics original, 43). This overview is insightful and will likely be an excellent teaching text for courses in African politics and societies.

South Sudan is one of the most oil-dependent countries in Africa, yet it struggles to convert its oil wealth into enduring economic development. Despite vast petroleum resources and high production, the nation has been impeded by inadequate revenue management, pervasive corruption, and a lack of economic diversification. This research endeavors to assess the impact of oil revenue management on sustainable economic development in South Sudan. The study employs qualitative research methodology, relying on existing secondary data from government reports and publications by international organizations. The research inquiries delve into existing government structures, transparency mechanisms, and the pivotal role of diversification in mitigating the country's oil dependency. The anticipated outcomes include strategies for optimizing revenue allocation, bolstering accountability, and fostering economic resilience. The findings are expected to enrich the academic discourse on resource-rich nations in developing economies and offer concrete strategies for South Sudan.
Keywords: Oil Revenue Management, Sustainable Development, Economic Diversification, Governance, South Sudan.

This article investigates the intricate relationships between democracy, governance, and economic growth in Asia, a region poised to contribute significantly to global economic prosperity by 2030. Leveraging panel data from forty-nine Asian countries spanning 1996 to 2023, the study employs the Polity 2 democracy score, the Worldwide Governance Indicators (WGI), and gross domestic product (GDP) per capita to examine these dynamics. The analysis explores the hypothesis that governance quality, more than democracy, serves as a pivotal determinant of economic outcomes. The findings reveal a strong positive association between governance quality, particularly Government Effectiveness and Regulatory Quality, and economic performance. These indicators consistently emerge as robust predictors of GDP per capita, underscoring the critical role of institutional efficiency, administrative competence, and clear regulatory frameworks in fostering sustainable growth. In contrast, democracy exhibits an inverse relationship with economic growth in most models, a result likely influenced by the economic success of non-democratic regimes such as China and Singapore. This counterintuitive finding challenges conventional assumptions about the universal primacy of democracy in driving economic development. The study also highlights the complex interplay between governance and democracy, noting that improvements in governance can reinforce democratic practices. However, the varying significance of governance dimensions, such as Voice and Accountability, suggests that fostering democratic freedoms may require targeted efforts distinct from broader governance reforms. These results emphasize the need for policymakers in Asia to prioritize governance reforms that enhance institutional effectiveness, transparency, and accountability while considering the region's unique political and economic contexts.

The economic crisis of the 1980s and the poor management of this situation led to a human development crisis in Côte d'Ivoire, marked by a sharp decline in the population's standard of living. To stem the effects of the crisis on development, Côte d'Ivoire embarked on a dynamic of developing and implementing social policies. Within this dynamic, a poverty reduction program emerged in 1996, the implementation of which was carried out within the framework of a collaboration with the UNDP. This collaboration, which was intended to be methodical and brought together several actors, worked towards improving the living conditions of the population through actions in the areas of health, education through the development of school canteens, and micro-credits for the disadvantaged.

Ce projet tutoré s’intéresse aux conflits entre la République Démocratique du Congo (RDC) et le Rwanda, en retraçant leurs origines, leur évolution historique et leurs perspectives de paix. Malgré de multiples accords et initiatives diplomatiques, les tensions demeurent récurrentes, alimentées par la présence de groupes armés, la compétition autour des ressources naturelles et les rivalités politiques régionales.

L’analyse repose sur une approche documentaire, des enquêtes de terrain et une lecture qualitative et quantitative des données disponibles. Elle met en évidence les conséquences humaines, sécuritaires et socio-économiques de ces conflits, tout en identifiant les défis majeurs qui entravent une réconciliation durable.

Enfin, l’étude propose des perspectives de paix fondées sur la coopération régionale, la consolidation de la sécurité, la réforme de la gouvernance et une gestion équitable des ressources. L’objectif est d’apporter une contribution académique à la compréhension et à la résolution des tensions persistantes entre les deux pays.

