Diplomatic Studies

In the framework of International Law, investigations into the misuse of diplomatic immunity reveal that Military Attachés (MAs) and Defence Attachés (DAs) from some states have engaged in activities exceeding their functions, yet have not been subjected to sanctions. In recent years, states have resorted to declaring at least 30 such attachés persona non grata, either individually or in groups. This study aims to explore the circumstances under which diplomatic immunity privileges are abused by MAs and DAs, analysing the threshold at which they become persona non grata and assessing their applicability in these cases. The analysis draws extensively on Articles 41 and 9 of the 1961 Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations, the foundational legal framework governing diplomatic privileges and immunities, as well as the Principles of Public International Law. This academic research Article strives to elucidate the complex interplay between diplomatic immunity and the designation of persona non grata within international relations. It examines the legal protections afforded to diplomats, the circumstances under which these privileges may be waived or revoked, and the implications for state sovereignty and diplomatic practice.

The Article also goes further to substantiate on the various juridical, diplomatic and political consequences that can result or be incurred on or by Military and or Defence Attachés, when they spy and or target dissidents, political activists, human rights defenders, 1951 Geneva Convention protected persons, opponents and critics of the government of their sending state, who are living in the receiving state. Furthermore, the Article examines the interplay between persona non grata declarations and the enforcement of international legal standards, highlighting their impact on diplomatic relations and state sovereignty. The legal scholar goes further to make recommendations and proposals for strengthening the protection of diplomatic agents and enhancing accountability mechanisms to address violations of diplomatic immunity.

This article focuses international legal scholars' attention on consular relations, consular work, and related international law. It does so for two main reasons. First, as scholars of diplomatic history and international relations have observed, consular work is of growing significance in global affairs. Second, there are largely unrealized possibilities for thinking about international law, and grappling afresh with its dilemmas, through a consular optic. International law conducted through consular offices and officials advances views of the international legal plane, its key actors, and relations among them, that are distinguishable from those advanced by diplomacy and international law as traditionally conceived. This article theorizes this distinctive logic as consular internationalism. Its argument is that consular internationalism is a richer resource for thought and practice in international law than commonly acknowledged. It is especially relevant, this article aims to show, for analyzing historical and contemporary entanglements of imperial and commercial power, grappling with the role of lay people and unofficial communities in shaping international legal order, and, potentially, supporting anti-hierarchical struggles.

his research work examines the impacts of incessant conflict on the economic development of Wukari and Takum Local Government Areas of Southern Taraba State, Nigeria. Different aspects of conflict were examined. These include ethnic, religious, and communal tensions. Conflicts are generally associated with effects on essential economic indicators like infrastructure, investment, agriculture, and human capital. The study adopted a descriptive research design using a qualitative approach in data collection. Data was collected through in-depth interviews from 16 informants, with 8 informants each from Wukari and Takum. Data collected were analysed thematically after transcription. Pluralist and elite theories were used as a theoretical framework for analysis. A thorough review of existing literature was carried out to offer insights into the mechanisms by which conflict impedes developmental efforts in Wukari and Takum. The findings show that engaging government and the local stakeholders, deployment of Security personnel, and rotational chieftaincy approved by the State House of Assembly were among the strategies adopted to curb incessant conflicts in the study areas. The study also reveals that conflict in Wukari and Takum Local Government Areas has affected the economic development of the localities.

The brisk interregional rather intercontinental trading activities through a network of overland routs during medieval ages led to the emergence of several halting places. One such place which constituted a pivotal significance for the Mughals of India and the Safavids of Persia, was Kandahar. Dotted with numerous halting places, Kandahar attained significant commercial and strategic position, during period under study. In this context, the present paper is an attempt to contextualize strategic importance for both India and Iran and explore whether the route passing through this region was a leading commercial route or only a substitute, used for emergency purposes. The study argues that the route leading through Kandahar was one of the main routes between India and Persia which was abandoned only in times of Mughal-Safavid rivalry just as the Safavid-Portuguese conflict over Hormuz diverted the sea trade through Kandahar.

Entre la documentación procedente de los monasterios cistercienses de la diócesis de Lugo – en concreto, Santa María de Meira, Santa María de Penamaior y Santa María de Ferreira de Pantón – para la Plena Edad Media (siglos XI-XIII), se conservan una veintena de pancartas, esto es, pergaminos con dos o más documentos. A través de este significativo número de ejemplares, el presente trabajo se aproxima al origen y finalidad de esta práctica diplomática, extrayendo las siguientes conclusiones: las pancartas nacen, primero, para confirmar aquellas acciones jurídicas anteriores que pueden ser impugnadas por el donante o sus herederos; en segundo lugar, para asegurar el registro escrito, ya sea en forma de cartas completas, resúmenes con lo esencial o noticias breves, ante la multiplicación de negocios hechos con pequeños nobles y campesinos acomodados de la zona; y, finalmente, para facilitar su consulta y custodia en el archivo monástico. Para demostrar dichas conclusiones realizamos un análisis
integral de las distintas piezas, atendiendo tanto a los aspectos materiales como a su contenido (soportes y morfologías, escrituras, autores jurídicos y artífices materiales, fórmulas, tradición, etc.).

HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access archive for the deposit and dissemination of scientific research documents, whether they are published or not. The documents may come from teaching and research institutions in France or abroad, or from public or private research centers. L'archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, émanant des établissements d'enseignement et de recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires publics ou privés.

