Democracy In the Arab World

This chapter reviews the major scholarly trends about media, the family, and social and political change during three periods: colonial struggle to Arab nationalism (1870s–1980); neoliberalism and the technological opening (1980–2010); and the internet revolution and generational divides (2010 to present).

This paper differs from previous studies in arguing that sectarianism has overwhelmingly been created consensually by/or as a result of the elites' behavioral patterns. Religious or communal pluralism does not categorically lead to political sectarianism; The development of pluralism into political sectarianism can thus be adduced as dependent upon other factors-first and foremost the behavioural patterns of the elite. While the imperial legacy, theological controversies, and socioeconomic gaps feed political sectarianism, in and of themselves they are insufficient to cause it. A survey of the history of Egypt and the other countries in the Fertile Crescent reveals that the development of political sectarianism or sectarian violence has been organically linked to elites' political behaviors and interests. sectarianism takes the form of the instrumental exploitation of a religious or communal identity or framework in order to enable political organization, the gaining of political legitimacy, the promotion of political change, or the preservation of the control held by interest groups. While in the eyes of many critics, sectarianism forms a striking example of the elites' intrinsic weakness, sectarianism is first and foremost a product of the elites' quest for power.

of democracy for the emerging democracies after Arab spring due to its ability to maintain balance between The study will also highlight the weaknesses of the Turkish model and offer a new perspective. The civil-military engagement and the dominance of the concept of secularism over Islam that characterizes modern Turkey cannot be simply implemented in Arab countries. The study will also examine various socioeconomic , cultural and political differences between Turkey and the Arab world and explore the non-viability of the full application of the Turkish economic management and structural reform, geographical proximity to Europe, integration with European markets, and the effect of its associate membership in the European Union (EU) which more or less, help Turkey maintain democratic pattern of governance and weather the factors that create instability on communitarian identities.

HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access archive for the deposit and dissemination of scientific research documents, whether they are published or not. The documents may come from teaching and research institutions in France or abroad, or from public or private research centers. L'archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, émanant des établissements d'enseignement et de recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires publics ou privés.

يُصعب تحديد عامل رئيسي وحيد وفريد لبناء الأمم وهشاشتها وإخفاقها، لكن الى ماذا تهدينا آيات القرآن الكريم؟ وماذا يجتهد المؤلفان المشهوران عاصم أوغلو وروبنسون، والمفكر فوكوياما، والعلامة الموسوعي ابن خلدون، عن العوامل الجذرية الهيكلية في بناء الدول؟ هذا المقال يأخذ سوريا كدراسة حالة تطبيقية، ويتوصل الى ان اللجوء المتزايد في العالم العربي الى السلطوية رغم انه جذاب في فترات الأزمات والمعونات، لكنه مسار إدماني يصعب تصويبه، ويخضع في الأجل المتوسط والطويل الى قانون تناقص المنفعة المعروف في علم الاقتصاد مما قد يعيدنا الى مربع الشتاء العربي

https://openparliament.ca/committees/international-human-rights/41-1/7/nabil-malek-1/ h, 2011 / 1:10 p.m.
Nabil Abdelmalek, President of the  Canadian Egyptian Organization for Human Rights

The persecution of the Coptic Christians in Egypt is a complicated matter. As a matter of fact, it has historical and legal grounds. The Copts in Egypt face swelling problems, obliterating their identity, limiting their progress and welfare, and even threatening their existence. These problems include restrictions on their freedom of religion and the right to practise their religion, forced conversion to Islam, recurrence of attacks on their village communities and individuals, equality before the law, and political marginalization, discrimination in education and employment, as well as suppression of their culture. It has been noticed that under the authoritarian Egyptian regimes that have held power since 1952, the major trend for the Copts has been rejection and segregation.

MOURA, Iara Gomes; SOUSA, Lorena Alves Almeida Crispim; CAVALCANTE, Andrea Pinheiro Paiva; CASTRO, Henrique Sergio Beltrao de. Todos os Sentidos: no ar, para dar voz as pessoas com deficiencia. In: CONGRESSO BRASILEIRO DE CIENCIAS DA COMUNICACAO, 32, 2009, Curitiba. Anais ... Sao Paulo: Intercom - Sociedade Brasileira de Estudos Interdisciplinares da Comunicacao, 2009, 11p.