Les conflits entre la République Démocratique du congo (RDC) et le Rwanda : origines, évolutions et perspectives de paix (SHAMBA LOBO Davia, 2025/CEPROMAD-TSHIKAPA) ~ 4 ~ DÉDICACE Je dédie ce travail :  À Dieu Tout-Puissant, source de toute sagesse, de tout savoir et de toute grâce.  À mes très chers parents : Gaston LOBO SHAMBA et Esther IBENGU SHAMBA, pour leur amour, leurs sacrifices, leur éducation et leur soutien indéfectible tout au long de mon parcours académique.  À l'Honorable Constantin MBENGELE THAMUK, Député National et père politique, pour son soutien total et sa présence constante à mes côtés.  À l'Honorable Valère KWETE LOBO, pour son appui tant moral que matériel, que je n'oublierai jamais.  À mon grand-père Cita MUBENGAYI, pour l'inspiration, les valeurs et les conseils transmis.  À mes frères et soeurs : Charles LUKUSA, Agnès MABINTSHI, Stanislass SHAMBU et Isabelle KUTEKEMENYI, que ce travail honore notre lien fraternel.  À mes amis et connaissances : Marcel MUENYI MILONGO Président du Conseil Provincial de la Jeunesse du Kasaï , , Bibiane MABINTSHI et NAMONGU KAZADI Daviana, pour leur amitié, leur soutien et leur présence dans les moments cruciaux.  A tous ceux qui oeuvrent pour la paix en Afrique centrale Recevez ici l'expression de ma profonde gratitude. . Davia SHAMBA LOBO Les conflits entre la République Démocratique du congo (RDC) et le Rwanda : origines, évolutions et perspectives de paix (SHAMBA LOBO Davia, 2025/CEPROMAD-TSHIKAPA) ~ 5 ~ Le présent Projet Tutoré s'inscrit dans le cadre de l'achèvement du programme de troisième année de Licence en Sciences Juridiques et Politiques, au sein de l'Université du CEPROMAD. Ce projet marque une étape cruciale dans la formation académique de l'étudiant et constitue une exigence incontournable pour l'obtention du diplôme de Licence, selon les principes du système LMD (Licence Ŕ Master Ŕ Doctorat). Ce projet s'insère dans une logique de mise en pratique des acquis théoriques accumulés au cours de la formation, et offre à l'étudiant une opportunité de mobiliser les outils méthodologiques, analytiques et critiques indispensables à la conduite d'une recherche scientifique rigoureuse. Il s'agit d'un projet tutoré, encadré par un enseignant chercheur, et qui répond à une problématique précise en lien avec les réalités sociales, politiques ou administratives du contexte étudié. L'encadrement scientifique dont j'ai bénéficié tout au long de ce travail a été d'un apport fondamental. Sous la supervision de Clément PAKASA Recteur de l'Université du CEPROMAD, j'ai pu affiner mes capacités de réflexion, structurer mon approche méthodologique, et adopter une démarche analytique respectueuse des normes académiques. Je lui exprime ma sincère gratitude pour sa disponibilité, sa patience et la qualité de ses orientations. Je tiens à exprimer ma profonde gratitude aux Enseignants de l'Université du CEPROMAD-TSHIKAPA, dont les enseignements, les conseils éclairés et la rigueur intellectuelle ont grandement contribué à la réalisation de ce travail. Au-delà de son aspect académique, ce travail constitue aussi une ouverture sur les enjeux concrets auxquels notre société est confrontée. En cela, il vise à concilier théorie et pratique, en apportant une contribution modeste mais significative à la compréhension des phénomènes sociaux étudiés. Ce TFC m'a permis non seulement de me confronter à la complexité du réel, mais aussi de développer une autonomie intellectuelle indispensable à toute démarche de recherche scientifique. Il serait cependant présomptueux de considérer ce travail comme une oeuvre strictement individuelle. Sa réalisation a nécessité l'appui moral, matériel et intellectuel de nombreuses personnes. Je tiens à remercier de manière particulière mes parents, Esther IBENGU SHAMBA et Gaston LOBO SHAMBA , dont le soutien inébranlable m'a permis d'atteindre ce niveau de formation. Leurs sacrifices ont été pour moi une source d'inspiration et de motivation.

In the last three decades, neo-traditional religious groups in Nigeria have
continued to (re-)emerge and expand, despite their earlier inhibition by
the increased dominance of Christianity, Islam and secular-modernist
values. One such group is Ijo Orunmila Adulawo (African Congregation
of Orunmila Devotees), originally established in 1934 as an umbrella
organisation for traditional worshippers. Based on fieldwork in the
Ikenne branch, I examine the innovative fundraising methods that the
group has adopted since 1992 in pursuit of the construction of a
modern iledi (temple), and the debates they sparked among members,
some of whom felt they reflected Christian or foreign, rather than
traditional Yoruba ethics and values. A closer look at the dynamics of
the group’s fundraising practices, however, suggests they have been
shaped within a moral-economic framework oriented toward the
flourishing of what the group takes to be traditional religion and the
assertion of related values. The article shows how economic practices
not only reflect but are an important part of the politics of value
negotiated by neo-traditional religious groups like Ijo Orunmila as they
have sought to establish and maintain the authority and relevance that
has driven their growth in contemporary Nigeria.

The Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) holds approximately 70% of the world's cobalt reserves, making it a key player in the global market. Cobalt is a crucial component in electric vehicle batteries. This study examines the economic opportunities and political challenges of cobalt exploitation in the DRC. The findings indicate that while cobalt generates significant revenue, the industry is dominated by foreign companies, particularly from China, which limits domestic benefits. Additionally, issues such as environmental degradation, labor exploitation, and political instability pose major challenges. The study concludes that the DRC needs to strengthen its governance, regulatory frameworks, and invest in local industrial capacity to maximize the benefits of cobalt for national development.