À présent, tout indique qu’il faille définitivement abandonner l’hypothèse d’un Riothamus-Arthur, certes séduisante, mais fantasque et visiblement sans fondement. Le dernier mot revient à Andrew Breeze, professeur de philologie à l’Université de Navarre qui, au terme de longues et méticuleuses recherches, conclut qu’Arthur, contrairement à l’étymologie rétrograde encore défendue – entre autres fariboles – par quelques-uns, ne porte pas un nom celte évoquant l’ours, mais un nom romain, emprunté à la gens Artoria. Le transfert anthroponymique d’un nom de famille illustre utilisé comme prénom par des Britanniques romanisés, phénomène somme toute très banal, a dû se produire, comme c’est invariablement le cas, sous l’influence de la mode, pour conquérir le prestige social et pour proclamer son allégeance à l’égard du pouvoir impérial. Artorius a succombé en 537 sur le site de Camboglanna (“vallée courbe”), ancienne forteresse de légion du mur d’Hadrien qui a donné son nom à la bataille de Camlann au cours de laquelle, d’après la légende, le roi Arthur meurt ou est mortellement blessé alors qu’il combat aux côtés ou contre Mordred.

The author reserarches in this paper the political, economic and legal trends concerning the integration of Moldova in European Union. The researcher pays the greet attention to the principles of freedom and pluralistic democracy, supremacy of European law above the national law, in the non-discrimination and equality before the law, reflected in the European and national acts, as well as the principles of the market economy.

Em homenagem à minha família, particularmente ao meu pai e à minha mãe, pelo carinho, amparo absoluto e valores que continuamente me passaram, e que continuam a ser pilares estruturantes da minha vida. Ao meu irmão, amigo, conselheiro confidente e companheiro, um verdadeiro alter-Ego da minha pessoa. Um tributo muito especial à minha mulher, aquela molécula de carbono indispensável à sobrevivência do meu Ser. Pelo Amor, apoio, e pela sua jovialidade contagiante e forma de ver a Vida, e que me desafia a abrir-me ao Mundo. A todos os meus amigos, colegas, companheiros e conhecidos que passaram pela minha vida, estejam ou não presentes nela, pela marca que deixaram não só na minha memória, mas também na minha vida. Aos meus professores, verdadeiros Mestres do Conhecimento, muito particularmente ao Mestre Francisco Barbedo, pelos desafios e apoio que me tem concedido, desde o curso de especialização, passando pelo Arquivo Distrital do Porto e pela Direcção-Geral de Arquivos. Um verdadeiro exemplo de competência e profissionalismo descomprometido. Aos meus amigos e colegas da Torre do Tombo (independentemente do nome do organismo ou instituição que alberga o edifício!) e Arquivos Distritais (especialmente no do Porto e o de Braga), pelos ensinamentos e pela forma como me ensinaram a vivenciar a prática arquivística, bem longe de "academismos empoeirados". A lista é longa, mas estão bem presentes na minha lembrança. Foi uma regalia a oportunidade de ter trabalhado convosco. Estes organismos foram e continuam a ser a minha Alma Mater. Aos meus amigos e colegas da Comunidade do RODA, Miguel Ferreira, Luis Faria e Rui Castro, por suportarem as minhas infindáveis questões e pedidos. Aos meus amigos e colegas da Faculdade de Letras da Universidade de Lisboa, especialmente aos Professores António Gil Matos, Carlos Guardado da Silva, Jorge Revez e Paulo Alberto Farmhouse, pela força e incentivo. Às minhas amigas e colegas de trabalho da Biblioteca da Faculdade de Ciências da Universidade de Lisboa, nomeadamente a Margarida Pino, a Ana Fraga e Teresa Boa, pelo cuidado e atenção que tiveram a escutar as minhas dúvidas. Aos meus amigos e familiares que tiveram a paciência de me acompanhar na produção deste trabalho, e de todas as incertezas, apreensões e anseios ao longo desta lide, manifesto o meu mais sincero e profundo reconhecimento. Este trabalho pretende situar os repositórios digitais no seio da Preservação Digital e analisar como estes podem ser considerados dignos de confiança por parte dos seus utilizadores. Nesse sentido são abordadas normas e outros documentos com requisitos que têm como fim a certificação, como elementos que promovem e reforçam a confiança nos repositórios digitais, sendo proposta uma comparação entre o TRAC, a ISO 16363:2012 e o NESTOR. Neste âmbito é igualmente apresentado o RODA, repositório orientado para a preservação digital a longo prazo, aventando-se a sua avaliação com base nos requisitos propostos pelos referidos documentos.

This dissertation studies the participation of Latin American countries in the World Trade Organization (WTO). The dissertation explores the functioning of the multilateral trade community and analyzes the work of the diplomatic missions based in Geneva for a period of 20 years (1995-2014). Drawing on an extensive ethnography to actors of the diplomatic community and on archival data, the dissertation unveils the factors behind effective member participation in the multilateral trade system. Common wisdom suggests that relative power in the international system is what explains the influence of states in International Organizations (IOs). Yet the evidence gathered in this dissertation shows that diplomatic representation is equally as important as relative power for explaining participation and influence in IOs. This interdisciplinary work makes a contribution to the field of International Relations, IOs studies, and WTO scholarship, and can be useful to readers interested in Latin America’s foreign policy. It may serve as reference to governments, the private sector, and civil society to assess member performance in the WTO, and to promote better practices.