Cette article vise à présenter combien de dictatures existent dans le monde, comment les éviter et les éliminer, ainsi que comment garantir que la construction de démocraties se produise dans tous les quadrants de la Terre. L'article publié par Igor Zimermann, Combien de dictatures existent encore dans le monde ?, rapporte que, selon le rapport de Freedom House, le monde compte 49 dictatures, 18 en Afrique subsaharienne, 12 au Moyen-Orient et en Afrique du Nord, 8 en Asie-Pacifique, 7 en Eurasie, 3 dans les Amériques et seulement 1 en Europe. Selon le Democracy Index 2022, publié par The Economist, près de la moitié de la population mondiale vit dans un certain type de démocratie (45,3 %). Les dictatures et les fausses démocraties prédominent dans le monde dans lequel nous vivons, correspondant à 92 % des pays du monde. Seuls 8 % des pays du monde sont considérés comme des démocraties à part entière. Selon les résultats les plus récents de l'Indice de démocratie, les plus grandes démocraties à part entière du monde sont, dans l'ordre, les suivantes : 1) la Norvège ; 2) Nouvelle-Zélande ; 3) Islande ; 4) Suède ; 5) Finlande ; 6) Danemark ; 7) Suisse ; 8) Irlande ; 9) Pays-Bas (Hollande) ; et 10) Taïwan. Comment transformer les dictatures et les fausses démocraties en démocraties pleines dans tous les pays du monde ? L'échec de la démocratie représentative telle qu'elle est pratiquée dans plusieurs pays du monde ouvre la voie à sa propre fin, constituant un terrain fertile pour l'avènement de régimes d'exception ou de dictatures face à la frustration de la majorité de la population qui réalise chaque jour que ils participent à une tromperie en élisant de faux représentants. Pour construire une démocratie pleine dans la grande majorité des pays du monde, une Assemblée nationale constituante doit être convoquée dans chaque pays dans le but d'institutionnaliser une démocratie pleinement participative afin que le peuple puisse approuver ou rejeter les décisions prises par les pouvoirs du République par un plébiscite ou un référendum, entre autres mesures.

He is the founder and acting president of Media Development Center, Tunis. He is furthermore the founder and editor-in-chief of Arab Journalism Observatory (AJO), partner of European journalism Observatory (EJO). In his career he held positions like DG of the African Center for the Training of Journalists and Communicators (CAPJC). Academic fields of interest and expertise: Media regulation, media law, media accountability, the right to access to information, media and human rights.

The following pages represent  an  endeavor  to  explain  why  Dewey’s  understanding  of democracy,  education,  and  religion implies  great  relevance  for  understanding  the  present  Arab-Islamic  crisis.  The  historicism of  Abdallah  Laroui,  the  social theory  of  Hisham  Sharabi,  and  the political  anthropology  of AbdellahHammoudi  emphasize  that  the  persistence  of  politicalauthoritarianism in the Arab world reflects a malaise in the culture or society and above all a crisis of education —an education that remains patriarchal or neo-patriarchal, emphasizing the communal and  undermining  the  individual.  The  thinkers mentioned above  explain  that  a  reform of Demos can not come about without a reform of Culture. This is another reason John Dewey’s meditations on democracy and education, or democracy as a way of life, are of great importance for today’s Arab societies. This paper deals with the relevance of Dewey’s work and shows why we cannot achieve a democratic transition without a cultural transition, which includes an education strategy regarding democracy.