Mauritius' commitment to good governance is embodied in its Ministry of Financial Services and Good Governance, created after the Alliance Lepep came to power in 2014 . The Ibrahim Index of African Governance vouches for the quality of Mauritius' democracy by ranking the country as the best-governed country in Africa in its 2017 report (Mo Ibrahim Foundation, 2017). Similarly, the efficiency of Mauritius' institutions has long been credited as a major factor in the nation's development success. According to the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development, trust in institutions is important for the success of many government policies, programmes, and regulations that depend on cooperation and compliance by citizens (OECD, 2017). According to the latest Afrobarometer survey, however, Mauritians are less satisfied with their democracy and have less trust in their institutions than they did just a few years ago. Support for democracy has declined, and while citizens overwhelmingly endorse multiparty competition and insist on government accountability, they increasingly believe they have to be careful in discussing politics, and they give their political leaders decidedly mixed performance reviews. Afrobarometer is a pan-African, non-partisan research network that conducts public attitude surveys on democracy, governance, economic conditions, and related issues in African countries. Six rounds of surveys were conducted in up to 37 countries between 1999 and 2015, and Round 7 surveys are being conducted in 2016/2018. Afrobarometer conducts face-to-face interviews in the language of the respondent's choice with nationally representative samples. The Afrobarometer team in Mauritius, led by StraConsult Ltd, interviewed 1200 adult Mauritians in October 2017. A sample of this size yields country-level results with a margin of error of +/-3% at a 95% confidence level. Previous surveys were conducted in Mauritius in 2012 and 2014. ▪ About three-fourths of Mauritians prefer democracy over any other system (77%), consider multiparty competition necessary to give voters a real choice (75%), and favour a two-term limit for the prime minister (72%). Almost as many (69%) say it's more important for the government to be accountable than to be efficient.

This study conducts an intersectional analysis of the persistent gender disparities within African diplomatic practices, examining the complex interplay between political structures, economic factors, and cultural norms. Despite continental commitments to gender equality and notable progress in select nations like Rwanda, significant underrepresentation of women persists in foreign services, contradicting development goals and wasting critical human capital. Utilizing a mixed-methods sequential explanatory design, this research employs quantitative surveys and qualitative case studies across six African nations to investigate the root causes of these imbalances. It seeks to answer how cultural values shape inclusivity, what economic factors influence women’s pathways to leadership, and to what extent existing policies effectively address unique challenges. The study hypothesizes that constitutional quotas, economic empowerment, and mentorship significantly impact female representation and career progression. Expected findings will advance feminist international relations theory by centering African perspectives and will provide evidence-based recommendations for policymakers and diplomatic institutions. Ultimately, this research aims to develop a comprehensive framework for promoting sustainable gender inclusivity, thereby enhancing Africa’s ability to leverage its full human potential in an increasingly influential global role.

Key Chapters
- Summary & Context – A concise overview of Sudan’s conflict drivers and stakes.
- Unity Versus Fragmentation in Sudan – Economic, political, and social comparative analysis.
- Fragmented Civilians, Fragile Peace – Prospects for Sudan’s Quad meeting in Addis Ababa.
- Leadership Deficit in Sudan – Structural roots and reform pathways.
- Viability of a Civilian-Led Democratic Transition – Current dynamics and key obstacles.
- Framework for Negotiation – Actor mapping, elite capture, and confederal power-sharing proposals.
- Quad Prospects Without Islamists – Risks, scenarios, and viability roadmap.
- Concluding Assessment – Strategic choices for a resilient Sudanese transition.

Africa's 20th century national liberation heroes and African Marxist thinkers have identified Africa's predicament as one of neo-colonialism. Political experiments in Africa during the Cold War had built on the revolutionary experiences of China (in Mauritania,

The 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda stands as one of the most catastrophic humanitarian crises of the late 20th century, claiming up to one million lives and displacing millions more. The genocide, coupled with the concurrent civil war, obliterated Rwanda's social fabric, institutional frameworks, and economic infrastructure, leaving the nation in ruins. In the three decades since, Rwanda has embarked on a remarkable journey of recovery, emerging as a global model for post-conflict reconstruction. This paper examines Rwanda's trajectory from devastation to resilience, focusing on four key dimensions: the profound impacts of the 1994 civil war and genocide against the Tutsi, the government's strategic approaches to postwar reconstruction, the pivotal role of the international community, and the nation's subsequent path of economic and social development. By leveraging reconciliation, robust governance reforms, and visionary development frameworks like the Second National Transformation Strategy (NST-2), Rwanda has achieved significant progress despite persistent challenges, including constrained financing, regional instability, and global economic uncertainties. The nation's experience underscores the power of unity, leadership, and strategic cooperation in rebuilding a society from the ashes of tragedy. The 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi and the accompanying civil war decimated Rwanda's population, infrastructure, and economy. Entire communities were destroyed, with families torn apart and trust eroded across ethnic lines. The economic toll was staggering: GDP plummeted, agricultural production collapsed, and critical infrastructure, including schools and hospitals, were razed. The genocide left Rwanda with a fractured judiciary, a dismantled public sector, and a severe shortage of skilled professionals, as many were killed or fled the country. The social and psychological scars were equally profound, with widespread trauma and a deeply divided society. Despite these challenges, the genocide against the Tutsi catalyzed a collective resolve to rebuild, laying the foundation for Rwanda's ambitious recovery efforts. The nation's ability to confront this dark chapter through truth and reconciliation processes, such as the Gacaca courts, has been instrumental in fostering social cohesion and setting the stage for long-term development. Rwanda's genocide against the Tutsi reconstruction has been driven by a series of government-led strategies emphasizing unity, reconciliation, good governance, and economic transformation. The Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF)-led government, under President Paul

The African Union (AU), an intergovernmental organization comprising 54 independent states in Africa, was created in May 2001 to, among other things, promote regional integration, interstate solidarity, peace, and good governance, and enhance the African voice in the global system. This paper assesses the success and challenges of the African Union.