Relation of that which Jhon Dury hath prosecuted in the worke of Ecclesiasticall Pacification in Germany apparently did not reach Laud until 23 November, 1632 according to a note to this effect on the House of Lord's original version. However, this work appears to have been copied by Durie and others in slightly different versions and sent to various prominent people, probably during the first weeks of Durie's brief sojourn in England. One version was published by Charles A. Briggs in the Presbyterian Review for April 1887 (New York and Edinburgh) but Briggs never revealed where this document was to be found. Another is preserved in the Bodleian Library, Oxford. Durie quickly secured an interview with Laud and wrote to Thomas Roe from Westminster on 17 th December 1633, telling him that he had already briefed Laud on three topics concerning the state of the Protestant churches in Germany with a desire: '1. to show the state of their differences and subdivisions as well in Doctrine as affection and Church discipline one from another and amongst themselves. 3. and lastly to show their changeable conditions and y:t to agree them and to confirm their agreement a new government may be erected amongst them, and an uniformitie of divine service brought in, wherin they much differ.' 1 Durie now consulted Secretaries of State, Sir Francis Windebank, suspected of being a Crypto-Romanist and Sir John Coke, a noted Puritan and senior member of the Privy Council.

On January 30, 1956, in a Madrid cemetery, a mysterious Argentine woman watched as gravediggers exhumed a coffin from niche 34. The body inside belonged to Carlos María Ocantos, a writer who had died seven years earlier in obscurity, despite having authored 37 volumes and earning recognition fom Spain's most prestigious literary circles. What I discovered during four years of research across four countries reveals not just one of Latin American literature's most puzzling cases of collective amnesia, but potentially one of its earliest examples of systematic homophobic erasure.

On August 28, 2025, I filed Ballout v. Barrack (Case No. 2:25-cv-12727-SJM-DRG) in the U.S. District Court for the Eastern District of Michigan. This case challenges U.S. Ambassador Tom Barrack’s public description of Lebanese journalists as “animalistic” — a remark rooted in colonial rhetoric and diplomatic arrogance.
This article examines the legal, diplomatic, and strategic dimensions of the case, situating it within the Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations, U.S. Foreign Service standards, and global norms of press freedom. It argues that language in diplomacy is not symbolic, but structural — shaping peace negotiations, geopolitical narratives, and international trust.
Ultimately, the case is a test of whether the United States can reconcile its global leadership with respect for human dignity and sovereignty.

Xiv. Louis, İktidara Tek Başına Hâkim Olduğunda, Tehdit Olarak Algıladığı Tüm Unsurları Ya Ortadan Kaldırdı Ya Da Pasifize Etti. Bu Politik Oyunda Mimari Eserler De En Güçlü Sembollerdiydi. Versay Sarayı, Yönetim Anlayışının Mimaride Tecessüm Etmiş Haliydi. Les Invalides, Collège Des Quatre-Nation Ve Machine De Marly Gibi Yapılarla Popülerliğini Artırırken Place Des Victoires Ve Place Vendome Gibi Meydanlarla Otoritesini Görünür Kılıyordu. Sebastian Vauban Tarafından İnşa Edilen Kaleler İse Onun Yenilmezliğinin Sembolüydü.

The present study offers a comparative analysis of the specific nature
of documents as represented by a particular genre of the same, the
testament, in the Crown of Castile during both the later centuries of the
MiddleAges and the beginnings of the EarlyModern period. In order to
do so, different examples of wills issued by permanent members of the
elite, particularly by lay and/or ecclesiastical lords, have been consulted.
Due to the transcendental spiritual function of a testament, dying intestate
became an undesirable turn of events, since a valid will was the
necessary means to leave intact the foundations of earthly power and to
gain peace in the spiritual realm. Thus, as were important kings (who are
better studied), lords – whether counts, dukes, marquises, or archbishops,
bishops, cardinals – were always concerned with the issuance of documents in which they could clearly present their final dispositions.With
this in mind, the present article undertakes a detailed study of the legal
forms and phrasings which individuals of these social levels used, and
provides an analysis of awide range of the types of testament, of the professionals (the public or apostolic notaries) to whomthe redaction of the document was entrusted, the style adopted in each example, and the concrete results of the same.The ensuing analysis should enable a reconstruction of the social panorama of an age, while at the same time showing clearly the formal strategies used by members of both groups, clerical and lay, to preserve their last testaments in writing.

Certains liens de solidarité ne figurent pas dans les manuels. Ils se lisent dans un carnet jauni, une photo mal légendée, une note diplomatique oubliée dans un carton d'archives. Entre 1937 et 1945, l'Afrique et la Chine ont partagé bien plus que la distance d'un océan : des cargaisons venues de ports africains, des collectes populaires organisées à Nairobi ou à Dakar, et même des soldats coloniaux envoyés sur les fronts asiatiques. Longtemps, l'historiographie occidentale, centrée sur les grandes alliances américano-soviétiques, a relégué ces traces aux marges. Aujourd'hui, en recollant les fragments dispersés de cette mémoire, c'est une fraternité effacée qui refait surface-discrète, mais indéniable.