Facteurs religieux et facteurs politiques s'entremêlent dans bon nombre de conflits contemporains, les rendant particulièrement violents et difficiles à résoudre. L'actualité nous suggère des exemples immédiats, comme ceux de l'Afghanistan, de l'Irak ou du conflit israélo-arabe. Les théories de la résolution des conflits peinent cependant souvent à prendre en compte cet enchevêtrement. Une idée répandue est qu'une médiation n'est possible qu'à condition de s'en tenir au strict terrain politique, aux « intérêts » en présence, en laissant le religieux de côté. S'axer sur les causes sous-jacentes des conflits, celles qui se cachent sous le discours des acteurs, voilà ce que recommandent généralement les spécialistes de la médiation (voir encadré). Pourtant, lorsque les conflits mettent en scène des groupes revendiquant des appartenances religieuses différentes, ce qui est en jeu, c'est la rencontre entre des « mondes » distincts. Ces « mondes » (ou « religions ») constituent des systèmes de construction de la réalité. Loin d'être neutres, ils interfèrent avec la définition des intérêts et dès lors contribuent à structurer les différents. Il importe donc, pour la théorie de la résolution de conflit, de penser la dynamique d'interaction entre le religieux et le politique. C'est à cette condition qu'elle pourra contribuer à trouver une issue à des affrontements marqués par une telle interaction.

"Many Muslims have been deceived by a famous historical myth, which is the title of this article. Many Muslims believe that Tariq ibn Ziyad, the conqueror of Andalusia, burned the ships that brought him to the shores of Andalusia (Spain)."
And in this article, I would like to provide, in a useful manner, evidence disproving the claims about the burning of the ships and the famous speech.

Le thème de ce colloque nous permet de partager les fruits des recherches que nous menons depuis quelques années sur la situation des femmes africaines, leurs rapports avec les hommes et les luttes sociales et politiques dans lesquelles elles se sont impliquées. Cette communication revient sur une vision véhiculée par les travaux des Occidentales et même des Africaines, tendant à considérer les femmes du continent comme des objets manipulables entre les mains des hommes. Elle essaie d'abord de restituer la place des femmes dans les sociétés africaines traditionnelles et de montrer comment le modèle colonial a consacré le recul de leur statut et a renforcé la domination masculine. Elle revient ensuite sur les luttes politiques et sociales menées par les femmes dans leurs espaces sociaux avant l'avènement de la colonisation, ainsi que sur la manière dont elles ont tenté de faire face au modèle de domination masculine et coloniale de l'envahisseur. Enfin, elle montre que même si la période post coloniale a accentué l'écart entre les hommes et les femmes, ces dernières n'ont pas pour autant baissé les bras. Des actions ont été menées même si elles ont parfois été méconnues, que ce soit au niveau local, national, ou à l'échelle continentale ; y compris dans le domaine de la production de la pensée. La place de la femme africaine avant la période précoloniale Comprendre la place des femmes africaines dans la société précoloniale permet de saisir le sens du combat qu'elles ont mené contre le modèle occidental qui remettait en cause des acquis que leur conféraient leurs sociétés. Leurs positions sociales étaient justifiées par leur rôle au niveau économique, social et spirituel, mais elles pouvaient être aussi le fruit de luttes âprement menées. Les données sur de grandes figures féminines à travers toute l'Afrique, fournies par les témoignages d'anciens voyageurs et les découvertes d'historiens modernes (Hadiza Djibo 2001) illustrent le rôle de premier plan joué par des femmes remarquables qui ont assumé dans certaines circonstances la direction de leur peuple, notamment dans des luttes entre États africains ou contre les invasions arabes et les conquêtes coloniales. Chez les Songhay, on cite la Reine Weyza, qui selon Boubou Hama (1972) a été mentionnée expressément par Tarickh-el-Fettah, ainsi que deux autres illustres reines : Adama et Koddio, qui se succédèrent au trône de Kokoro (Djibo 2001). Au Mali, Bikoun Kabi, Reine de Sanhaja Nono, aurait régné au milieu du XV e siècle. Au Nigeria, c'est à la Reine Haussa, Amina de Zaria, arrivée au pouvoir en 1476 que l'on doit l'introduction de la noix de cola. À la tête d'une armée de 20000 hommes, elle a mené trente-quatre années de campagne militaire quasi ininterrompues, a annexé plusieurs cités et dominé Kano et Katsina. Cette présence des femmes dans l'espace politique précolonial n'est pas un mythe. Elle est confirmée par le rôle joué par quelques unes, jusqu'au début de la conquête coloniale. En Sierra Leone, en 1787, ce fut la reine Yamacouba qui céda le premier lopin de la presqu'île à une société anglaise. Deux autres femmes signèrent un siècle plus tard, en 1889, des traités analogues. Au Ghana-actuel-la dernière personne à jouer un rôle de chef de résistance contre la conquête britannique, à la fin du XIX e siècle, fut une femme du nom de Yaa Asentewa. Elle prit la place de la reine mère des Ashanti, quand cette dernière, Nan Afrane Kuma, fut déportée avec son fils, Prempeh Ier, en 1896 aux Seychelles. Elle organisa devant la Fatou Sarr 1 Cette famille Tédjek s'est enrichie au cours de son exil au pays de l'or et son long règne lui a permis d'accumuler une fortune et des armes, grâce à des échanges avec les comptoirs français.Ainsi, elle contrôlait un parti militairement puissant et un immense trésor familial.

