Early American Literature

In this paper, I will argue that the typological interpretation of Hosea 11:1 in Matthew 2:15 is the most biblical and accurate. In doing so, I submit that typology as a hermeneutical tool is not only present in the Hosea-Matthew passages, but that the Scripture itself as a whole, as composed of the Old Testament and New Testament, is typological in nature. After I establish the legitimacy of typology, I will examine Hosea 11:1 and Matthew’s use of the text in Matthew 2:15, and will show that the nation of Israel in the Old Covenant points to the true Israel in the person of Christ in the New Covenant; the national Israel as a type, and the Lord Jesus Christ as the antitype. Along the way, I will address some objections raised against the typological interpretation of Hosea 11:1 and present the nuanced Reformed Baptist view of typology, which distinguishes them from the broader Reformed perspective.

Fontainville Abbey (1794), by William Dunlap, inspired by Ann Radcliffe's Romance of the Forest (1791), is a play that has been relegated to oblivion. Dunlap is considered an outstanding historian, as well as the first American playwright and the first Gothic writer in the country. Forgotten by his peers, Dunlap was also forgotten by the academy. The aim of this article is to show how Dunlap's melodramatic dramaturgy and its dialogue with American literature's seminal texts serve as a receptacle for memory and how this memory, in this case, the memory of the history of American melodramatic (Gothic?) theater, is transformed into phantasmagoria.

Al autor de este libro, a pesar de su juventud, no se le puede reputar de inexperto o principiante cuando se trata de investigaciones sobre literatura comparada, literatura estadounidense u otras obras americanas de la Edad Moderna o Contemporánea. Ya ha tenido la oportunidad de demostrar la eficacia de sus métodos de estudio en ocasiones anteriores,  que se caracterizan por los siguientes aspectos clave: a) análisis desde diferentes prismas y enfoques; b) profundos conocimientos de la lengua inglesa; c) bibliografía exhaustiva y pertinente. La publicación aquí reseñada no es una excepción, siendo un reflejo fiel de la metodología que aplica Correoso Rodenas en sus indagaciones.

The United States as we know it today is the result of a long history of territorial acquisition. At the time of European contact in the late fifteenth century North America was home to thousands of indigenous tribal communities. What followed was a lengthy process of conquest, genocide, and annexation as European colonial powers established settlements that became the continental United States. Consequently, the "America" referenced in a seventeenth-century literary text is different to that found in an eighteenth-century work, and even in a nineteenth-century text what is referred to as "America" or the United States probably is not what we envision from a twenty-first century perspective. Therefore, this account of the emergence of the American nation begins with an overview of the process of territorial expansion that formed the contemporary nation-state. The English hegemony of early America was established with the terms of the Treaty of Paris (1763) which displaced French and Spanish colonial interests east of the Mississippi.

Sixteenth and seventeenth-century printers drew from a steady repertoire of images whose repetition was part of the accrediting mechanism of early modern text technology.  Publishers like Theodor de Bry and Levinus Hulsius, whose firms were active between the 1590s and 1630s, employed entrepreneurial marketing schemes that relied on the recycling of earlier motifs that would have been recognizable to consumers. Among the most repeated images, we might call these sustainable images, were those designed to visualize travelers’ encounters with extra-Europeans. While perhaps predictably exotic, many of these images became in some respects, more importantly, familiar to their readers and viewers. By recycling images from the classical tradition and costume literature, publishers assimilated unfamiliar peoples into the printed repertoire of familiar tropes. Instead of challenging credulity, however, the particularity of these pirated designs had the effect of both naturalizing the exotic and bringing them closer to home. This essay shows the copy’s complicity in epistemological shifts in iconography and geography: it argues that a few critical visual decisions by early modern publishers planed down the marvelous to become familiar to the consumer. The wings that endowed Mercury with flight actually bridged geographic distances between the Americas and Africa in travel literature; while sightings of the headless Acephali in the Americas collapsed the temporal distance typically associated with their alterity.