The call for the amendment of the constitution in Nigeria has persisted even since independence because the existing constitutional arrangement has failed to deliver actual federalism. The 1999 Constitution (as amended) makes Nigeria a federal republic but in reality, vests political and economic authorities in the federal state. Elijah Joshua, 'Constitutional Reform and the Quest for True Federalism in Nigeria' [2025] LawNectar This imbalance has led to constant calls for constitutional re-engineering aimed at restructuring the powers between the federal, state, and local governments. Despite several amendment processes, including those initiated by the National Assembly, achieving significant federalism has been an illusion due to political centralization, ethno-regional rivalry, and bargaining among elites. This study examines the constitutional provisions establishing federalism in Nigeria, namely the allocation of powers within the Exclusive, Concurrent, and Residual Legislative Lists, and the fiscal arrangements, which are centralized to a great extent. It also raises questions regarding the challenges that have hampered reforms, including partisan politics, weak enforcement of constitutional provisions, and state creation and local government autonomy issues. Judicial application of federalismprovisions, specifically state autonomy and revenue cases, are analyzed to establish the role of the courts in federal practice. lBased on comparative lessons drawn from other federations like the United States of America, India, and Canada, the research indicates that constitutional amendments can make federalism either weaker or stronger depending on the participatory nature of the process and the political will for real change. It is the contention of the paper that without constitutionally enforceable and citizen-initiated constitutional amendments, Nigeria may continue to operate a quasi-unitary system masquerading as federalism. It argues that only genuine federalism can provide democratic accountability, stability, and equitable development. Legal and procedural reforms, increased institutional checks and balances, and mechanism for consensus-building are advised to achieve a balanced federal relationship in Nigeria.

études du monde africain contemporain. Gy, ce 17/09/2025 Résumé Cet article interroge le rôle des religions et organisations cultiques en Afrique comme instruments de contamination et de domination à travers la notion d'égrégore. En mobilisant la Coafrwologie-science panafricaine de la justice, de l'ordre et de la renaissance-il montre comment les religions exogènes ont contribué à l'aliénation spirituelle et culturelle, tandis que les traditions endogènes, bien qu'ayant résisté à la colonisation, ont parfois reproduit des logiques d'assujettissement interne. L'analyse propose une déconstruction des égrégores aliénants, une restauration des fondements spirituels africains et une orientation vers une renaissance panafricaine. La Coafrwologie apparaît ainsi comme une alternative intellectuelle et pratique aux approches occidentales classiques, offrant une voie de libération et de transformation collective.

Six general elections have been held in Zanzibar after the reintroduction of multi-party politics in 1992. A longitudinal analysis of the Zanzibar political context indicates that from the first general election, which was held in 1995, to the sixth election in 2020, the electoral results have been intensely contested, and at times followed by electoral violence and a lasting political stalemate known locally as 'Mpasuko wa Kisiasa'. While these electoral contestations and violence are evident, they are also mere symptoms of the struggle. The real reasons and the underlying causes of the conflict lie deeper in the malfunctioning democratic system manifested through the absence of a level playing field, allegations of election rigging, harassment of opposition supporters and refusal to honor the voters' will. Drawing on Mao Tse-tung's theory of contradiction, this paper interrogates the underlying issues under dispute within the broader discourse of democratic consolidation. The paper presents the nature of the conflict as a recourse to democratic consolidation, in an attempt to push for both institutional reforms and building a democratic culture. It argues that the conflict is an inevitable cause, perpetuated in defence of democracy defined in both political and material sense, and that the durable resolution of the conflict does not depend on the will of individual actors but initiatives targeting societal healing and undertaking democratic reforms.

t (الملخص):
تتناول هذه الورقة بالدراسة والتحليل النقدي تقرير البعثة الدولية المستقلة لتقصي الحقائق بشأن السودان، التي كُلّفت من مجلس حقوق الإنسان التابع للأمم المتحدة عام 2023 بالتحقيق في الانتهاكات الناجمة عن النزاع المسلح بين القوات المسلحة السودانية وقوات الدعم السريع. ورغم الأهداف المعلنة للبعثة المتمثلة في تقديم تقرير شامل ومحايد، ترى الورقة أن التقرير شابه عدد من أوجه القصور المنهجية والسياسية، أبرزها: ضبابية الولاية الجغرافية والموضوعية، الاعتماد على مصادر انتقائية متحيزة، والتأخر في مباشرة عمل البعثة خارج السودان. كما يثير التقرير إشكالات جوهرية تتعلق بمسألة الإفلات من العقاب، والتحديات المترتبة على السيادة الوطنية، والحق القانوني في الدفاع المشروع وفق ميثاق الأمم المتحدة والقانون الدولي الإنساني. ومن خلال تحليل معمق، تقدّم الورقة قراءة نقدية لأثر التقرير على الوضع القانوني والسياسي في السودان، وتبرز الثغرات التي حدّت من فعاليته في مساءلة الفاعلين غير الحكوميين، وعلى رأسهم قوات الدعم السريع. وتخلص الورقة إلى توصيات عملية لتعزيز شفافية وحياد البعثات الأممية، وتطوير آليات المساءلة الوطنية والدولية بما يضمن حماية حقوق الإنسان وسيادة الدولة في آن واحد.