Notre article souhaite offrir des pistes de réflexion sur la démocratie en temps de crise, ainsi que sur les manières d’affronter les crises de la démocratie. Nous nous basons sur deux conceptions de la démocratie, soit une première qui la définit comme un processus de prise de décision et de résolution des problèmes collectifs et une seconde qui l’envisage plutôt comme un idéal qui permet d’orienter nos pratiques, un horizon vers lequel tendre. La démocratie politique et la démocratie sociale sont deux composantes de cet horizon. En partant de cette double définition de la démocratie comme un processus et comme un horizon, au moins deux questions peuvent être posées. D’une part, comment pouvons-nous favoriser le développement des pratiques et des institutions démocratiques, qui encouragent le maintien d’une société civile forte et engagée, tant durant les crises que durant les périodes plus stables ? D’autre part, comment pouvons- nous intervenir politiquement durant les crises afin qu’elles mènent au renforcement de la démocratie politique et sociale, plutôt qu’à une aggravation des inégalités ?

Exploring the debate between Islamic and secular laws from the perspective of
Islamists, this article suggests a way of rethinking the relationship between popular sovereignty
and God’s sovereignty in the modern world. There has been a conundrum of calls for reform
in Islamic law based on democratic principles in the contemporary world. Comparing the role
of morality in Islamic and secular legal systems, highlighting their differences in the
foundations and principles of morality in both systems, this article primarily argues that
morality is essential for law in both systems. However, the examination of the issue of
sovereignty, whether it belongs to the people or to God, explains why Islamists reject Western-
inspired reforms in Islamic law. The article examines the principles of Islamic law and the
concepts of fitrah (innate disposition) and deism to highlight the fundamental differences in
sovereignty between the two systems. While the article acknowledges that Islam does not
oppose democracy, it reflects on the Islamists’ contention that some modern democratic values
are incompatible with Islamic law. It emphasises that arguments on morality should be based
on Islamic law (Sharia’h), which is derived from the Qur’an and Sunnah and provides its own
criteria for reform. In conclusion, the article stresses on the inherent conflicts between modern
democratic values and Islamic law, and the need for independent and internally guided reform
within the Islamic legal system which remains faithful to Islamic principles and free from
conceptions strange to it.

This essay does not start from the bold Renanist political assertion that underdevelopment and despotism in the Arab world are due to its culture and religion. That culturalist  vision, not content with falsifying facts by mixing symptoms and causes, plays the game  of authoritarianism, whether it is aware of it or not – the authoritarianism that emphasises
particularity against universality to consolidate its power.
Nonetheless, the cultural hegemony of despotism in the Arab context has been entrenched through systematic policies that have drained the education system, amounting to an undeclared civil war against the poor classes, and systematically destroyed mass parties and undermined the free press, contributing to the dilution of technology and social media.
Faced with this reality, democratic forces in the region are forced to think of ways to build a democratic counterculture. Without a democratic culture, it will be difficult to think about – or establish – a genuine and sustainable democratic transition. This desired culture is impossible without a critical reading of authoritarianism tradition and religious policies. This indispensable reading is not ideological; until today, ideology has only sought to politicise this heritage.