These are just a few of the Chinook place names in British Columbia; and many of them identify a dozen or more other hills and valleys and rivers and lakes, like the familiar Bear Creeks and Elk Lakes and Sawtooth Mountains and Smugglers Coves of this land. Down the coast in Washington and Oregon and California, and up in Alaska, there are lots of others, names like Chumstick and Colchuk, Cosho and Coxit, Hyak and Hyas, Kahkwah and Kimtah, Katsuk and Konamoxt, Kulla Kulla and Muckamuck, Mowich and Mox, Tatoosh and Tamanos, identifying ten times as many places. Those of you who know some of them will recognize that they are not only on the coast. Up in the Interior-as the British Columbia place names confirm-Chinook was spoken and written and given back to the land, signalling sites of work and worship, of seasonal camps and permanent settlements, of old stories and new adventures, of mysterious riddles and powerful charms. Chinook was used in court cases and by royal commissions well into the twentieth century, and to translate speeches and facilitate negotiation in a wide range of situations, providing common currency to peoples from over a dozen language families, with hundreds of dialects, who lived and worked, hunted and fished, and tried to live together in a good way. Cannery managers on the coast had to know the language, and those who worked on the boats or in the woods of the Interior would have spoken it regularly. In Kamloops, a newspaper was published in Chinook during the 1890s in a shorthand script not unlike the one that became known as Cree syllabics. And in a late flourish, I am wearing my membership pin for the Tillicum Club, sponsored by the Vancouver Province in the 1950s to promote children's stories from all of the coast cultures. Shaped like a souvenir-shop totem pole, its motto is Klahowya Tillicum, which means "Greetings, friend." At least a dozen dictionaries were published in Chinook, and the Bible was translated by that energetic missionary organization, the British and Foreign Bible Society. "Okook kloosh yiems kopa Jesus Christ, Sahalee Tyee tenass," begins the gospel according to St. Mark: "This is the good story of Jesus Christ, child of the chief up above." Stories and songs in Chinook were widely performed and occasionally published, and were recorded and discussed by visitors to the region, including the formidable Franz Boas, whose dedication to the languages that give cultures their character brought anthropology down from the verandah and into the field, and helped shape the commitment to languages which characterizes my discipline, comparative literature. Chinook has had a recent celebration in a fine book by Charles Lillard and Terry Glavin titled A Voice Great Within Us. And several scholars, including the distinguished anthropologist Horatio Hale, who had worked with Iroquoian chiefs in "reading" the wampum belts to present the history of the Haudenoshaunee, saw the beginning of a complex literary tradition in Chinook. Like Hale-who late in his life published a "manual" of Chinook-Boas called Chinook a jargon, a technical language often more or less incomprehensible outside a particular craft or community. But Boas used Chinook regularly to communicate with the people of the West Coast on complex subjects, including the structure of their indigenous languages and cultures, so it must have been capable of considerable sophistication and subtlety. Others call Chinook a pidgin, a commercial "contact" language of the sort that was common in coastal communities around the world from the time of the great Portuguese trading empire, and that nourished inland commerce as well. But I share with Glavin a conviction that Chinook is best called a creole, like Jamaican or Haitian or Tok Pisin, one of the official languages of Papua New Guinea and spoken by several million people. And to those who think that Chinook was a dog's breakfast of a language, I would mention that in the middle ages the Irish Gaelic poets, dedicated to the purity of their language and deeply opposed to linguistic miscegeny, dismissed the upstart hybrid that was English as "excremental." Chinook takes its name, some of its structure, and a good deal of its early words from the language of the aboriginal people of the lower Columbia River, who (among many other things) helped Lewis and Clark get through the brutally wet winter of 1805-06 when they arrived on the West Coast along the Snake River and down the Columbia. Their descendants are still trying to have their tribal status restored, opposed not only by the Indian Bureau but by other tribes who fear they may lose out. Chamberlin

This study places Noah Webster in the literary tradition of the Connecticut Wits, drawing on primary and secondary sources, including histoires, biographies, and literary studies. While not classified among the Connecticut Wits, Webster reflected much of their opinions, closely mirroring Timothy Dwight and others in fearing democratic reforms and defending the role of religion in the public square. With the bicentennial of Webster's dictionary approaching, scholars should examine his connections with one of the first literary movements in the new nation's history.

This Black Feminist Art thesis project displays Black lives with full representational impact and it allows a space for agency to be shown. Through an empirical literature review, original poetry and artwork this thesis expresses dimensions of Black feminist/womanist voices. The purpose of this thesis is putting real images of Black lives out into the world in order to have a positive impact, giving young girls an artistic role model that looks like them, and the ability to read a book with images and stories of lives that may resemble theirs, lastly sharing a social commentary as well as a collection of poems from my perspective that sends a message of one Black woman’s view about the world around her through different lenses. 3 Chapter 1 What is Black Art? Black Art can be best defined by Maulana Karenga. Art according to Maulana Karenga in the fourth edition of his Introduction to Black Studies is “cultural production informed by standards of creativity and beauty and inspired by...

