History of Diplomacy

Following a First in Literae Humaniores at Oxford, and a year as the Classics Teaching Fellow at Marlboro College in Vermont, Richard began his numismatic career as a doctoral student at Oxford in 1969, working under Colin Kraay on the coinage of Rhodes. The doctorate and a formal academic career were not in the end to be, as Richard moved instead into the Civil Service in 1972. But the interest in Rhodes would be lifelong, and the academic scholarship would continue and result in a list of publications (below, pp. vii-xii), that could put many "career" scholars to shame. As Richard settled into a succession of foreign postings, including Geneva, Athens, and Ankara, a series of important studies began to appear on different aspects of Rhodian coinage and its imitations. By the time of his retirement from the Foreign and Commonwealth Office in 1994, he was publishing and subsequently has continued to publish articles at least annually, on an ever-broadening array of coinages. Few areas of Asia Minor have not now benefited from his attention either in the form of detailed study or cataloguing. And few know more about the coinages of this region than Richard. Not the least of this work has been the publication of no fewer than five volumes of the Sylloge Nummorum Graecorum series, covering the whole of the region. In 2014, his expertise in the area was recognized by the invitation to spend two years at the University of Fribourg as a collaborator with Prof. Nathan Badoud on the Aegeum project on "The Integration of the Aegean World into the Roman Empire (2-1 cent. bc), " leading to an important volume of essays to appear in 2021. Richard's own preferred medium has been the academic article, rather than the monograph, much like Kenneth Jenkins-who shared with him a keen interest in the coinage of Rhodes-and his work is often similarly characterized by an engaging modesty: titles including the words "opuscula" or "a sketch" belies the depth of his studies.

The article reconstructs some of the scientific methods used by early modern geographers in composing so-called «Theatres of the World», that is descriptions of the different regions and countries of the world supplemented with maps. How these texts were composed? What sources were considered as texts of authority? Could the historical context influence the content, choice of choice of words and names, characteristics of peoples and kings? The author seeks answers to these questions in the chapter «Holy Land of the Atlas, or Cosmographic Meditations upon the Structure of the Universe and the Form of the Created by G. Mercator J. Hondius. This paper is the first pubblication of the translation into Russian the chapter "Holy Land". | В статье реконструируются некоторые научные методы, применявшиеся учёными-географами раннего Нового времени при составлении т. н. «Обозрений земного круга» — карт различных частей света, дополненных рассказами о многообразных регионах и странах всего мира. Как составлялись тексты для таких атласов? Какие источники считались авторитетными? Мог ли исторический контекст создания произведений такого жанра повлиять на содержание, выбор лексики, характеристики народов и царей? Ответы на эти вопросы автор ищет в главе «Святая земля» из Атласа, или Космографических размышлений об устройстве мира в форме сотворённого Г. Меркатора Й. Хондия. В статье публикуется впервые выполненный современный русский перевод этой главы.

The focus on this study is a biographical analysis of the life, administrative duties, political activities and personality of Mustafa Reşid Pasha, a figure who left a lasting mark on nineteenth-century Ottoman history. Pasha is most renowned for his reformist identity and personality. Concurrently, this study endeavours to interrogate the validity of the criticisms directed towards him on multiple occasions. In this context, Pasha’s modernisation movements, his relations and struggles with his successors and predecessors, his thoughts, opinions and recommendations have been subjected to a detailed analysis. Moreover, the objective of this study is to illuminate the hidden aspects of the era in which Pasha lived, namely the reigns of Mahmud II and Sultan Abdülmecid. In order to make accurate evaluations on all these issues, a large number of sources of different types have been analysed. A comparative and critical analysis of the aforementioned sources has been conducted, with particular attention paid to the writings and layihas bearing Pasha’s signature and seal, as well as various archival documents, periodicals, rare and manuscript works, and literature related to him. This approach will facilitate a comprehensive exposition of Pasha’s life, thereby addressing a significant lacuna in existing biographical literature. Following a comprehensive series of examinations and research studies, a favourable opinion regarding Pasha has been substantiated. In accordance with these objectives and in light of the findings obtained, novel perspectives have been presented for consideration in the evaluations to be conducted on the period during which Mustafa Reshid Pasha lived.