Keywords (الكلمات المفتاحية):
السودان، قوات الدعم السريع، بعثة تقصي الحقائق، القانون الدولي الإنساني، الإفلات من العقاب، السيادة الوطنية، حق الدفاع المشروع

Field of Study (التخصص):

Law

International Relations

Human Rights

Political Science

African Studies
Abstract (English)
This paper provides a critical analysis of the Independent International Fact-Finding Mission on Sudan, mandated by the UN Human Rights Council in 2023 to investigate violations arising from the armed conflict between the Sudanese Armed Forces and the Rapid Support Forces (RSF). While the Mission aimed to deliver a comprehensive and impartial report, this study argues that it suffered from methodological and political shortcomings, including vague territorial and thematic mandates, reliance on selective and biased sources, and delayed operational deployment outside Sudan. The paper further examines the implications of the report for impunity, national sovereignty, and the right of self-defense under the UN Charter and international humanitarian law. Through in-depth critique, it highlights the report’s limited effectiveness in addressing accountability of non-state actors, particularly the RSF, and concludes with practical recommendations to strengthen transparency and neutrality of UN missions, while reinforcing both national and international accountability frameworks.

This pastoral reflection paper critically examines the constitutional, theological, and philosophical debates surrounding President William Ruto’s decision to renovate the chapel at Kenya’s State House. While critics argue that the initiative contravenes Article 8 of the Constitution, which prohibits the establishment of a state religion, this study contends that such interpretations misread both the constitutional intent and historical practice. Theologically, it draws on the biblical account of David, who was prevented from building the temple not as condemnation but as a matter of divine timing, and on Stephen’s reminder in Acts 7:48–50 that “the Most High does not dwell in houses made with human hands.”

These narratives suggest that sacred projects must be discerned in the light of God’s sovereignty, timing, and purpose, rather than human ambition alone. Philosophically, the paper explores questions of pluralism, secularism, and the humanizing role of sacred spaces in public institutions, engaging thinkers such as Paul Tillich. By analyzing responses from diverse religious bodies, including the Anglican Church of Kenya, the Evangelical Alliance of Kenya, and the Supreme Council of Kenya Muslims, the study shows that the controversy is not merely constitutional but also ecclesial and political. Ultimately, it argues that the renovation neither establishes a state religion nor undermines constitutional principles, but reflects the enduring tension between faith, leadership, and democracy in a modern African context.

The Day Liberty Died Some days do not merely pass into history-they haunt it. September 18, 2001, is one such day: a wound unhealed, a silence unbroken, a betrayal unforgotten. It is Eritrea's Day of Infamy-the day memory itself was criminalized.

his article provides a comprehensive comparative analysis of three political entities that shaped Zimbabwe’s history: Southern Rhodesia, Rhodesia, and the modern Zimbabwean state. It explores the economic structures, governance models, military power, poverty levels, and equality policies under each regime, drawing on statistical data and reputable scholarly sources to ensure accuracy and balance. The study highlights the trajectory from a racially stratified settler economy and authoritarian governance in Southern Rhodesia and Rhodesia to the contemporary Zimbabwean government, marked by independence, struggles with authoritarianism, economic volatility, and efforts at reform. Tables and quantitative data illustrate shifts in GDP, employment, inflation, poverty, and military expenditure across the different periods. The findings show how colonial legacies and subsequent policy choices have deeply influenced Zimbabwe’s social and economic development, often with enduring inequalities and challenges in governance. Ultimately, this comparative perspective sheds light on both the continuities and transformations within Zimbabwe’s political economy and underscores the complexity of post-colonial nation-building.

The paper aims at creating and guiding a discussion that will help protect vulnerable communities, states, and the international community from unprecedented levels of illegal use of force that results into breach of peace, and international protocols of sovereignty, non-use of force, human rights, life among others through bridging loopholes, codifying new set of rules to regulate the use of force at local levels, but also, to regulate Mercenary activities by individuals, companies/organizations and nations.

The paper aims at creating and guiding a discussion that will help protect vulnerable communities, states, and the international community from unprecedented levels of illegal use of force that results into breach of peace, and international protocols of sovereignty, non-use of force, human rights, life among others through bridging loopholes, codifying new set of rules to regulate the use of force at local levels, but also, to regulate Machinery activities by individuals, companies/organizations and nations. The paper defines the meaning of force , gives a background of how the Uganda Peoples Defense Forces (UPDF) (the Ugandan army) crossed borders into South Sudan, discusses who determines the use of force in international relations, establishes why the UPDF deployment in South Sudan remains illegal, explains why the UN and AU needs to prevent a similar movement of troops across any borders in the future, and finally lists action points for the UN and AU that could help regulate a similar incident of use of force in Global Affairs.