Archbishop George Abbot, with the Bishop of London, William Laud, at his side, lent a favourable ear to Durie's plans and both soon captivated by his charm, faith and great sincerity. It was not long before they, backed by a number of Men of Letters, scientists and manufacturers, decided to support the idea of a pan-Protestant and pan-European Church and also Durie's reforms concerning universal knowledge and educating ministerial candidates interested them greatly. Laud was already acting as Abbott's independent spokesman as the Archbishop was in disfavour having accidentally killed a man in a hunting accident which his many opponents felt disqualified him from the office of Archbishop. To make sure he had enough credentials to give him a good reception on the Continent, Durie published two works: his Instrumentum Theologorum Anglorum and Problemata de Pacis Ecclesiasticae Consiliis Capescendis, sending copies to the leading men in Church and State of the day. 1 It was a work which found support throughout the British churches whether amongst the Episcopalians or budding Presbyterians, Independents and Baptists. Thus, Durie received supporting signatures from leading churchmen such as Richard Sibbes,

Resumen La acción internacional es un reflejo directo del dinamismo de las interacciones humanas. Como parte de éstas, el intercambio de productos, ya sea como actividad económica o sociocultural, ha sido el principal eje de las relaciones internacionales desde la emergencia de las primeras sociedades humanas-muchas veces como respuesta a la escasez de alguna materia prima o el deseo por ciertos recursos-que conducía a su búsqueda en otros territorios y forzaba el despliegue de estrategias que, desde la academia, debemos reconocer como diplomáticas. Al respecto, este artículo-por medio de una investigación documental interdisciplinar que incorpora textos científicos desde la teoría diplomática, la epistemología perteneciente al Cuarto debate de Relaciones Internacionales, la Sociología Histórica, la Arqueología y el Derecho Internacionalpretende recuperar el estudio de la diplomacia como una actividad que es tan antigua como la misma especie humana y que debe ser estudiada con mayor profundidad histórica, no sólo para ampliar nuestro conocimiento sobre sus diversas manifestaciones a lo largo y ancho de la geografía mundial-y así comprender de mejor manera la historia local de Estados y unidades políticas autónomas no europeas-, sino también para demostrar la agencia que tuvieron estas sociedades antiguas de la periferia en su praxis. Este artículo se centrará en una región del ahora llamado Sur Global: Mesoa

The catastrophic humanitarian crises produced by the wars in Ukraine and Gaza are, once again, challenging and subverting the international order created at the end of the Second World War. Such crises have led government officials, political analysts as well as scholars to envision ‘a post-American world’ inevitably dominated by global conflicts, ‘clash of civilisations’, and arms races. In today’s world, when international humanitarian law is utterly brushed aside, it is more important than ever to retrace the ‘political grammar of agreements’ that Europe developed over its history to contain war and achieve peace.
Nonetheless, the need for a more nuanced understanding of the past and of its diplomatic arrangements is paramount to better question and qualify these events. Indeed, the history of diplomacy has often been reduced to a series of isolated events grounded in some celebrated peace treaties seen as the prelude to the alleged “universal” and “modern” international order. Countering this one-dimensional and Eurocentric narrative, this volume conceptualizes peacemaking as a flexible and multilayered phenomenon rather than a straightforward and predetermined activity leading to conflict resolution. Consequently, across a wide range of case studies—not limited to Europe but including the Mediterranean and Atlantic worlds—peace treaties reveal themselves to be a heterogeneous set of successful and failed agreements, thereby recovering their complex history throughout the medieval and early modern periods.
Therefore, focusing on the pacification processes and possibilities behind peace agreements, settlements, truces, leagues, and other forms of diplomatic arrangements, the 22 chapters of this book reframe diplomatic treaties as historically contingent instruments and peacemaking as a political grammar, whose complexity is reflected in its variety of forms and sources. Drawing on both diplomatic history and international relations studies, this volume sheds new light on peacemaking practices and imaginaries, and traces the central role that peace, treaties, and peace treaties have played in the political and cultural history of the Western world.

El análisis de la democracia como régimen político en el continente africano presenta dificultades que no pueden ser aprehendidas si no se tiene real conciencia de lo complejo y diverso del continente. Con 1000 millones de habitantes en su totalidad, África se halla cargada de pluralidades: una rica diversidad geográfica entre una África Sahelina, Sahariana, nilótica y bantú 1 una pluralidad en lo confesional sea ésta animista, cristiana o musulmana; y diferencias socioculturales entre las grandes urbes y las regiones rurales. Esta riqueza de etnias, valores, tradiciones y dogmas juegan un rol de extrema relevancia al analizar un régimen político que resultó producto de una "exportación" occidental; de una tradición europea que bien debería ser cuestionada y repensada al trasladarse a realidades culturales, económicas y políticas tan diferentes como lo son en el continente negro. El paso de las potencias coloniales con posterioridad al Congreso de Berlín en el siglo XIX, dejaron como legado un trazado de fronteras absolutamente artificial; con una arraigada contradicción entre identidades étnicas que debían coexistir con un ideal de pertenencia nacional que no existía. Las fronteras dibujadas por las ex colonias, confrontaban con la natural separación y división étnica y religiosa. Sumado a esto, las tradiciones culturales anglófonas, francófonas y lusófonas agregarían una nueva mixtura a la ya compleja realidad africana. El proceso de descolonización empoderó a las nuevas naciones que hacían, por primera vez y en mucho tiempo, su propia historia. Pero la autodeterminación y autonomía alcanzada