This panel examines how one of the coldest European winters of the Little Ice Age heightened contemporary attention to ecological and agronomic entanglements between Europe, West Asia and North Africa. We argue that an initial period of uncertainty and information gathering by all parties was followed by European and Ottoman state actors' exploitation of the cold’s impact on plant and animal life to gain their advantage in war and diplomacy. Our findings show that period actors in the wake of the Great Winter were highly perceptive of ecological disruptions in faraway places. We conclude that human manipulation of grain markets based on this transcontinental ecological knowledge led to localised famines and mortality crises, as well as the redrawing of diplomatic lines.

Despite of the aversion to the given status quo Hungary applied for responsible policy represented by the Huszár's coalition-and-Entente-oriented government and sent the delegates to the peace conference. However, the Hungarian society was reflecting the expected peace treaty unambiguously as unacceptable and unjust. The think pieces, considerations, and commentaries published on the eve of the peace talks in newspapers representing the main political streams in the country by the turn of 1919–1920 documented general denial of the treaty by all political parties from monarchy-oriented National-Christian Party through liberal, republic-oriented smallholders party and civic-liberal opposition to left social democracy. However, regardless of the results of the peace conference, the necessity to sign the treaty with victorious powers was not questioned in Hungary.

In 1 a caricature printed on Christmas Eve 1934 by the Warsaw daily Express Poranny, 2 a man stares surprised at a swarm of cockroaches surrounding a black box on a wall. The title reads: "A French infestation near the electric metre," a play on Francuz, a Polish word both for Frenchman and cockroach (then written without the capital letter). The caricature was part of a conflict between the city of Warsaw and the local power plant, owned by Compagnie d'Électricite de Varsovie, a joint-stock company based in Paris. 3 After sputtering on for a decade, the dispute became harsher as the Great Depression affected Poland. In 1934, a local court put the power plant under compulsory administration, defying an international arbiter. Two years later, the city took the company over, with talks continuing into 1939. The two dates, 1934 and 1936, also mark turning points in relations between the Polish government and two other companies: a French-owned textile producer Towarzystwo Zakładów Żyrardowskich S. A. (Żyrardów Works), 4

Первые компактные поселения чехов появляются на Черноморском побережье Кавказа в 1868 г., вскоре после окончания Кавказской войны (1864) и начала российской колонизации региона. Вслед за исходом практически всех горских сообществ адыгов и абазин в Турцию на обезлюдевшие земли царское правительство приглашает ПУКИШ Владимир Степанович cоискатель кафедры литературы и журналистики Адыгейского государственного университета Анапа, Краснодарский край, Россия

Le d'armes est un personnage incontournable du Moyen Âge occidental. Spécialiste des tournois, présent au côté du prince lors des grandes cérémonies, constamment sur les routes pour porter des lettres aux différents souverains, il est aussi l'un des meilleurs connaisseurs de la noblesse européenne. L'émergence de ces officiers dans la société de cour est fulgurante. Apparus à la fin du XII e siècle au sein du groupe des jongleurs et des ménestrels, ils se mettent dès la fin du XIV e siècle au service des grands seigneurs, des villes et des princes pour devenir au dernier siècle du Moyen Âge une véritable institution, en France, en Angleterre ou en Bourgogne.

Visible Strangers: Foreigners’ Practices and Expression of Identities in the Historical Mediterranean World, edited by Filomena Viviana Tagliaferri (Manchester: Manchester University Press - series ‘Studies in Early Modern European History’, 2025).

Записка Маргариты Ангулемской к Анну де Монморанси из Российской национальной библиотеки: отзвук катастрофы при Павии? В отделе рукописей Российской национальной библиотеки (РНБ) в составе коллекции П. П. Дубровского 1 хранится единственный в России автограф Маргариты Ангулемской (1492-1549), сестры короля Франции Франциска I (1515-1547), дочери графа Шарля Ангулемского из рода Валуа и Луизы Савой ской 2. В первом браке Маргарита была женой принца крови Шарля IV, герцога Алансонского (1509 г.), а после его смерти вышла замуж за Генриха II д'Альбре, короля Наварры (1527 г.), вой дя в историю под именем Маргариты Наваррской 3. Автор «Гептамерона», выдающаяся писательница французского Возрождения и покровительница гуманизма, она прославилась также своим эпистолярным наследием, которое в большинстве своем уже опубликовано.