Cette étude s'intéresse aux rapports entre le roman de la migritude et les langues locales africaines. Elle porte sur la façon dont les romans d'auteurs africains subsahariens publiant et vivant en France, depuis les années 1980-1990, tels que la franco-sénégalaise Fatou Diome et le franco-ivoirien Koffi Kwahulé, parviennent à avoir de la reconnaissance en intégrant les langues locales africaine dans leur écriture. Après l'analyse du texte et du champ littéraire (africain), l'on a pu constater qu'à défaut d'écrire en français ou de le faire entièrement dans leur langue maternelle respective, chaque écrivain inscrit son texte dans les dynamiques postcoloniales qui favorisent la glocalisation, le cosmopolitisme, et l'hybridité linguistique. En brisant, ainsi, les frontières entre la sémiosphère africaine et occidentale, ces écrivains arrivent à résister à la domination culturelle occidentale et à inscrire l'identité africaine dans leur univers diégétique.

The Rohingya Muslims of Myanmar have faced decades of marginalization and structural injustice, producing one of the most persistent displacement crises of the 21st century. This paper employs Edward Azar's Protracted Social Conflict (PSC) theory to investigate the structural and historical forces behind Rohingya forced migration. PSC's four 'Genesis factors'-communal content, deprivation of human needs, state provision (governance failures), and international linkages-provide the basis for analyzing how identity-based inequalities and state practices have turned a local grievance into a protracted conflict. From this point of view, the Rohingya crisis appears not only as a humanitarian disaster but also as an example of state-led structural violence shaped by both regional politics and global inaction. The analysis utilizes secondary sources, including UN reports, historical accounts, and recent studies on Southeast Asian displacement. The study concludes that PSC theory continues to offer useful knowledge for understanding identity-driven conflicts and displacement in the modern world, while also extending its application to Southeast Asian contexts where protracted displacement remains insufficiently explored.

Sous /a direction de Nicoué Lodjou GA Y/BOR professeur à l'UB, historien M. Louis Sényon ADOTEVI, assistant, historien Mme Dola Angèle AGUIGAH, maître-assistant, archéologue M. Zingan ALlHONOU, historien Mme Zokia d'ALMEIDA-HOUNDEDOKE, historienne MM.Koti Antoine AKIBODE, maître de conférences, géographe Yawo AMOUZOUVI, maître-assistant, cartographe Jean-Claude BARBIER, chargé de recherche (ORSTOM), sociologue lébéné Philippe BOLOUVI, professeur, linguiste Adovi Nbùéké GOEH-AKUE, maître-assistant, historien Mme Chantal GUILMAIN-GAUTHIER, ethnologue, chargée d'enseignement à l'IUTB (Université de Bordeaux IV) MM. Léon KABERUKA, historien Komi 'KOSSI-TITRIKOl:), maître-assistant, anthropologue Koti KPARAKI, historien Yves MARGUERAT, directeur de recherches (ORSTOM), historien et géographe Badjow TCHAM, maître-assistant, historien Saisie informatique Mise en paqe Kafui Tsotso MENSAH Raoul Nicoué AMOYI Cartes réalisées par Mme Elisabeth AUBERTON-HABERT au laboratoire de cartographie du centre ORSTOM d'ile-de-France, sous la direction de MM. PELTRE et MARGUERAT. ' Cet ouvrage a été réalisé dans le cadre du projet CAMPUS "Mise en place et dynamique des peuples du Togo", financé par le Ministère français de la Coopération.

This article examines the chronic instability of the legal framework governing elections in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) across its four electoral cycles (2006, 2011, 2018, and 2023). Each cycle was marked by significant reforms of the 2006 electoral law, often perceived as tailored to political interests, thereby fueling distrust and recurrent electoral crises. While the Constitution and related electoral laws provide a formal basis for democratic processes, their repeated revisions—combined with disputes over the independence and credibility of the Electoral Commission (CEI/CENI)—have generated political tensions, violent contestations, and weakened institutional legitimacy. The article first outlines the legal instruments that structured each electoral cycle, from the establishment of multipartyism and voter registration in 2006 to the innovations of biometric enrollment, electronic voting, and gender quotas in later years. It then analyzes how the politicization of electoral management bodies, coupled with non-consensual reforms, has eroded public confidence and exacerbated divisions between ruling authorities, opposition, and civil society. In conclusion, the study argues that the volatility of the electoral framework undermines both democratic consolidation and political stability. It raises the question of whether deeper structural reforms—including referendums on electoral law changes or alternative models of election management—could restore credibility and legitimacy to the DRC’s electoral process.

Since the turn of the century, China has emerged as a significant player in Africa's economic activities, driven in part by the abundant natural resources found in many African regions. One country of particular interest to China is the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), known for its vast reserves of ores and minerals, essential for the Chinese industrial sector. This explains China's increased presence in the DRC over the past two decades and the growing interest within the academic community, positioning China-DRC relations as one of the emerging topics in the field of Sino-African relations. This piece investigates the evolution of China-DRC relations, focusing on the Sicomines agreement-initially signed in 2007 and amended several times-which remains one of the most significant resource-financed infrastructure (RFI) deals between China and Africa to date. It also outlines the structure of the deal, explores the dynamics at play during the 2007-2009 agreement negotiations, and examines the extent to which the Sicomines agreement has produced mutual benefits. Moreover, it examines the most recent developments and the impacts of the Sicomines agreement at the socioeconomic level in the DRC and provides relevant evidence about China's RFI model, which is key to determining China's pivotal role as one of the most important partners in the rebuilding of the DRC. It argues that so far, the Sicomines agreement has not delivered expected beneficial effects promised by Chinese and DRC governments. On the contrary, the evidence shows that while Chinese companies have secured access to some of the most important mining sites in the DRC-such as the Tenke Fungurume Mine-the progress of the Chinese infrastructure projects has been slow and, in many cases, fraught with difficulties.