Review of Charles Swift and Nicholas J. Frederick, eds. They Shall Grow Together: The Bible in the Book of Mormon. Provo: Religious Studies Center, Brigham Young University and Deseret Book, 2022. xxii + 500 pp. Hardcover: $29.99. ISBN: 9781950304301.

Il sociologo Max Weber (1864-1920) nel proprio saggio "Etica Protestante e lo Spirito del capitalismo" (1904-1905) individuava nella dottrina calvinista della predestinazione a salvezza, un elemento di connessione tra il lavoro del credente/ eletto ed il capitalismo. Tale connessione è stata spesso utilizzata dai pensatori protestanti, per motivare il progresso e successo economico e sociale dei paesi in cui le idee riformate sul valore positivo del lavoro si sono diffuse, a d i f f e r e n z a d i q u e i p a e s i d o v e i l cattolicesimo ha di fatto contribuito a perpetuare una concezione del lavoro non come "vocazione", ossia una modalità di servizio reso a Dio, ma come espressione di un'attività "inferiore" dalla quale cercare di liberarsi per dedicarsi ad attività maggiormente "spirituali"; tale costrutto avrebbe contribuito a bloccare il processo di ammodernamento delle strutture politiche, sociali ed economiche. La connessione individuata da Weber, era fondata sul presupposto che i credenti di area riformata, persuasi di essere stati predestinati a salvezza, ossia salvati in maniera da prescindere totalmente dai meriti, maturavano la consapevolezza che la propria esistenza terrena non avrebbe influenzato in modo sostanziale il loro rapporto con Dio. Il compito del fedele successivamente alla salvezza, nell'opinione di Calvino, si esprimeva nel dare sostanza alla persuasione di essere stato scelto immeritatamente da Dio, orientando la propria vita in funzione di tale convinzione. Lavorare incessantemente diveniva lo strumento divino principale attraverso cui il credente poteva rinnovare e tenere viva la propria consapevolezza di essere un eletto. Nell'opinione di Weber, la persuasione del lavoro come di una specie di "ascesi intra-mondana" rappresentava il punto di contatto con il capitalismo moderno. Nel pensiero calvinista, l'attività lavorativa non è conseguenza della disobbedienza adamitica (Gen.3:17-19), ma presente già ben prima dell'ingresso del peccato nel mondo (Gen. 2:15); il lavoro è lodevole, poichè assolve ad una duplice funzione sociale e religiosa, manifestando come due aspetti del "bene": una funzione "negativa" ossia quella di allontanare i fedeli dalle tentazioni della vita, ed una funzione "positiva" ossia avvicinarli a Dio. Investire il proprio tempo nel lavoro, mette al riparo il credente dalle tentazioni di quella potenza malvagia rappresentata dal "mondo", tenendo lontano il piacere personale, ritenuto sospetto e pericoloso, ed avvicinando il fedele a Dio. La predestinazione calvinista è connessa alla dottrina cristiana della "redenzione", ossia della liberazione del peccato, che ben si presta ad illustrare il rapporto tra religione e società. Nel saggio di Weber, "Economia e Società" (1922), pubblicato due anni dopo la sua morte, vi è un brano dove vengono analizzate le modalità attraverso cui le diverse religioni elaborano la "promessa" di redenzione. Tali diverse concezioni della redenzione sono tutte basate sulle

This essay examines how Robert Montgomery Bird’s Sheppard Lee (1836)
uses the political affect of “democratic confusion” to detail the potentials and pitfalls of representation in late eighteenth- and early nineteenth-century America. Bird’s novel describes the journeys of Sheppard Lee, a man who discovers he can move his consciousness into corpses and reanimate them. Instead of focusing solely on Lee, the novel uses the conceit of metempsychosis to depict Lee’s transformation into six other characters, adapting Ancient Greek definitions of “character” that stressed the concept’s exemplifying power. Yet with each transformation, Lee experiences bafflement, and these states of confusion provide an analogy to the political representation of a variegated constituency by an official. For Bird, representation depends on what Alexis de Tocqueville called a “confused clamour”; indeed, personifying voters could not occur without it. At the same time, this article charts out Bird’s limitations for this vision of a prolific, if complicated, democracy. The novel ultimately contends that representatives could not comprehend voters without this affective state, even as Bird curtails its productive nature along racial lines. By the ending of the novel, private bewilderment moves into the public domain in a scene of mass racial violence that clarifies the tension Bird identifies in democratic confusion.