A fascinating exploration of Islam's history, religion, law, philosophy, literature, art, and other aspects is provided by the multidisciplinary area of study of Islam. A study of Islam covers ages and continents, offering insights not only into one of the world's main religions but also into the multitude of cultures and civilizations it has impacted.

In the 90's, the great majority of the African countries, including Benin, have chosen democracy. Benin has chosen democracy after the national conference of the lively forces of the nation (february 1990). It is even qualified as pioneer of democracy in subsaharian Africa. One can naturally ask the question to know the impact of democracy on the economic growth in Benin. To answer this question, we will analyse some graphics and do some correlations tests to infirm or confirm the link between democracy and economic growth. The conclusion is that democracy and growth have no relation statistically perceivable in the case of Benin. All the two methods have led to the same conclusion.

Bu makale Arap dünyasında internet kullanımını incelemektedir. İnternet kullanımının ne düzeyde olduğu, kimlerin hangi amaçlarla interneti kullandıkları ve internetin ne derece geleneksel toplum yapısının değişmesinde etkili olduğu makalenin temel odak noktalarıdır. Arap ülkelerinde internet özellikle gençler, üst orta ve üst sınıflar ile kadınlarca yoğun olarak kullanılmaktadır. Arama motorları, eposta, müzik ve program indirmenin yanı sıra tartışma forumları da Arap toplumlarında popülerdir. Bu forumlarda toplumların tabu konuları haline gelmiş politika, din ve kadın-erkek ilişkileri hakkında yoğun tartışmalar yapılmaktadır. Bu tartışmalar özellikle bireysel anlamda yeni anlayışların ortaya çıkmasını sağlarken bireye seçim hakkının ne kadar önemli olduğunu öne çıkarmaktadır. Tartışma forumları kadar popülerlik kazanmaya başlayan web günlükleri de bireylerin seçim haklarının farkına varmalarının ve kendi kişisel alanlarını oluşturmalarının en açık göstergesidir.

The "Arab Spring" sparked a surge in public opinion research on democratic transformation in the Arab region. Most studies relied on limited datasets and highlighted sociocultural explanations of public attitude towards democracy, emphasizing Islam's alleged incompatibility with democracy. In contrast, this study integrates attitudinal and normative dimensions, offering a unique country-level and longitudinal analysis from 2011 to 2016, based on the data of the "Arab Opinion Index", which was conducted in Arabic between 2011 and 2016. The analysis of the data of "Bertelsmann Stiftung´s Transformation Index" that reflects the normative level of democracy during those years, along with an in-depth review of annual reports published by the Arab Center for Research and Policy Studies on Arab public opinion, will enable a more accurate understanding and interpretation of the analysis of the Arab Opinion Index data. This study challenges not only the prevailing methodology of studying public opinion but also the established narratives of Arab exceptionalism. It introduces the "expectation effect" to interpret the fluctuations of public attitude towards democracy during transition periods and addresses the gap between the human agency and politics. This critical engagement provides nuanced insights crucial for both policymakers and scholars.

Despite the increasing volume of books about Arab news media, the world of Arab journalists has remained the center of few academic endeavors. This book provides an innovative study of Arab journalists in transnational media, which are scattered in several cities inside and outside the Arab World such as the BBC Arabic (London), Al Jazeera (Doha) and Al Arabiya (Dubai). The book offeres an unprecedented discussion about the phenomena of Arab emigre and transnational media, and an analysis of Arab journalists memoirs.