This article examines and provides a comprehensive translation of the Act of Ownership (mülk-nāme) of Sultan Süleymān for the princes of Kurdistan, a pivotal document for understanding the relationships between the Ottoman Empire and the Kurdish principalities in the sixteenth century. It demonstrates that the Act of Ownership, transcending merely acknowledging the privileges of political autonomy, tax immunity and territorial inalienability of the Kurdish principalities, establishes a contractual framework based on indefectible loyalty to the Empire. By contrasting this document with pre-existing imperial decrees of perpetual grants (soyūrġāls), the article reveals how Sultan Süleymān adapted existing political traditions to bolster Ottoman legitimacy and expand its influence in Kurdistan. The document establishes Kurdistan as a political space coextensive with the Empire (muẓāfat-ı memālik-i maḥrūse), where the Sultan’s authority overlays but does not replace that of the Kurdish princes. The article also highlights the strategic significance of this document within the context of Süleymān’s anti-Safavid policy, particularly to strengthen Ottoman influence in the Zagros Mountains region in anticipation of future military campaigns. Thus, the Act of Ownership emerges as a major political instrument for the integration of the Kurdish principalities into the Empire, establishing the administrative category of the ḥükūmet (principality), which persisted until the nineteenth century.

The U.S. has taken positive steps to promote the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in its African foreign policy as a means of protecting civilians against international crimes and violations of international humanitarian law: the temporary protected status to Cameroon citizens; the NATO-led military intervention in Libya; and the establishment of the U.S. Africa Command.

The purpose of this paper is to demonstrate that American intervention in Africa presents U.S. diplomacy with a variety of difficult operational challenges as it tried to bring peace to a continent ravaged by political decay, socio-economic disintegration, and disasters.

The methodology is primarily descriptive. By analysing American foreign policy in Africa, the essay gives way to an empirical perspective on recent trends on the implementation of the R2P. As for originality, literature on U.S. foreign relations to Africa is relevant. However, studies that specifically analyse the critical impacts of the R2P with specific reference to initiatives dictated by the growth of American interests in Africa are rather limited.

This essay aims at covering that gap in international relations scholarship. The paper argues that the implementation of R2P in U.S. foreign policy translates the commitment to eliminating terrorism and the threat it poses to the protection of civilians across the continent.

Broadly speaking, the R2P scheme reflects America’s recognition of its common humanity and a new clarity in its collective conscience that certain actions could not be allowed to stand. The U.S. has embraced the R2P as a principle of protection anchored in four pillars: America’s obligations to the world, States responsibility to protect their citizens, its shared responsibility to assist States on human rights enforcement, and its preparedness to take decisive action where national authorities failed to do so. With these transformations, Africa is gaining strategic importance in American foreign relations.

Keywords: Responsibility to Protect, US foreign policy, Africa

Digital diplomacy has transformed the way states and international actors engage with the public, build relationships, and contribute to conflict resolution across multiple dimensions and challenges. With the advancement of technology and the increasing use of the internet, diplomacy has entered a new phase, where digital platforms play a significant role in diplomatic processes without disregarding traditional diplomacy. This paper aims to analyse the concept of digital diplomacy, the opportunities and challenges it presents, and its impact on international relations. The methodology applied is based on the analysis of various materials and sources related to digital diplomacy, employing descriptive, analytical, historical, and observational methods to explore its importance, function, role, and associated challenges. Through this study, we argue for the significance and positive role of digital diplomacy, particularly in the context of rapid technological advancement. As technology continues to expand, diplomacy is evolving toward a more open and transparent form. This paper examines the concept, opportunities, and challenges of digital diplomacy, along with practical examples of its application on the international stage, emphasising its growing importance and influence.

Могила архипресвітера Афанасія Семенюка (1904-1996) та його дружини Глафіри (з дому Дубицької, 1912-2000) часто з'являється на фотографіях Вольського православного кладовища. Проте, як правило,-«на другому плані» знімків незвичних надгробків родини Клінгерів. Парадоксальним чином ця обставина «віддзеркалює» особливості «довгого, важкого й цікавого життя» (так називався біографічний нарис про нього, виданий Казімєжем Урбаном у 2007 році) панотця Афанасія.

Résumé : La généralisation des technologies numériques et l'essor du web social ont profondément redéfini les modalités de l'action diplomatique contemporaine. Cet article examine les implications de cette mutation sur les pratiques communicationnelles des diplomaties principalement occidentales, en analysant l'usage institutionnalisé de plusieurs plateformes-Twitter/X, Facebook, LinkedIn, Instagram-dans le cadre de stratégies d'influence, de visibilité et de légitimation. Il explore la structuration d'une diplomatie multi-plateformes, marquée par l'émergence de formats expressifs, de dynamiques virales et de nouvelles temporalités, tout en mettant en lumière les vulnérabilités informationnelles et les tensions entre réactivité numérique et cohérence diplomatique. À travers des études de cas issues des États-Unis, de la France et de l'Inde, l'article propose une lecture renouvelée de la diplomatie numérique en tant que système pluriel d'interactions stratégiques et de recomposition géopolitique. Une réflexion critique est également engagée sur les limites de transférabilité de ces modèles dans des contextes non occidentaux et sur les conditions de souveraineté narrative dans un espace public globalisé.