Bu makale, Sultan III. Selim’in tahta çıkışıyla başlayan ve 1808’deki ölümüne kadar
uzanan dönemde Osmanlı Devleti’nin dış ve iç siyasetini, dönemin İrlanda basınında yer
alan haberler ışığında ele almaktadır. Çalışma için İrlanda gazetelerinden Belfast
Newsletter, The Dublin Journal, Finn’s Leinster Journal, Freemans Journal, The
Connaught Journal, Carlow Morning Post, Chute’s Western Herald, Dublin Cronicle,
The Press ve Dublin Evening Post gazetelerinde yer alan haber kullanılmıştır. Haberlerde
III. Selim’in kişiliği, reformları, 1787-1792 ve 1806-1812 Osmanlı-Rus savaşları,
Napolyon’un Mısır Seferi ve ardından gelişen Osmanlı-Fransız yakınlaşması ayrıntılı
olarak incelenmiştir. Ayrıca Kabakçı Mustafa İsyanının iç ve dış dinamikleri, Sultan
Selim’in tahttan indirilmesi ve öldürülmesi dönemin gazetelerinin yaklaşımlarıyla birlikte
değerlendirilmiştir. İrlanda gazetelerinin haber kaynakları çoğunlukla Avrupalı
Devletlerin (İngiltere, Fransa, Avusturya, Rusya) gazeteleri olmakla beraber bazen
kaynak doğrudan İstanbul olarak belirtilmiştir. Bu sebeple makale hem dönemin Osmanlı
tarihine hem de Avrupalı basının Osmanlı algısına ışık tutmayı amaçlamaktadır.

Чланак говори о прекиду дипломатских односа између
Југославије и Бугарске априла 1941. и о протеривању југословен
ског дипломатског особља из Софије. У првом делу рада дат је
кратак преглед догађаја који су довели до тога да се две суседне
балканске земље сврстају на супротне стране у новом светском
сукобу, док се у другом делу анализирају узроци и последице
затварања југословенског посланства у Софији. Рад се заснива на
необјављеној архивској грађи похрањеној у архивима у Србији
и Бугарској, објављеним изворима и литератури.

ABSTRACT: This study delves into the transformation of the aristocratic identity of noble families in the Habsburg Monarchy during the 17th and early 18th centuries. It explores how members of elite noble families, such as the Dietrichsteins, Harrachs, and Schwarzenbergs, navigated the sociopolitical changes at the imperial court in Vienna. The article argues that through their long-term service to the Habsburg emperors, transnational marriage alliances, and integration into European noble society, these families developed a cosmopolitan identity. This identity, tied to loyalty to the Habsburgs, was shaped by a shared aristocratic culture, multilingualism, and strategic social networks. Furthermore, the study examines how these nobles transcended regional affiliations and embraced the imperial court as the primary arena for their social, political, and cultural aspirations. / RESUMEN: Este estudio profundiza en la transformación de la identidad aristocrática de las familias nobles de la Monarquía de los Habsburgo durante el siglo XVII y principios del XVIII. Explora cómo los miembros de familias de alta nobleza, como los Dietrichstein, los Harrach y los Schwarzenberg, navegaron por los cambios sociopolíticos en la Corte imperial de Viena. El artículo sostiene que, a través de su prolongado servicio a los emperadores Habsburgo, sus alianzas matrimoniales transnacionales y su integración en la sociedad nobiliaria europea, estas familias desarrollaron una identidad cosmopolita. Esta identidad, ligada a la lealtad a los Habsburgo, estaba conformada por una cultura aristocrática compartida, el multilingüismo y redes sociales estratégicas. Además, el estudio examina cómo estos nobles trascendieron las afiliaciones regionales y se integraron a la Corte imperial como el lugar principal de sus aspiraciones sociales, políticas y culturales.