The spiritual and cultural practices of indigenous communities play a significant role in shaping their personality, worldview and value systems. This study explores the spiritual practices of the Birhor tribe and their role in fostering informal value education. Data were collected from six Birhor community elders using semi-structured questionnaire. The findings highlighted that the tribe's spiritual practices sigi influence their worldview. These practices have profoundly shaped the Birhor s value system, contributing to their resilience and survival over generations. Finally, the study highlights the need to preserve these practices as valuable contribution to the Indian knowledge System (IKS) and integrate the learning's into pedagogical frameworks o enrich education and promote cultural sustainability.

art historians, and those working on the Black Atlantic. However, although historians are an underrepresented bunch among the contributors, cultural historians as well as historians of the Atlantic world, African-American history, and the African diaspora also will find value in the work. The authors have done much to erase the erasure that has characterized slave portraiture in the Atlantic world for so long.

19th-century female author Catharine Maria Sedgwick's 1827 novel, Hope Leslie, or Early Times in the Massachusetts, portrays the eponymous Heroine, Hope Leslie, who is born and orphaned in England and comes to a Puritan community in Massachusetts, New England. Hope's trans-Atlantic experience allows her a peculiar position between a Native American community and a white settler one, and this trope has been popular in Hope Leslie criticism. While many critics focus on the female characters and their interracial intimacy, this paper attempts to explore peripheral male characters and undiscussed themes in the novel by shedding more light on Mr. William Fletcher, Hope's uncle, delving into a reading of Hope Leslie as a blueprint for a uniquely American form of manhood, in reaction to traditional English

Vance: Education and the Brothertown Nation )3M immigrants had studied at Moor's Indian Charity School, a Connecticut grammar school for Native Americans, and a signiA cant portion of the movement's leaders had received a classical education. fl A close examination of their lives and writing reveals the extent to which their classical education shaped their decision to immigrate and the community that resulted. Moor's Indian Charity School, named a/ er an early donor, was established in )2-v by Eleazar Wheelock, a Congregationalist minister in North Lebanon, Connecticut. Since )232 Wheelock had supplemented his salary by operating a grammar school, or Latin school, where he prepared Anglo-American boys for college according to the standard classical curriculum of the time. In )2v3 he received an unexpected student. Samson Occom, a Mohegan Indian from nearby, had converted to Christianity in )2v) and had taught himself to read using the Bible. However, his literacy was imperfect, and he sought Wheelock out for further training. An arrangement both men thought would last a few weeks lasted four years. Occom proved to be such an exceptional scholar that Wheelock taught him Latin, Greek, and Hebrew, and he would likely have gone on to college had his eyesight not failed. Instead, he was ordained by the Long Island Presbytery in )2-M and became a famous minister, a leader of the Mohegan people, and America's A rst published Native American author. G Occom's success encouraged Wheelock to replicate the experiment. From )2-v to )2:M Wheelock provided a free education to sixty-six Indians, A / y of them male, and twenty-six of them from the seven settlements that would eventually participate in Brothertown (the remaining forty students were predominantly Delawares, Oneidas, and Mohawks). All the while, he continued to teach Anglo-American boys who paid tuition ("independent scholars") and others who promised to serve as missionaries in exchange for an education ("charity scholars"). f ( e publicity from Moor's, along with nearly J)c,666 that Occom raised in Great Britain between )2:: and )2:., gave Wheelock the A nancial and political capital to open Dartmouth College in )2:M (a move that even his contemporaries recognized as a shi/ away from Indian education, despite the fact that Wheelock continued to operate Moor's in New Hampshire). K For the most part, Wheelock's approach to Native American education was typical of Anglo-American and British missionary eH orts. He subscribed to the British Protestant conviction that Indians had to as-)v6 ZA8BC5fi0 D0ECfi0 FGfiBH8BIJ / KLBC0M NOPQ / 4RI. SO, TR. N similate to a British style of civilization before they could become Christians, and, thus, his primary concern was instilling cultural reform in his Native American students. U However, he diH ered from other educators in that he relied on the classical curriculum as a means of assimilation. BV Whatever Wheelock's intentions, Latin education had a long legacy in the West and brought with it a set of pedagogical practices and cultural norms that aH ected Wheelock's students in complex and unforeseen ways. ( is essay seeks to reinterpret the Brothertown movement in the context of its founders' classical education, which scholars have generally mentioned in passing or even dismissed. BB By drawing on Pierre Bourdieu's concept of habitus, it will explore the interplay between classical studies-the archetype of elite education for eighteenth-century Anglo-Americans-and Algonquian values at a time when Anglo-American society saw an inherent contradiction between Anglo-American and Indian cultures. ( e questions I seek to answer include the following: How did classical education aH ect Brothertown's founders? How did Brothertown's founders appropriate their education for their own ends? What do these processes tell us about Algonquian survivance and the social legacy of classical education? Bk ( e A rst part of this discussion analyzes the eH ects of classical education on the Brothertown movement, and the second considers how Brothertown's founders reappropriated classical education for their own purposes. In the A rst part, I draw on habitus as a theoretical framework for considering how education at Moor's in, uenced certain Algonquians' decision to found Brothertown. In the second part, I explore how these same Algonquian leaders manipulated the cultural capital associated with classical education for community purposes. I conclude with some thoughts about how this discussion contributes to broader questions of cultural adaptation and survivance in eighteenth-century Native North America, as well as marginalized groups' appropriations of classical education. WfiBH ): XIfiKKC5fiI 9EG5fiHCR0 fi0E HY8 úRBA RD WBRHY8BHRft0 ( e education that Brothertown's founders received at Moor's was intended to assimilate them to Anglo-American norms, but it did so in-