Temas de relações internacionais, de política externa e de diplomacia brasileira, com ênfase em políticas econômicas, em viagens, livros e cultura em geral. Um quilombo de resistência intelectual em defesa da racionalidade, da inteligência e das liberdades democráticas. Este blog trata basicamente de ideias, se possível inteligentes, para pessoas inteligentes. Ele também se ocupa de ideias aplicadas à política, em especial à política econômica. Ele constitui uma tentativa de manter um pensamento crítico e independente sobre livros, sobre questões culturais em geral, focando numa discussão bem informada sobre temas de relações internacionais e de política externa do Brasil. Meus livros podem ser vistos nas páginas da Amazon.com ou com.br. Outras opiniões rápidas podem ser encontradas no Facebook ou no Threads. Grande parte de meus ensaios e artigos, inclusive livros inteiros, está livremente disponível na plataforma Academia.edu, link: quinta-feira, 6 de maio de 2021

Nigeria since independence has pursued ambitious foreign policy goals and its legacies still inspire greatness across the continent of Africa. Its golden era under Murtala‘s regime was cut short by Dimka‘s abortive coup of 1976. This research examines the history of Nigeria‘s foreign
policy golden era (1975-1979) and unravels the Diplomatic rifts between Nigeria the UK and the US and the normalization of relations in this period. Utilizing an analytically qualitative methodology and leveraging on government documents as primary source and collaborated with
published related works as secondary sources, this research also reviews if the actions of both Nigeria and Britain intense diplomatic row aligns within the provisions of the provisions of the Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations of 1961 aftermath of the 1976 Coup that
assassinated Gen. Murtala whilst ended the golden age of the Nigerian Foreign Policy. This research recommends that for Nigeria to reignite the golden era of her foreign policy, diplomat at the frontline in implementing Nigeria‘s foreign policy must be independently assertive in pursuing Nigeria‘s national interest.

The study made a fundamental inquiry into the Globalization process. It then re-appraised and evaluated its general implications to sustainable development in Africa, to understand its relevance and critical benefits to Africa in the evolving world order and contemporary time. The study looked at the impacts of the current globalization process and found a gap that should be bridged. It therefore proposed GLOBAFRICANISM, which connotes Africa’s self-determination and integration into the global system, using her vast resources and peculiarities. This becomes crucial because self-determination and integration by Africa, will enhance the viability of globalization as a practicable medium or apparatus to engender sustainable development in Africa and for Africa.

International Law TA4D: Governing Global Relations
This "International Law" (சர்வதேசச் சட்டம் TA4D) syllabus introduces the fundamental principles governing relations between states and other international actors. Unit 1 provides an Introduction to International Law (சர்வதேசச் சட்டம்: அறிமுகம்), covering its definition, basis (அடிப்படை), nature and weaknesses (இயல்பு மற்றும் பலவீனம்), and the differences between Public and Private International Law (பொது சர்வதேசச் சட்டத்திற்கும் தனிப்பட்ட சர்வதேசச் சட்டத்திற்கும் இடையிலான வேறுபாடுகள்), along with its codification (தொகுப்பு).

Unit 2 explores the Sources of International Law (சர்வதேச சட்டத்தின் மூலங்கள்), followed by Unit 3, which delves into the intricate Relationship between International Law and Municipal Law (சர்வதேச சட்டம் மற்றும் நகராட்சி சட்டம் - உறவு). Unit 4 identifies the Subjects of International Law (சர்வதேச சட்டத்தின் கருப்பொருள்), primarily States (நாடு ஒரு கருப்பொருளாக), their rights and duties, and the increasing recognition of Individuals as Subjects (சர்வதேச சட்டத்தின் கருப்பொருளாக ஒரு தனிநபர்).

Further units address key aspects of state interaction. Unit 5 covers State Succession and Liability (நாட்டு வாரிசுரிமை மற்றும் பொறுப்பு), while Unit 6 examines State Territory and Territorial Sovereignty (நாட்டின்‌ ஆள்‌ நிலம் மற்றும் ஆள்நில ஆதிக்கம்), including modes of acquisition and loss of territory (நாட்டைப் பெறுதல் மற்றும் இழத்தல் முறைமைகள்), jurisdiction (அதிகாரவரம்பு), and specialized areas like the Law of the Sea (கடல்சார் சட்டம்) and Law of the Air (ஆகாயச் சட்டம்). Unit 7 explores Extradition and Asylum (மீட்டொப்படைத்தல்‌ மற்றும் அடைக்கலம்‌), Nationality acquisition and loss (நாட்டினம் பெறுதல் மற்றும் இழத்தலின் சிக்கல்கள்), Refugees (அகதிகள்‌), and disarmament.

Unit 8 focuses on Diplomatic Agents and Consular Missions (தூதரக முகவர்கள் மற்றும் தூதரகப் பணிகள்)—their position, privileges, and immunities. Unit 9 details International Treaties (சர்வதேச ஒப்பந்தங்கள்), covering their negotiation, conclusion, various stages, reservations, observance, interpretation, suspension, and termination. Finally, Unit 10 introduces major International Organizations (சர்வதேச அமைப்புகள்), including the United Nations Organization (UNO) (ஐக்கிய நாடுகள் அமைப்பு), its General Assembly (பொதுப் பேரவை), Security Council (பாதுகாப்புச் சபை), International Court of Justice (சர்வதேச நீதிமன்றம்‌), and other International Tribunals.