إن الكتابة على شواهد القبور والأحجار الجنائزية، ظاهرة اجتماعية و ثقافية تندرج ضمن جملة الطقوس الجنائزية المرافقة للحداد. وباعتبارها ممارسة  في جانب منها داخل فضاءات الدفن والمقابر، فقد تميزت شكلا ومضمونا بخصائص محددة، أعيد إنتاجها بطريقة نمطية شكلت مضمون ما يطلق عليه المختصون اسم "المرثيات". والمرثية على شواهد القبور تتلخص في كونها طلب موجه إلى الزائر أو الزوار من أجل طلب الرحمة للمتوفى، بقراءة الفاتحة على روحه وبالدعاء له. ولكن المرثيات ممارسة أيضا خارج فضاءات الدفن، فهي من الممارسات الفلسفية والأدبية التي لها خصوصياتها وميزاتها أيضا. وهذا ما سيحاول المقال أبرازه من خلال المستوى الاجتماعي والمستوى الأدبي.
إن موضوع مقالنا معروضا بهذه الكيفية، لا يهدف إلى معرفة الموت في ذاته ولذاته، لأن "معرفة الماوراء، العالم الآخر، اللا-زمني، تتقلص ليس فقط إلى شيء قليل، بل إلى لاشيء"1. إن اهتمامنا يتعلق بالدرجة الأولى بالممارسات، الخطابات، الاستراتيجيات والتمثلات. والكتابة هي أحد تلك الممارسات المنتجة للنصوص، مع إمكان "الانتقال من النص إلى ما يماثل النص، ومن الخطاب إلى الفعل كخطاب، وذلك من خلال المفتاح الذي أشار إليه بول ريكور والمتعلق بمفهوم التوثيق L’inscription، أي تثبيت المعنى [...] والفضل الكبير لامتداد النص فيما فوق الأشياء المكتوبة على الورق أو المنقوشة على الحجر، أنه يجلب النظر إلى هاته الظاهرة: كيف أمكن إثارة توثيق الفعل، ما هي وسائله وكيف تشتغل، وأيضا بالنسبة للتأويل السوسيولوجي ما يعنيه تثبيت المعنى انطلاقا من تدفق الحوادث"2. إن دراستنا لا تتموضع داخل الموت، ولكن خارجه، وذلك "بأخذه كموضوع خطاب"3، وموضوع للممارسات القابلة للمعاينة، للتحليل وللفهم.

ELSEBETH FREY 12 Muslim countries where journalists seem to be motivated to monitor business and politics, which are qualities of the watchdog role (ibid:569f). Blumler states that, although Western factors are abound in the Worlds of Journalism Study, the examination of contextual differences means that 'an overly "Western-centered focus"' was avoided (Blumler 2017:683). For, even though the Anglo-American model of journalism 'seems to stand out as the only universal model' (Mancini 2005:78), academic as well as global winds blew in another direction, making it obvious that the model 'cannot be grafted on to any other systems' (Schudson 2005:104). Thus, Curran and Park (2000) aimed to broaden the understanding of media theory and the experiences 'outside the Anglo-American orbit' (2000:11). In addition, they write that global theory underplays the importance of nations, which they believe are influential in shaping media systems (ibid:12ff). Also De Burgh emphasizes that how journalists act depends on culture. Furthermore, globalization 'has meant a sharing of techniques, and formats and professional attitudes but also, paradoxically, globalisation has brought about an intensified awareness of the power of culture such that we cannot afford to ignore it' (2005:17). For example, examining journalistic culture in Muslim-majority countries, Muchtar et al. saw that journalists support national development and advocate for social change, 'particularly […] journalists in Bangladesh and Indonesia, Oman and Qatar, as well as Sierra Leone and Sudan' (2017:564). However, as a study from Ramaprasad and Rahman (2006) shows, it is not necessarily contradictory to believe in critical reporting and, at the same time, to endorse national-building values. Normative and empirical As Hallin and Mancini state, comparative studies are valuable but risky (2004:5). One of the many reasons for this is that using surveys and interviews to examine journalism's values and norms generates results on how journalists think, not on what they do. So, there could be a gap between expressed values and work in practice and a need to follow up with research on journalistic content. Furthermore, journalism, as well as studies of it, tends to be normative. For journalism, normativity is its legitimization (McQuail in Josephi 2005:576). Maybe due to the hegemony of the Anglo-American model, it is often argued that detached, critical journalism may lead to better democratic practices. Others have stated that a socially responsible press may lead to social harmony or that advocacy journalism can bring about change. Schudson (2003:198), for example, states 'the press by itself is not democracy and does not create democracy'-unless the state tolerates criticism of its power and permits some degree of self-government for the press (ibid:197). Merrill points to the 'cacophony of muttering worldwide about press freedom' (2009:10), ironically refer-22 ELSEBETH FREY United Nations (1948). The Universal Declaration of Human Rights [online].