This paper delves into Athol Fugard's play, Sizwe Banzi is Dead, to examine the representation of apartheid and its far-reaching consequences on individuals and society. The paper illuminates how apartheid perpetuates systemic oppression, erases identities and undermines human dignity. The objective of the paper is to critically examine the play through the lens of Critical Race Theory and Intersectionality, highlighting the intersections of race, class and power. By employing Critical Race Theory, the paper examines the structural and institutional dimensions of apartheid, while Intersectionality unfurls the multiplicative effects of oppression on individuals. The paper reveals that Sizwe Banzi's experiences exemplify the dehumanising effects of apartheid, including forced assimilation, economic exploitation and psychological trauma. The intersections of race, class and gender compound the forms of oppression faced by Black South Africans, reinforcing the significance of Intersectionality in understanding these complex dynamics. The analysis demonstrates the significance of Critical Race Theory and Intersectionality in understanding the complex dynamics of oppression and resistance. Sizwe Banzi is Dead serves as a powerful critique of apartheid, exposing its destructive legacy.

África atraviesa un auge de revoluciones conservadoras que combinan regresión autoritaria, ataques a libertades democráticas, asenso del extremismo religioso e instrumentalización de teorías conspirativas. En este transitar hacia el iliberalismo cada vez más regímenes africanos han encontrado un aliado estratégico en Rusia, cuyas campañas de propaganda y desinformación amplifican las narrativas antioccidentales para apuntalar su influencia y hacer de su modelo de gobierno un referente al que emular.

As inevitable as this trend has become however, many scholars project their dissatisfaction with globalization by amplifying the negative sides of globalization to the point of warning against it. It is against this negative hermeneutics of globalization that Kanu, in the paper under review, attempted a reinterpretation of globalization within the context of his philosophy of Igwebuike from an Igbo – African perspective.

After conquering the question of whether there is an African philosophy, emphasis of African philosophers shifted to what constitutes African philosophy. Sequel to this development, African philosophy began to be categorized into trends and schools by some African scholars. In furtherance of this development, Kanu categorized the trends or schools of African philosophy into the universalist trend, particularist trend, eclectic trend, national ideological trend, sage philosophy, literary school and hermeneutic trend, each of which he highlighted in the paper under review with the aim of establishing Igwebuike as an eclectic ontoligco – Existential Trend in African philosophy.

NRIC is a model that has been piloted by Gen. Salim Saleh to kick-start effective national socio-economic transformation of Uganda. He has successfully established an Industrial and Logistics Hub as an enabling environment for the smallholder farmers. The Industrial and Logistics Hub in Namunkekera, Kapeeka Sub-County is an incentive to smallholder farmers to become more productive

في ظل التحولات الجيوسياسية التي تعرفها إفريقيا جنوب الصحراء، تتبدّى الدبلوماسية الدينية كأداة استراتيجية لبناء النفوذ الرمزي وتعزيز الاستقرار الروحي، حيث ينهض المغرب بدور متميز من خلال مؤسسة محمد السادس للعلماء الأفارقة، باعتبارها أحد تجليات “القوة الناعمة” المؤسسة على الشرعية الدينية والتاريخية. فقد أضحت المرجعية المالكية الأشعرية، في هذا السياق، وسيلة لإعادة تشكيل الانتماء الديني المشترك، ووسيلة ناعمة لمواجهة التطرف وترسيخ الأمن الروحي. ينطلق المقال من تأصيل نظري لمفهوم القوة الناعمة، من خلال انتقال الفكر السياسي من الهيمنة الصلبة إلى الجاذبية الرمزية، مبرزًا كيف استثمر المغرب، بذكاء، رصيده الديني في توجيه سياساته الإفريقية. ويتم التوقف عند خصوصية المقاربة المغربية التي لا توظف الدين فقط كرمز تقليدي، بل كوسيط حضاري فعّال في نسج علاقات متوازنة مع شعوب إفريقيا جنوب الصحراء. وبتحليل علمي لأنشطة المؤسسة، يبرز المقال الأثر الميداني لهذه الدبلوماسية الروحية، دون أن يغفل التحديات الثقافية والسياسية المحيطة بها. وتخلص الدراسة إلى ضرورة بلورة نظرية مغاربية للقوة الناعمة الدينية تنفتح على المقاربات السوسيولوجية والدينية لفهم العلاقات الدولية في المجال الإفريقي.

This Afterword reflects on contemporary debates around decolonial and anti-imperial knowledge production in Cameroon and broader Francophone Africa. Drawing from engagements in Yaoundé (and beyond) during 2023–25, it situates local intellectual practices within global discussions on epistemic justice, racialization, and the geopolitics of knowledge. The text highlights dynamic scholarly exchanges, from critiques of Eurocentric paradigms to calls for methodological innovation, while acknowledging persistent hierarchies within African universities. By foregrounding Cameroonian and Central African scholarship, it emphasizes the region’s robust intellectual contributions and underscores the urgency of resisting epistemic appropriation, institutional co-optation, and the enduring violences of coloniality.