A critical examination of Greek and French archives and bibliographies on the abduction of the Aphrodite of Milos reveals gaps in its understanding. The study reveals that it is impossible to conclude on the endless debate over whether the statue was taken by force or not, unless the crucial role of N, Mourouzis, and especially the provosts of Milos is fully understood. The anti-French stance of the Mourouzi family and the degree of opposition held by the inhabitants of Milos towards the French explains the inevitable eruption of violent conflict. The roots of the problem lie in the 18th century, where the anti-French sentiment of the island foreshadows inhabitants' attitude in 1820. The appointment of Mourouzis as dragoman and governor of Milos strengthened this anti-French front and made the peaceful acquisition of the statue by the French embassy in Constantinople impossible. This alone demonstrates that the 19th and 20th century historiography attempted to obscure the nature of the conflict in order to promote the narrative of a peaceful and legal acquisition of the statue.

Annotation: Migration policy refers to measures aimed at controlling or possibly facilitating migratory movements within and/or between a given country and foreign countries. The purpose of this article is to highlight the elements that encourage Cameroon, as a state fully participating in the globalization process, to join the fight to strengthen migration security and, above all, to commit to ensuring the freedom and security of migrants on its territory; that is to say to show the elements of motivation of Cameroon in the elaboration of the migration policy. To understand these elements, it was necessary to take into account a number of global elements based on socio-political rationality at the micro and macrosocial levels (taking into account, of course, the fact that the state is primarily a social will); that is, from the interests of the people to the interests of the state itself.

Научная статья | Историография, источниковедение, методы исторического исследования ПЕРИОДИЗАЦИЯ ПРАВЛЕНИЯ ХОРФАГЕРОВ В НОРВЕГИИ НА ЭТАПЕ РАННЕГО СРЕДНЕВЕКОВЬЯ А.А. Ерженков Аннотация Обоснование. Статья посвящена правлению династии Хорфагеров в Норвегии в период раннего средневековья. Проблемой исследования является упрощенный характер сформировавшегося научного знания об эпохе Хорфагеров и его несоответствие политическим трансформациям рассматриваемого в рамках исследования периода истории Норвегии. Актуальность исследования определяется повышенным исследовательским вниманием к истории средневековой Норвегии, а также сохранением остроты научной дискуссии о культурном и политическом влиянии ее населения и правителей на ход европейской истории. Цель. Цель исследования -определение хронологических периодов в истории династии Хорфагеров в период раннего средневековья и выявление их существенных характеристик. Материалы и методы. Источниковой базой исследования являются скандинавские саги, в первую очередь, «королевские саги», входящие в свод «Круг Земной». Что касается методологии работы, в основе лежит хронологический метод; диахронным и историко-системным методами определены хронологические рамки исследования. Для выделения в этих рамках внутренних периодов и их закономерностей был использован историко-сравнительный метод, а для определения реперных точек и причин возникновения и затухания специфических процессов и явлений применен историко-генетический метод. В статье также присутствует значительное количество упоминаний конкретных личностей и событий, из чего следовала необходимость использования идеографического метода. Результаты. В результате проделанной работы была составлена периодизация правления династии в выбранный период на основании Modern Studies of Social Issues 2025, Volume 17, Number 1 • 167 таких характеристик, как легитимность правителей, их авторитет и их влияние, а также система наследования престола. По совокупности этих характеристик были выявлены внутренние периоды: 1) Период «истинных Хорфагеров». 872(?)-965/970 гг. Период, характеризующийся легитимным правлением одной династии, внутри которой происходила вся борьба за власть, отсутствием претензий на норвежский престол со стороны других родов, кроме как потомков Харальда Хорфагера. 2) Период «борьбы за власть». 965/970-1035 гг. Период, характеризующийся борьбой за власть, в которой три силы (датские конунги, «успешные викинги», называющие себя Хорфагерами, норвежская знать), с переменным успехом боролись за власть, опираясь на поддержку бондов, которой определялась легитимность того или иного правителя. 3) Период «от централизации королевской власти до кризиса династии». 1035-1130 гг. Период ослабления знати на местах, усиления и распространения по всей стране власти короля, развитием торговли и товарных отношений, усилением церкви, градостроительством.

This new treaty is the first modern multilateral instrument to articulate a comprehensive approach to issues of state or sovereign immunity from suits in foreign courts. It embraces the so-called "restrictive theory" of sovereign immunity, under which governments are subject to essentially the same jurisdictional rules as private entities in respect of their commercial transactions.

This article presents a Coafrwological interpretation of the mini summit convened by Donald Trump with five African Heads of State. Far from being a neutral diplomatic event, the gathering reflects the persistence of an imperial mode of diplomacy based on asymmetry, white validation, and the ritualized subjugation of African leadership. Through the lens of Coafrwology-a 21st-century Pan-African science of epistemic sovereignty and symbolic restoration-this analysis denounces colonial mimicry and calls for a radical shift toward a renewed African diplomacy grounded in territorial sovereignty, sacred reciprocity, and the centrality of African spaces. The refusal by certain Sahelian states to engage in such frameworks marks a decisive turning point.