Brown's gothic novel Ormond by examining the eighteenth-century political ideas it engages. Locating what I call, following Amanda Anderson, a "cosmopolitan ideal" at the core of democratic life, Ormond, I argue, registers the influence of both Montesquieu's Spirit of the Laws and The Federalist on Brown's thought concerning the relationship between political institutions and the "spirit"-the manners, customs, and practices-of a given people. Emphasizing these elements of the novel's concern with the nature of political analysis and reflection in a democratic world constantly threatened by violence, danger, and deceit requires us, I contend, to reassess the role of Sophia Courtland in the novel. Far from the voice of a narrow conservatism that critics have long attacked, Sophia, when properly situated in her eighteenth-century context, emerges as the novel's most astute analyst of the relationship between political ideas and the "spirit" that provides their motive force-a faculty that Ormond, following Montesquieu and Publius, suggests is necessary to the stability and survival of liberal democracy.

The enslaved eighteenth-century poet Phillis Wheatley Peters has often been
understood as a mimetic mouthpiece for her white enslavers. Here, through
close readings of her poetry and letters, I understand her work through the
fugitive imaginings of freedom in contemporary Black studies scholarship,
finding in her complex poetics textual catachresis and irony that elude the
understanding of her audience. Through subtle references to an alternative
African past, subsumed in the American regime of slavery and yet ongoing in
a fugitive poetic imaginary, Wheatley Peters constructs a way out of her
enslavement without reference to the future, but rather to the opening of an
alternative past. Living during the US Revolutionary War, in a period of
intense belief in the political establishment of an ideal future, Wheatley
Peters’ ability to flee into a catachrestic past constitutes a radical movement
against the homogenising operation of America’s foundation. Tracing
Wheatley Peters’ movements through Fred Moten, Saidiya Hartman, and
Alexander Weheliye as pushing beyond the limitations of freedom as
theorised by Jean-Luc Nancy, I de ne Wheatley Peters’ poetics as "freedom
from Freedom". This essay rede nes the very beginning of Black American
literature through a poetic philosophy of freedom from Freedom.

This essay reads Phillis Wheatley Peters’s poetry for the way in which it reimagines a British sense of lyric history that had long excluded Black women like herself but in which she was nevertheless bound to work. It demonstrates that Weatley Peters negotiated the lyric as a genre circumscribed by whiteness in her association of racialized tropes, such as the personification of melancholy, with images of death and natural destruction. By staying with her small-scale works of private loss, this essay puts pressure on the notion that she sought a place of belonging within the imperial culture from which her writing drew by arguing that her work posed a visionary challenge to British culture’s totalizing ends. In the attention that they give to individual and collective endings, Wheatley Peters’s poems complicate notions of civilizational progress that were central to the British literary nationalism of the eighteenth century. It is in this eschatological dimension of loss that Wheatley Peters’s experience as an enslaved woman appears in her poetics and transforms the cultural values manifest in the literary forms through which she wrote.