A paper in the Polish Biographical Dictionary. Jan Amor Tarnowski (castellan of Biecz 1494–1501, voivode of Ruthenia 1501– 1507, voivode of Sandomierz 1507–1514, died in 1514) belonged to one of the most prominent magnate families in late medieval Poland. He was the son of Jan Amor the Younger, castellan of Kraków. His landed estates were extensive, comprising possessions in Lesser Poland with their principal center at Tarnów, as well as holdings in the Szczebrzeszyn district of Chełm Land. In his youth, Tarnowski served as a courtier to King Casimir IV Jagiellon. The height of his political significance fell during the reign of King Alexander Jagiellon. In 1502 he organized the defense of Red Ruthenia and Podolia during the war with Moldavia. He participated in the Sejm held at Radom in 1505, at which the Nihil novi constitution was enacted – a foundational act of the Polish political system that limited the monarch’s legislative authority by requiring the consent of the Sejm for all new laws. Tarnowski also took part in the royal election of 1506, which elevated Sigismund I to the Polish throne.

The paper deals with the complex nature of medieval treaties and their preservation, definition and transmission by briefly retracing the story of a highly symbolic treaty, the so-called peace of Lodi (and the following Italic League) stipulated among the main Italian powers in 1454-5, and by expanding on its inclusion into the main early modern editions of peace-treaties. In the middle ages and in the early modern age, treaties were flexible and modular, and they represented only a step in negotiation. The idea of them as the building blocks of an international order derived from a long process of selection and definition. The collections published in Europe between the 17th and 18th centuries, far from simply fine-tuning a model for transmitting documentary testimonies of past political events or offering a useful instrument for daily politics, defined an increasingly specific idea of diplomacy, one based on formal and horizontal agreements between sovereign and territorially bounded states, progressively concealing other ways, other actors, other records.

The Introduction to the volume Reframing Treaties outlines the main features of the volume. Reframing Treaties focuses on peacemaking through a wide geopolitical and constitutional range of case studies not limited to Europe, but including also the Mediterranean and Atlantic worlds and along a chronological timeframe which centres on the period between the 14th and the 18th centuries but explores crossings, continuities, and afterlives up to the 21st century. With a multidisciplinary approach, the volume puts at the heart of the investigation not the single peace treaty, but the peacemaking process in its many political and documentary forms and outcomes and demonstrates that peacemaking was a complex and multi-layered phenomenon. Used as a political grammar, its binding nature transformed it into a powerful instrument to settle conflicts and regulate interactions both within and outside polities and communities.

Tekst powstal jako cześc wprowadzająca do ksiązki o Lidze Narodow obejmującej lata 1926-1933. Oczekiwania wydawcy na ksiązke skromniejszą objetościowo wymusilo istotne zmiany koncepcyjne oraz redakcyjne fragmentow juz napisanych. Ta cześc napisanej juz pracy do zmienionej ze wzgledow "organizacyjnych" koncepcji nie przystaje. Walka zaś i opor w istniejących na rynku wydawniczym warunkach, bylyby jalowym biegiem. Zaprezentowany material jest zatem wstepną wersją, ktorej cyzelowanie, uzupelnianie i poprawianie nie wyzwalalo emocji.

This national identity report was completed as part of the Making Identity Count (MIC) Estonia project (PRG1052 – National Identity and Estonian-Russian Relations: A Longitudinal Study of Elite and Mass Discourses). The sampled material was coded using the standard MIC procedure (Allan 2016). The full collection of MIC Estonia national identity reports is available at: https://hdl.handle.net/10062/108183.
In 1990, Estonian national identity strongly centered on independence, unity, and cultural heritage, with cultural symbols like national literature, holidays, and traditions playing a critical role. While independence was the primary goal, uncertainty persisted due to divisions among the political establishment, fears of being a small state dominated by great powers, and differing views between the Congress of Estonia and the Supreme Soviet regarding the path forward. The public admired both national traditions and Western culture but criticized ineffective governance amid a deepening economic crisis, rising crime, and social inequality. The Soviet Union was overwhelmingly viewed in negative terms for its role in occupation, repression, and environmental damage. While some nostalgia for the stagnation era remained, aspirations for national independence were underpinned by a strong anti-colonial sentiment, as the Soviet Union was portrayed as a colonial occupier. Russian speakers in Estonia had not yet formed a distinct social or political identity, as they were largely identified with the Soviet regime, its institutions (such as the Soviet army), or pro-Soviet movements like the Intermovement.