This study explores critical challenges for global citizenship education (GCE) in Qatar. This study contributes to Global Citizenship Education (GCE) studies in the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) region. It reimagines cultural practices as pedagogical strategies to reorient students into global awareness and intercultural views, as stated in the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). In effect, the study draws attention to the pivotal role of education in nurturing a global ethical outlook by achieving a balance between local culture and global citizenship. The aim is to infuse the educational system with myriad social and family ethics in a way that vehemently transcends local specificities. It examines intercultural ethics within the Islamic and Qatari settings. How can intercultural practices born from the Qatari Islamic culture develop global citizenry? The study identifies two Qatari shared values that advocate for an intercultural understanding of global citizenship. More specifically, it examines specific intercultural practices, such as Al-Nafla and Al-Majlis, beyond the local level to endorse ethical responsibility toward global citizenship.

Since the people’s uprising in 2011 against the authoritarian regime of Bashar Al Assad and its oppressive policies, Syria is entangled in a long spiral of violent conflict. Though a number of factors explain the violent nature of war and its longevity, however sectarianism proved to be the most significant and the most dominant factors of all. The dominancy of minority Alawite community in the country led to the discrimination against other sects especially the Sunni majority, comprising 74 percent of the total population. Such prejudices against Sunnis and other sects have pitched Syrian people against the regime which evolved into a long and sectarian civil war that dominates the Syrian society till date. Applying Protracted Social Conflict Model, this paper tries to answer the question that how sectarianism played a role in the perpetuation of the Syrian civil war during 2011-2018. Using qualitative methods of analysis, the paper endeavours to dig out the roots of the current vi...

The development of quantum computers seeks software developers' attention regarding security in the era of Information Technology, software security is the primary goal for our quantitative assessment of software security in the development cycle of software. Security assessment of software is identifying the key security factors of the software. A security elective provides ex-tensive strategies and calculations to ensure product safety. The security assessment is the key factor in surveying, administering, and controlling security to further enhance the nature of safety. It should be acknowledged that assessing security early on in the development process is beneficial in identifying worms, hazards, flaws, and threats. The definition and portrayal of Quantum Computing (QC) in software security will be discussed in this study. Researchers use cryptography calculations to secure our financial institutions, medical devices, military weaponry, planes, ships, vehicles, and pilots. ...

The relation between models of society, state policies, and the paradigm of “integration” is complex and multidirectional since these elements exert a mutual influence on each other. A model of society can determine which paradigm of “integration” is desirable, and which state policies can enforce it; and conversely, a specific paradigm of “integration” shapes the evolution of a society and its policies. As an example of how the choice of a specific paradigm of “integration” affects the relations with migrant communities in Europe and the model of society developed by policies to manage diversity, this paper aims to provide an analysis of the Coptic Orthodox migrant com- munities in Europe, that will be examined through the theoretical and methodological framework of the European Union (EU)-funded project «NEGOTIA–Negotiating Religion: Coptic Orthodox diaspora communities. Shifting identities, needs, and relations from Egypt to Europe and back». Specific attention will be given to the concept of “relation” and its link to the paradigms of “integration” and “inclusion” in Europe. The concept of “relation” is one of the key aspects, with identity/-ies and needs, of the approach of the NEGOTIA research. Particularly, I argue that “integration” and “inclusion” are both mainly a relational matter. To explain this theoretical assumption, I will focus my analysis on the two case studies of Copts in Italy and in Germany, and on the relations existing among the members of each community (intra-communal relations) and with other religious communities (inter-communal relations), and with the Italian and German states.

Este artigo se propõe a resgatar a história inicial da Rádio Eldo-Pop, na década de 1970, a partir de pesquisa realizada em meios impressos da época e análise de mídia sonora. A bibliografia sobre história do rádio registra a existência da emissora entre os anos de 1974 e 1977. Contudo, a reconstrução de sua trajetória se dá de forma lacunar, a partir de depoimentos, gravações de época e arquivos conservados pelos ouvintes. Considerando-se a vigência, então, da fase da segmentação do rádio (FERRARETTO, 2012), busca-se aqui apresentar um quadro desse material, procurando contextualizá-los em função do breve período de sua existência da no dial.