It is a vanishingly rare event to have an artifact or a pictorial image that can be linked to a specific Native American from the era of the American Revolution. In this study the author has obtained copies of a painting and a presentation pistol relating to the Mohawk Chief Captain David Hill Karonghyontye, as well as a scrimshaw map etched on a powder horn by Captain Seth Hill Kanenkaregowagh. Seth was the nephew of David, and inherited his uncle's Bear Clan hereditary title of Astawenserontha. Photographic copies of all of these items are included in the current work.

Reuben Gold Thwaites'in kaleme aldığı The Romance of Mississippi Valley History, Mississippi Vadisi'nin zengin ve dramatik tarihini, epik bir anlatımla sunuyor. İlk yerli halkların yaşamından, Avrupalı kaşiflerin maceralarına, sınır boylarındaki destansı mücadelelere ve kıtanın şekillenmesine kadar uzanan bu eser, tarihin kuru bir anlatıdan çok daha fazlası olduğunu gösteriyor. Thwaites, tarih ile hikâye anlatıcılığının iç içe geçtiği bir yaklaşımla, okuyucularına Mississippi Vadisi'nin bilinmeyen köşelerini keşfetme fırsatı sunuyor. Kolonileşme dönemindeki Fransız, İspanyol ve İngiliz etkilerini, Amerikan Devrimi’nden Batı’nın fethine uzanan olayları ve vadinin nasıl bir ulusun kaderini şekillendirdiğini, büyüleyici bir üslupla aktarıyor. Tarih, yalnızca akademik bir alan değil, bir milletin kimliğini oluşturan canlı bir hikâyedir anlayışıyla yazılan bu eser, tarih severler kadar edebiyat tutkunları için de kaçırılmayacak bir kaynak. Mississippi Vadisi'nin romantizmi ve destansı geçmişiyle tanışmaya hazır olun!

First published in 1802, Monima offers a unique look at the lives of the poor in Philadelphia: Describing her novel as "a very plain picture of life," a plea on behalf of the "oppressed, and life-worn children of affliction,'' the author exposes the class fractures within a society we have mythologized as egalitarian (99). Such myths, the novel shows, are based on ignorance; as one character, awakened to the existence of the poor, remarks, "one half of the world don't know how the other half live" (196). Though the identity of Monima's author was not discovered for over 220 years, the novel's focus on the immigrant underclass reflects her lived experience. Mary Endress Ralston was the trilingual child of German and French immigrants whose fortunes rose and fell in the Revolutionary era. But rather than writing a factual record of her life, Mary Ralston created her portrait of Monima and her world through a complex multilingual and multiethnic alchemy. The resulting novel, which highlights language justice through the trials of its beleaguered heroine and her father, is a complex synthesis of literary modes that has been largely overlooked. We are proud to present Monima, the first American novel by an English,language learner, and Mary Endress Ralston, an early American novelist who has been hiding in plain sight. In 1801, readers of The Ladies' Monitor encountered the early chapters of "The Beggar-Girl," projected as a novel depicting the sufferings of a teenaged French immigrant to Philadelphia named Monima, who lives an impover, ished existence with her feeble father, Monsieur Fontanbleu. Published by Isaac Newton Ralston, The Ladies' Monitor aimed "The Mind to Improve and yet Amuse." 1 Each of the seven surviving issues features an installment of "The Beggar..Oirl" on the front page. For their generous replies to our queries and/or readings of the manuscript, we thank

That indigenous peoples told simplistic origin stories to explain natural phenomena in lieu of science was one argument “primitive mentality” was irrational, an argument thoroughly debunked by Boas and his students by collecting authentic stories. Proliferation of cute picture-book and schoolbook fakelore “origin legends,” rooted in Romanticism, at expense of knowledge of authentic tales, leaves the impression that indigenous literature was childish and unsophisticated. “Indian legends made up for the tourists” abound.