In the winter of 1744, amidst the turmoil of the War of the Austrian Succession, a short diplomatic pamphlet was printed that addressed the members of the Reichstag (the Imperial Diet) and urged them to side with Charles VII, Holy Roman Emperor, against Maria Theresa, archduchess of Austria and queen of Hungary and Bohemia. Its title was Représentation aux Etats de l’Empire; its author, recent research has shown, was Voltaire. While knowledge of the pamphlet may shed light on Voltaire’s broader diplomatic activity and involvement in court life, evidence suggests that Voltaire’s text was heavily revised before publication by professional diplomat François de Bussy, former ambassador to Great Britain who, at the time of the events, worked as a proofreader for the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs. By looking at Voltaire’s original text and de Bussy’s remarks on it, both of which survive as manuscripts in the collections of the Archives diplomatiques in Paris, this article investigates the process of drafting a diplomatic text in eighteenth-century France as well as the relation between professional and non-professional diplomatic actors. I shall argue, in particular, that to interpret de Bussy’s remarks as ‘fixing’ a text by a non-professional diplomat and making it useable in the diplomatic arena would in many ways be simplistic. On the contrary, Voltaire’s manuscript and de Bussy’s revised version of it represent two different yet equally valuable attempts at serving national interests while also pursuing some very personal ones. What one diplomat presents as someone else’s error may in fact offer a window into two divergent ways of thinking about diplomacy: what Stella Ghervas calls the 'Balance of Power' and the 'Perpetual Peace' models.

Israël déclenche une attaque contre l'Iran, ciblant des installations nucléaires soupçonnées d'accélérer un programme militaire. La région bascule dans la tourmente. • Le conflit russo-ukrainien prend fin, résultat d'un accord fragile, permettant à Moscou de se réaligner avec Pékin. • Crise économique mondiale persistante : marchés volatils, dettes publiques massives, inflation incontrôlée-l'Occident est en proie à une fatigue stratégique.

International politics is linked to its technical-social character. Also, technology is socially constructed and thereby not entirely neutral or impartial. A tech-driven geopolitical landscape has been a defining feature of contemporary world politics. The struggle for global technological supremacy seems to dominate many ongoing discussions on tech diplomacy. But for most developing countries, plagued by inequality, underdevelopment, and exclusion, what are their top concerns? This policy paper explores what countries of the Global South can do to ensure that technology helps humanity end poverty, build resilient societies, protect the planet, and achieve the SDGs by 2030. It is high time for a development-centered tech diplomacy to foster innovation through diffusion, access, inclusion, equitable distribution of benefits, national priorities, and local ownership. Its ultimate goal should be promoting genuine co-governance with the participation of all interested parties in a multi-stakeholder setting, while addressing structural limitations and power imbalances to prevent widening inequalities. Unless we take the concerns of the majority of the world's population seriously, reaping the rewards of the technological revolution will be a privilege confined to a minority, or worse still, controlled by a few hands.

It is well known that William of Moerbeke, the great Aristotelian translator and Dominican friar, was resident in the Greek East at an early formative stage of his trailblazing career. Notes in his Latin translation of Alexander of Aphrodisias' commentary on Aristotle's Meteorology show that he worked on this translation while he was in the city of Nicaea on 24 April 1260.1 As Gudrun Vuillemin-Diem has argued, Moerbeke may have gained access there also to a ninth-century Greek manuscript of Aristotle (Vienna, Österreichische Nationalbibliothek, Codex Phil. gr. 100), which he used for his translation of the Metaphysics and the Meteorology.2 And yet, Moerbeke's journey to Nicaea poses something of a puzzle. Several months later, in December 1260, we find him in Thebes in central Greece, where he translated Aristotle's On the Parts of the Animals.3 In contrast to Nicaea, Thebes lay under Latin control and belonged to the Frankish duchy of Athens. A house of the Greek province of

Background.-Franklin Delano Roosevelt's fatal brain hemorrhage on April 12, 1945 provides an excellent platform for the study of the potential causes of one of the most famous headaches in history. Impression.-The differential diagnosis of thunderclap headache, including hypertension and melanoma, is discussed, as are Roosevelt's health problems in the context of how serious diseases of our leaders can have a tangible effect upon historical interpretation. Discussion.-A large body of evidence is presented in support of a probable cover-up of Roosevelt's health problems, perpetrated by his doctors and close confidantes. The necessity of challenging conventional thinking about the health of our leaders and the fundamental importance of understanding their health issues is also emphasized.

Më 2 korrik 1990, Kuvendi i Kosovës miratoi Deklaratën Kushtetuese - një dokument i rëndësishëm politik dhe juridik që shprehu vullnetin e popullit shqiptar të Kosovës për barazi, vetëvendosje dhe mëvetësi në kuadër të Jugosllavisë. E nxitur nga zhvillimet e brendshme represive në Kosovë dhe nga konteksti më i gjerë i shpërbërjes së federatave komuniste në Evropën Lindore, kjo deklaratë shënoi hapin e parë institucional drejt pavarësisë. Ky punim shqyrton kontekstin e miratimit të deklaratës, përmbajtjen e saj, dhe rolin e figurave kyçe politike dhe intelektuale në këtë proces historik të shtetformimit.