Cette étude examine la figure de style dans les romans contemporains de Fatou Fanny Cissé, Maéva et Les nuages du passé, dans le contexte de la littérature africaine francophone. En s'appuyant sur des critiques littéraires récentes, l'analyse s'inscrit dans une perspective décoloniale, s'interrogeant sur le rôle des figures de style dans la tension entre oralité et écriture, ainsi qu'entre esthétique et engagement politique. L'approche qualitative repose sur une analyse stylistique des deux oeuvres, en intégrant des théories de la stylistique textuelle, de la critique postcoloniale et féministe. Les figures de style, telles que métaphores, ironies et personnifications, sont étudiées pour leur fonction narrative et émotionnelle. L'analyse révèle une utilisation dense et significative des figures de style, qui servent à exprimer des thèmes de mémoire, de trauma et d'identité. Les procédés littéraires permettent à Fanny-Cissé de rétablir des voix souvent marginalisées et de créer une esthétique ancrée dans la culture africaine. En conclusion, les figures de style ne se contentent pas d'embellir le texte, mais deviennent des vecteurs d'engagement et de mémoire. Cette étude souligne la nécessité d'approfondir l'analyse des techniques stylistiques dans la littérature ivoirienne contemporaine, en encourageant des recherches futures sur les oeuvres d'autrices africaines pour valoriser leur richesse formelle et sociale.

Mots-clés : figure de style, littérature francophone africaine, contemporaine, oralité, esthétique stylistique décoloniale.

South Africa's 2024-2025 G20 Presidency emerges as a critical juncture in Africa's quest for economic sovereignty and political cohesion amid global power realignments (Mamabolo, 2025; Mkandawire, 2011). This study interrogates the interplay between South Africa's global economic leadership and its domestic governance structures, focusing on governments of national unity as instruments of political stability and

Development studies have developed different frameworks to explain how nations reach prosperity, among which Political settlement is one of the latest attempts to readjust the new institutional economics framework to come up with better explanations. In this note, we present the latest meaning of political settlement, explain the discrepancies in their viewpoints and typologies that scholars have created so far. Finally, we discuss the implications of political settlement framework to make more efficient policies.

The injustice and chaos in the Niger Delta region of Nigeria resulting from the manner in which the oil industry is being run and regulated have since captured the attention of the world. Importantly, the 2011 UNEP Report on the Environmental Assessment of Ogoniland (a Niger Delta community) which revealed shocking levels of ecological degradation has helped to keep the issue on the front burners of international discussion. In this light, this article explores the nature of injustice in the oil producing areas of Nigeria; it assesses the regulatory mechanisms that have been set up to prevent and reverse the injustice in the region; and based on the inadequacies of the present system, it makes recommendations as to how the mechanisms might be better strengthened, and governance executed, all in a manner that is more responsive to the plight of the affected people.

Italy has been described as a ‘middle power’ in international politics. While middlepowerness is an ambiguous term, in Italian self-conceptions it refers to a middle-ranking power with limited resources that can achieve its foreign policy goals by expanding its influence in international organisations and through bilateral relations with larger powers. The relationship with the United States, Italy’s main ally, is particularly important, but cooperation with non-Western great powers - notably Russia and China - as well as with Italy’s Southern Mediterranean Arab neighbours has been a significant constituent of Italy’s middlepowerness too. Cooperative relations with non-Western powers once gave Italy a degree of autonomy in foreign policy. However, growing US-China competition and the Russian invasion of Ukraine have put this policy under severe strain. Through an analysis of the foreign policy of Giorgia Meloni’s government, this article argues that structural factors and Rome’s political choices have combined to weaken Italy’s middle power status. Greater subordination to US foreign policy weakened the non-Western vectors of Italy’s middlepowerness. Simultaneously, Italy had a marginal role within NATO and the EU. Since Trump’s re-election, Meloni has faced the uneasy task of balancing her privileged relationship with the US president with cooperation with European partners.

Academic blogging has typically been a form of digital scholarship that is under-utilized in academia. Although there are both costs and benefits to blogging at different stages in an academic's career, blogs can provide a rewarding platform for bringing research and academic perspectives to a wide-reaching and broader audience. This note explores the different experiences of each of the co-authors in terms of using blogs for their scholarly communication. The experiences and lessons gained are of particular relevance to urban planners, sociologists, and anthropologists, who study the social, economic, and historical elements of the city. The findings suggest that the motivations and approaches of scholarly blogging are diverse but overall add value to the academic community. Moreover, each testimony in this note provides examples of the benefits of blogging for research, collaboration, and engagement.

This paper examines how Ugandan media, particularly Daily Monitor and Red Pepper, reported on the violence surrounding the 2020 presidential election campaign, specifically focusing on the period in November 2020. It investigates the role of the press in shaping narratives about political violence and examines how media outlets framed these events through the lenses of gatekeeping and framing theories. The paper focuses on November 2020 a period (month) which left lives of more than 54 people lost and scores nursing bullet wounds from security agencies. The paper applied a mixed methods approach whereby data was collected using content analysis and in-depth interviews. The paper has discovered that security narratives that The Press glorifies violence is unfound. The paper lists gaps the press needs to address in order to give a satisfying coverage of election violence especially in dictatorial regimes like that of Museveni.