An Ovid-like romantic story of a mother bear watching over her drowned cubs, as the origin for Sleeping Bear Dune, on Lake Michigan, and the offshore Manitous Islands, functions as typical fakelore, reinforcing the erroneous stereotype.

Although almost certainly created after the civil war, with mixed-blood schoolteacher Sophia Bailly Graveraet prime candidate as author, the so-called Legend of Sleeping Bear actually has a more interesting provenance than the usual fakelore, having been told within the Little Traverse Odaawaa community, with whom Mrs. Graveraet was associated, about 100 km to the north, before emerging as a tourist legend, and later as grist for the picture-book mill.

“Tracking the Sleeping Bear” thoroughly explores the historical, cultural, linguistic, and folkloric dimensions and evidence, including extensive quotes from primary sources and authentic landsmark origin and bear tales.

This essay examines the historical development and implications of the term Papismo as an interpretative category for Catholicism in the British world. It traces its origins from early Reformation polemics, highlighting how Protestant rhetoric framed the Catholic Church primarily through its hierarchical structure and papal authority. Villani explores the visual and textual propaganda that shaped anti-Catholic sentiment in England, particularly the association of Papismo with superstition, political absolutism, and religious corruption. The study also contextualizes the evolution of the term within broader linguistic and conceptual shifts, comparing it to other religious "-isms" that emerged in the same period. By analyzing travel accounts, theological debates, and legal documents, the essay demonstrates how the term Papismo functioned as both a tool of religious differentiation and a mechanism for reinforcing Protestant identity. Ultimately, it argues that this label played a crucial role in constructing an enduring opposition between British Protestantism and Roman Catholicism, a dynamic that persisted well into the modern era.

In "Culture as a Mirror: Reflections of a Career TESOL Instructor," the author explores the complex nature of culture through personal anecdotes and metaphors. Acknowledging the difficulty of defining culture, images like enigmas, icebergs, webs, and soups are employed to illustrate its multifaceted character. Drawing from experiences in diverse cultures around the globe, the author reflects on how these encounters have shaped his understanding and instructional practices of “teaching culture.”

This essay discusses the challenges of teaching intercultural communicative competence (ICC) in the TESOL classroom, referencing scholars like Michael Byram and Clifford Geertz to highlight both the possibilities and limitations of such efforts. In a rhizomatic move, the essay examines contradictions within American culture, particularly the ideals of freedom juxtaposed with the history of slavery, using historical accounts from figures like J. Hector St. John de Crèvecœur and Charles Dickens.

Ultimately, the author concludes that while fully grasping another culture may be unattainable, embracing metaphors is an essential step in fostering cultural awareness.

That Marooned Thing" mobilizes experimental and adoptive narratives for a Haudenosaunee purging stick, one of the earliest Native American objects collected in the British Museum. The artifact came to London in 1710, when the so-called Four Indian Kings visited Queen Anne, and survived in an underexamined nook of Sir Hans Sloane's curio collection. Through collaboration with Native scholars and panoramic collation of English and Dutch colonial accounts never written with the artifact in mind, this essay examines how discordant and unreliable records may yield suggestive information about the marooned stick. Beleaguering the position of the mis-and underrecorded, the article constructs speculative narratives to open up the artifact's slim official record by tracing the limits of what might be known alongside that which cannot be recovered.

prayers in Wampanoag? More directly perhaps, the scene articulates lingering apprehensions of Eliot's English audience. Could the locutions of "savage barbarians," as Governor William Bradford put it in Of Plymouth Plantation (31), render the complexities of Christian faith? Which is to say: could God really speak in Wampanoag? Questions of language engrossed Eliot's generation on both sides of the Atlantic. The seventeenth century was a period acutely attuned to issues of speech, linguistic diversity, and the discursive foundations of spiritual legitimacy. As over ten thousand novel words flooded into English, freshly coined and borrowed from afar, lexicographers and grammarians busily charted the standard of the nation's vernacular.3 It is within this larger context that Eliot answers the Nipmuk's query about whether God was familiar with Indian tongues or if they "prayed in vaine." Citing divine omniscience, Eliot's response accommodates conflicting linguistic orders, pagan and English, within a single Christian universe of discourse. "If he [God] made them both [English and Indian]," Eliot sermonizes, "then hee knew all that was within man and came from man, all his desires, and all his thoughts, and all his speeches, and so all his prayers, and if hee made Indian men, then hee knows all Indian prayers also" (Clark 85). The creator who made all things supposedly understands all tongues. Eliot's response argues for linguistic equality between the Old and New Worlds and between radically different verbal practices. By and large, however, scholars have assumed that European settlers never contemplated such a possibility for equality. Native Americans, so the received opinion of the encounter goes, were imagined as either lacking language or as prattling in heavily corrupted tongues. In Learning to Curse, Stephen Greenblatt famously theorized this paradigm as "linguistic colonialism" (17). Here the usurped Caliban of Shakespeare's The Tempest, who could only "gabble like a thing most brutish" (3066), stands for the European denigration of indigenous tongues. But might it be that we all too quickly generalize this model of linguistic imperialism? This essay seeks to rattle Caliban's imperial prison house of language and focuses on Protestant Anglo-American renderings of native speech and their transatlantic traditions between 1640 and 1670. While Caliban has served as a powerful model feeding the lively current of postcolonial studies on the polemics of exploitation, racism, and slavery, this model has also deafened us to the seductive power of native