Resumen La acción internacional es un reflejo directo del dinamismo de las interacciones humanas. Como parte de éstas, el intercambio de productos, ya sea como actividad económica o sociocultural, ha sido el principal eje de las relaciones internacionales desde la emergencia de las primeras sociedades humanas-muchas veces como respuesta a la escasez de alguna materia prima o el deseo por ciertos recursos-que conducía a su búsqueda en otros territorios y forzaba el despliegue de estrategias que, desde la academia, debemos reconocer como diplomáticas. Al respecto, este artículo-por medio de una investigación documental interdisciplinar que incorpora textos científicos desde la teoría diplomática, la epistemología perteneciente al Cuarto debate de Relaciones Internacionales, la Sociología Histórica, la Arqueología y el Derecho Internacionalpretende recuperar el estudio de la diplomacia como una actividad que es tan antigua como la misma especie humana y que debe ser estudiada con mayor profundidad histórica, no sólo para ampliar nuestro conocimiento sobre sus diversas manifestaciones a lo largo y ancho de la geografía mundial-y así comprender de mejor manera la historia local de Estados y unidades políticas autónomas no europeas-, sino también para demostrar la agencia que tuvieron estas sociedades antiguas de la periferia en su praxis. Este artículo se centrará en una región del ahora llamado Sur Global: Mesoa

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CONTENUTI:
Quando inizia il Risorgimento ?
Le marine Italiane nel Settecento: status quo politico e contrasto pirateria
La Piazzaforte di Taranto nel Settecento
La Marina delle Due Sicilie
La Marina Sarda
La Marina del Granducato di Toscana
La Marina Pontificia
La Marina della Serenissima
Dalle Marine preunitarie alla  Marina dell’Italia unita

The catastrophic humanitarian crises produced by the wars in Ukraine and Gaza are, once again, challenging and subverting the international order created at the end of the Second World War. Such crises have led government officials, political analysts as well as scholars to envision ‘a post-American world’ inevitably dominated by global conflicts, ‘clash of civilisations’, and arms races. In today’s world, when international humanitarian law is utterly brushed aside, it is more important than ever to retrace the ‘political grammar of agreements’ that Europe developed over its history to contain war and achieve peace.
Nonetheless, the need for a more nuanced understanding of the past and of its diplomatic arrangements is paramount to better question and qualify these events. Indeed, the history of diplomacy has often been reduced to a series of isolated events grounded in some celebrated peace treaties seen as the prelude to the alleged “universal” and “modern” international order. Countering this one-dimensional and Eurocentric narrative, this volume conceptualizes peacemaking as a flexible and multilayered phenomenon rather than a straightforward and predetermined activity leading to conflict resolution. Consequently, across a wide range of case studies—not limited to Europe but including the Mediterranean and Atlantic worlds—peace treaties reveal themselves to be a heterogeneous set of successful and failed agreements, thereby recovering their complex history throughout the medieval and early modern periods.
Therefore, focusing on the pacification processes and possibilities behind peace agreements, settlements, truces, leagues, and other forms of diplomatic arrangements, the 22 chapters of this book reframe diplomatic treaties as historically contingent instruments and peacemaking as a political grammar, whose complexity is reflected in its variety of forms and sources. Drawing on both diplomatic history and international relations studies, this volume sheds new light on peacemaking practices and imaginaries, and traces the central role that peace, treaties, and peace treaties have played in the political and cultural history of the Western world.