This Paper briefly describes how attempts have been made in the past to contemplate a peaceful world. Thinkers philosophers and spiritual leaders have tried to kindle a peaceful world by turning the individual egos towards a collective ego, resulting a sense of connectivity, empathy and togetherness, that are essential ingredients to obtain harmony and world peace. The contemporary psychic spiritual societal experts have worked on secular planes to achieve the same effect, and have devised simple rules as to how to energize individuals, societies and governments for harmoniously living together. The powerful telecommunication outreach and highly effective social platforms today promise faster and positive results, provided that the system is not played in the hands of a selfishly motivated few, but is run by self-regulated reward and punishment mechanism operated by a collective humanity. The hope lies this time, that such a self-regulated collective and connected humanity can achieve world peace.

Prefacio En la academia internacional de las ciencias de los medios y de la comu- nicación y en los congresos internacionales de nuestros tiempos, sea AIERI, ICA, ECREA o el propio ALAIC, se puede notar una tendencia muy clara en la producción científica: existe un apasionante interés y fascinación por el po- tencial participativo que las nuevas tecnologías trae. Esto aparece como una actitud de celebración del potencial transformador de los nuevos medios y, a su vez, se articula con una proliferación de seminarios y talleres relacio- nados con investigaciones sobre e-gobernancia, empoderamiento digital y potencialidades tecnológicas para la transformación social. Sin embargo, lo que sigue ausente es una perspectiva crítica, contextualizada y comunitaria de las mismas apropiaciones de los medios con fines sociales, de obtención de justicia y equidad social. También hace falta comprender la compleji- dad de las interconexiones entre nuevos y ‘viejos' medios, la co-evolución entre...

Modernity is a term referred to the complex trends of thought which led mankind to the present age with far reaching consequences. The socio-cultural milieu, we are living in, is, nonetheless, a product of modernity. Though as per experts and critics of the field, modernity ended by the beginning of the later half of the 20 th century and is no more relevant now. Currently the real topic to be discussed is post-modernity, which is also perhaps in the last phase(s). We, however, may not claim to be surviving in the post-modern era, because we are still at premodern stage of history especially in the context of Islam and the Muslim World. Hence, for us this topic still bears vital significance though outlived by the contemporary world.

The wave of Arab uprisings that started in 2011 had offered religious and ethnic minorities an opportunity to obtain full rights in a new democratic political regime, but a violent turn of events in many Arab countries has put religious and ethnic communities under unprecedented threats. In particular, this is the case of Christian communities in Egypt, Iraq and Syria who have found themselves caught between the rise of radical Islamist groups and the inability of political regimes to offer them protection.

La Tunisie, dû à son dynamisme durant le «printemps arabe» de 2011, a suscité beaucoup d'espoir pour la démocratie dans la région. Pourtant, depuis un moment déjà, le pays suscite de plus en plus d'inquiétude quant à la vitalité de sa démocratie. Au cours des dernières semaines, la Tunisie a été touchée par plusieurs vagues de répression envers la société civile, plus particulièrement les opposants au pouvoir en général, de même que les journalistes et les minorités. Il y avait aussi des indices avantcoureurs qui laissaient croire à des problèmes démocratiques, notamment la forte abstention lors des derniers scrutins. Lors des élections législatives, le 29 janvier dernier, le taux d'abstention était de 89%. Quelques mois auparavant, lors du référendum sur la nouvelle Constitution le 25 juillet 2022, c'est près de 70% des électeurs qui n'ont pas exercé leur droite de vote. Cette forte abstention n'est sans doute pas étrangère aux dérives populistes et autoritaires du chef de l'État, le président Kaïs Saïed. Élu en 2019 en misant sur une stratégie antisystème, il a, le 25 juillet 2021, jour de la Fête de la République, limogé le gouvernement, suspendu l'assemblée et s'est s'octroyé le droit de gouverner par décret, au détriment du pouvoir législatif.