In colonial Latin America, the Catholic Church was a powerful institution that had a huge impact on gender relations. While it is often argued that the Church was an oppressor, particularly for women, a closer examination shows us a far more nuanced influence. In certain cases, the Church despite its patriarchal structure gave women many opportunities for intellectual development, protections in marriage, and a moral framework.

In 2010 researchers have more resources at their fingertips than at any time previously in history. Databases such as America's Historical Newspapers make searching thousands of pages of extremely rare and geographically diverse newspapers a pleasurable task that can be done from the comfort of one's home. Amassing a body of evidence illuminating the portrayal of the Shakers, or Shaking Quakers (as they were more commonly known), in the eighteenth-century American press has become a goal that can be reasonably achieved over the course of a few days, rather than the years of painstaking labor it would have required in the not-too-distant past. Reading these accounts it is easy to see why the early Shakers felt that they and their principles had been misrepresented in print -distortions that sometimes led to mob violence against their adherents. However, much of the information conveyed in popular accounts of the early Shakers is not found in Shaker sources, rendering these newspaper glimpses into the genesis of the American Shakers that much more valuable. In 1808 the Shakers published The Testimony of Christ's Second Appearing at Lebanon, Ohio. In the preface to that work they complained, "Many have undertaken to write and publish concerning the principles and practice of a people, who, in derision, are called SHAKERS, and either through ignorance or prejudice have misrepresented both." They further charged, "The greatest part that hath been published abroad in the world [was by] writers either unacquainted with the people, or actuated by a spirit of prejudice … nor hath any thing, hitherto, been published that meets our approbation." Most seriously, the Shakers asserted, "Some things … have been published, from a spirit of detraction and slander … stating facts in an imperfect light [and also] adding the most groundless falsities." 1 Shakerism during the 1780s and 1790s was new enough, and disturbingly wild enough, to merit the attention of the popular press. Given this fact it is unsurprising that then, as now, it was the most sensationalistic aspects of the Shakers activities that were widely reported.

s Memoirs Illustrating the History of Jacobinism incited the famous "Illuminati scare" in the United States from 1798 through 1800. Barruel argued that a shadowy Freemason group known as the Illuminati had provoked the French Revolution. Americans in the late 1790s inferred that this group was infiltrating the United States. Scholars often imagine that this scare was an instance of mass hysteria triggered by the intensity of American politics at this moment. But in fact, Americans' response to Barruel was measured, careful, and guided by the era's prevailing epistemological standards. Atlantic knowledge networks repeatedly validated (or failed to persuasively rebut) the content of the Memoirs, allowing American intellectuals such as Jedidiah Morse and Timothy Dwight to spread the conspiracy theory with the conviction of "authority." Morse was particularly significant as a mediator between these networks and American audiences. By engaging with literary reviews, the correspondence of academics, and the publications of intellectuals, Morse had good reason to accept Barruel's account. Indeed, the evidence that Morse and his allies marshalled in favor of Barruel was arguably stronger than that which was available to their critics. In this light, the Illuminati "scare" was not an irrational panic, but rather a reasonable response to the evidence available to Americans during the late 1790s. By re-examining this story through the lens of print history, transatlantic networks, and early modern processes of knowledge production, scholars can better understand the borders and limitations of early modern epistemologies, as well as the nature of early conspiracy theories.