Olvasom Szilágyi N. Sándor Bukaresti mozaikkockák esszéjének utóíratában, hogy a marosvásárhelyi fekete márciuskor némelyek Bukarestben tüntettek, hogy ők Erdélyt márpedig nem hagyják, inkább meghalnak. S ezt egy kolozsvári román ismerőse a szerzőnek kiröhögte. Egy bukaresti ismerősöm, aki Olténiában nevelkedet, egyszer megkérdezte tőlem, hogy miért van az, hogy a craiovai román, akinek közvetlen ismerete nincs az erdélyi magyarokról, az utálja leginkább a magyarokat. Erre van egy mitológikus, lélektani magyarázat. Ismereteink határán túl kezdődik a mesék, a mítoszok világa, mint a tudattalan tartalmak kivetítése. De az ilyen interetnikus konfliktusok esetében, minnél jobban nem ismerem akit gyűlölök, annál inkább működik az árnyék projekció. Amivel Szilagyi úr, valószínű nagyon "intelligensen" röhögő kolozsvári ismerőse nem volt tisztába, mint általában az egyoldalúan intelligensek, a kollektív árnyék projekció veszélye, melyet fel nem dolgozott kollektív történelmi traumák táplálnak a kollektív tudattalanban. Az ismerős tisztában van azzal, hogy Erdély nincs veszélyben, minő hülyeség ugye ezért tüntetni Bukarestben. De nincsen tisztában azzal, még a románok sem, akik nagy hazafiként Erdélyt védik, hogy Erdély elvesztésének iracionális félelme mögött, egy fel nem dolgozott román történelmi trauma van, Észak-Erdély elcsatolása. Mi magyarok nagyon egyoldalúan kezeljük a történelmi trauma kérdését. Úgy gondoljuk, hogy csak nekünk lehetnek történelmi traumáink a románokkal szemben, ami Trianonra fokuszálódik. Ha román-magyar történelmi megbékélést akarunk, akkor nekünk magyaroknak el kell ismernünk, hogy a románoknak igen is vannak történelmi traumáik, amiket mi magyarok okoztunk nekik a történelem fojamán. Hogy a románok el voltak-e nyomva Erdélyben vagy nem, nem egy vitatható elvi kérdés csak, mert e mögött a románok fel nem dolgozott történelmi traumái húzódnak meg, melyek újabb és újabb történelmi árnyék projekciókhoz vezetnek, meg ezek interetnikus konfliktusokhoz. Persze ez fordítva, ránk is érvényes magyarokra. Hogy a románok fel tudják dolgozni történelmi traumáikat, abban először is nekünk magyaroknak kell segítenünk, elismervén történelmi szerepünket a traumák kialakulásában. Mert ahogy már írtam, ez nem csak elvi kérdés, a múlt nem csak teoretikus elvi kérdés, hanem lélektani. Amit nem tud Szilágyi úr "intelligensen" röhögő ismerőse, hogy a történelmi traumák itt élnek velünk a jelenben, mert mindenki ott hordozza a tudattalanjában és ezért újabb és újabb konfliktusok forrássai is lehetnek. Ezért nem csak teoretikus elvi kérdések a törtélmi traumák, mert ezek a jelenben élő valóságok. Melyek hol szunyadnak, hol interetnikus konfliktusokban újulnak ki. Erre legjobb példa, sajnos nem csak volt, mert még mindig fenyeget, a volt Jugoszlávia összeomlását követő véres etnikai háborúk. De mi sem maradtunk ki, mert ott van a fekete március, az Úzvölgye. Az egyik erdélyi magyar értelmiségi megjegyezte egy adásban, hogy vásárhely mögött kölcsönös történelmi traumák vannak, melyek 1848-ig mennek vissza. Az úzvölgyi katonai temetőben fel nem dolgozott történelmi traumák vannak eltemetve, a temető maga is a kollektív tudattalan szimbóluma lévén, amit diabolikus szervezetek aktiváltak, hogy megalapítsák az AUR-t. Ezért nem elvi és lélektani kérdések a történelmi traumák, mert jelenlétükkel, politikai célból vissza lehet élni. Egy ilyen konfliktusban mindkét fél azt hiszi, hogy nagy román, nagy magyar, közben csak a manipulált történelmi trauma áldozata. Szilágyi úr által látott Erdélyt féltő tüntetők, lehet nem is voltak annyira eltájolódottak, mint gondolnánk. A reformszekusok tudatosan szervezett akciója is lehetett, hogy eltereljék a figyelmet arról, hogy a vásárhelyi román-magyar konfliktust ők generáltak. Ezt onnan gondolom, hogy utólag könyvek is születtek, hogy a vásárhelyi konfliktust magyarok szervezték,

A categoria mouros de paz (ou mouro das pazes), termo amplamente utilizado pela historiografia para descrever os magrebinos aliados e vassalos dos portugueses durante a conquista do Marrocos, obscurece a grande diversidade de atitudes e posicionamentos políticos possíveis nesse período. Esta categoria nos oferece uma visão imóvel da História, apresentando uma falsa realidade de submissão absoluta de certos magrebinos face à conquista portuguesa. O exame detalhado da vida desses mouros de paz revela uma realidade completamente diferente. Neste capítulo, analisaremos a vida do « mouro de paz » mais notável: Yaḥyā ū Tā‘fuft (m. 1518). Ele foi reconhecido como grande qā’id da Doukkala – região ao sul do Marrocos – e unificou o maior número de tribos sob sua autoridade. Ao lado de Nuno Fernandes de Ataíde, o capitão da cidade de Safim, ele encarna a era de ouro da suserania portuguesa no sul do Magrebe.
O estudo aprofundado de um único personagem nos permite ver os detalhes das estratégias postas em prática e os projetos políticos pessoais dos magrebinos. Yaḥyā ū Tā‘fuft é visto pela historiografia contemporânea como o paradigma dos mouros de paz. Assim, a fim de criticar esta noção, é preciso analisá-lo profundamente. Da mesma forma, este estudo é um esforço de restabelecer a agência dos magrebinos, de modo que não podemos evitar a evocação dos indivíduos concretos que fazem a História. A utilização exclusiva de um termo genérico como “magrebino”, não é menos criticável que “Muçulmanos” ou “mouro de paz”.

This paper deals with the question of the use of crowns in Byzantine diplomacy and of the extent with which their function determined their decoration and iconography. On the example of the Crown of St. Stephen, the Crown of Constantine IX. Monomachos and the crown from Preslav it illustrates how and whether the arrival of the crown from Byzantium transformed the royal representation and the coronation ritual in the foreign kingdoms. For this purpose it describes and compares the importance of the crowns for the representation of the monarch in Hungary, Bulgaria and Byzantium and their role in the coronation ritual. The primary goal is to answer the questions: How was the gifting of crowns perceived in Byzantine society? Do we find in their iconography hidden messages intended for the foreign monarch? Is it possible to find common features in the coronation rituals of Byzantium, Bulgaria and Hungary that could be attributed to the reception of the Byzantine crown? And finally: Did foreign rulers and their heirs tend to take over the representation of the Byzantine emperor?

Este texto apresenta, a partir da história social da diplomacia e da sociabilidade dos diplomatas, os tipos de diplomacia e os perfis dos diplomatas na região do Prata ao longo do século XIX, procurando identificar as transformações nas práticas e nos tipos de indivíduos no período e também suas redes de sociabilidade.
A análise aqui apresentada tem como recorte geográfico os quatro países da bacia do rio da Prata (Argentina, Brasil, Paraguai e Uruguai) como origem e destino. Assim, foram contemplados os homens enviados por esses quatro países com funções diplomáticas no período entre as guerras de independência e a proclamação da república no Brasil (1889).

Resumo: na América Latina, a constituição das Forças Armadas, símbolo do poder central, não se processou de maneira fácil em grande parte dos países, pois poderes se debateram em busca de hegemonia e, na maioria das regiões, as províncias manifestaramse contra a capital por intermédio de suas legiões armadas, os caudilhos. O exército emergiu como força organizada, no papel de defensor dos poderes estabelecidos, somente no século XX e, em muitos países, representou uma força débil, carente de instrução e de poder armado. No Uruguai, os caudilhos, acostumados a disputas internas e guerras civis entre Blancos e Colorados, foram o eixo formador da força militar. O partido Blanco era composto por grandes proprietários rurais e se identificava com a força do campo, enquanto que o partido Colorado era oriundo de Montevidéu, o que significava uma oposição entre campo e cidade. Os partidos representavam interesses pessoais, diretamente ligados a determinado chefe político.

Instead of writing a whole study on the importance, specificity, uniqueness of the subject matter of this Special Issue: Focus on Central and Eastern Europe, I am going to recommend the issue with a longer quotation, from an essay written by István Bibó, during WWII: …the nations in this region lacked what was self-evidently, clearly, circumscribable, and graspable present in both the reality and the consciousnesses of West European communities-the reality of their own national and state frameworks, their capital cities, their being politically and economically accustomed to one another, a single social elite, etc. The political rise and decline of a country in Western and Northern Europe-its acquiring or losing a role as a major power or its establishing or losing a colonial empire-could remain episodic, distant adventures, pleasant or sad memories, and could be suffered without major shocks because there was something that could not be taken away or questioned. In Eastern Europe, in contrast, the national frameworks were something to be fashioned, restored, fought for, and be anxious about not only because of the overpower of the state framework of existing dynasties, but also because of the indifference of certain quarters of its population and the fickleness of national consciousness. This is the situation that gave rise to a characteristic feature of the unbalanced Central-East European political mentality: existential anxiety for the community. East European nations were always overshadowed by alien, rootless state powers either bearing European forms or wielding unbearable pressure, whether they were called emperor, tsar, or sultan, who deprived them of their sons either by offering the most talented ones a career or sending the most upright ones to the gallows or jails. The mismatches between historical and ethnic borders soon brought bad blood among the peoples themselves, and given the opportunity, they tried out on one another what they had learned from the emperors, tsars, or sultans. They all got to know the feeling when alien powers endangered, seized, or ruled their sacred places of national

Diplomatic relations between France and Russia were established in the 18th
century. From the very beginning of cooperation, representatives of both powers have repeatedly
stressed the importance of this cooperation and the similarity of the strategic interests of their
sovereigns in the political theater of Europe. The article is devoted to the study of attempts to
conclude a military alliance between France and Russia when Jacques de Campredon was the
ambassador of the French kingdom at the court of the Russian Empire from 1721 to 1726. The
study is based on personal correspondence between French diplomatic representatives at the
Russian court and French statesmen.

FROM FRIEND TO FOE Duke Władysław of Opole and the Přemysl–Árpád Conflict in the Second Half of the 13th Century

The paper focuses on a particular aspect of thirteenth century Polish– Hungarian relations, the relationship between King Béla IV of Hungary and Duke Władysław of Opole, and more broadly on the role of the Piast coalitions in the Bohemian–Hungarian struggle for the so-called Babenberg heritage, i.e. the Duchies of Austria and Styria. The protagonist mentioned in the title, the ruler of the Silesian Duchy of Opole-Racibórz, first sided with the Hungarian king and waged war in Moravia in 1253. A few years later, however, he appeared on the side of the Bohemian ruler, Ottokar II, in the fighting, and from the Hungarian ruler’s point of view he went from friend to foe. The present paper seeks to explore the causes and circumstances of this change of sides, as well as the personality of the Duke of Opole, with an analysis of the effects of the turbulent relations between the Piast princes of the Polish duchies. Furthermore, the events of the conflict up to the death of Władysław around 1281 are also described in the text.

Артыкул прысвечаны асаблівасцям выбарчай кампаніі 1906 г. ў Дзяржаўную Думу Расійскай імперыі ў Мінскай губерніі, дзейнасці і грамадскім поглядам Я.І. Любанскага - прадстаўніка мінскіх землеўласнікаў, гласнага гарадской Думы, актыўнага грамадскага дзеяча і таленавітага прадпрымальніка, уласніка маёнтка Лошыца.

В статье рассматривается ряд отдельных сюжетов, связанных с историей Посольского приказа и биографиями его служащих и членов их семей. Приводятся подробности принятия на службу переводчика Кадралея Сакаева и двух толмачей — Степана Мосаковского и Василия Сергеева, многолетней борьбы Матрены, вдовы переводчика Л. Каснахера, за выплаты «вдовей пенсии», история приведения «к вере» ряда служащих Посольского приказа в апреле 1682 г., факты противодействия переводчика Степана Чижинского попыткам уничтожения его двора и обстоятельства освобождения от караульной службы по городу некоторых подьячих. Описан состав личной библиотеки переводчика Ивана Гуданского. Иллюстративный ряд представлен чертежом тисков для большой государственной печати (см. цветную вклейку).