Cultural Pluralism And Citizenship

Ce texte est issu d’un mémoire rédigé pour le Comité Rousseau-Proulx s’étant penché sur l’avenir institutionnel du Québec. À l’occasion de la préparation de la loi 84 sur l’intégration nationale, il nous semble utile d’en déposer une version révisée. En effet, si la notion de nationalité québécoise a sa place dans le cadre d’une réflexion sur les institutions, elle l’a aussi dans un projet de loi sur l’intégration nationale. Ce point a été soulevé lors des auditions prépartoires. Une nationalité est en effet un outil juridique qui, en précisant les contours de la nation, permet cette intégration. Enfin, et le Comité précité comme le projet de loi le
reconnaissent, sans en saisir forcément la portée : le lien entre nation, État-nation et droit civil. C’est en effet dans celui-ci, cadre d’expression des mœurs faites lois, que la tradition civiliste place habituellement la définition des nationaux. Voyons la forme que pourrait prendre une
nationalité québécoise, clef de voute de l’édifice vers lequel le Québec semble tendre à tâtons.

The effect of the recent populist legislative tendencies results in sharpening new and old tensions between national and international legal orders and, in the European Union scenario, in particular, the most alarming outcome could be a potential and systematic breach of the European Convention on Human Rights and the liberal democratic values expressed in it. Regarding the argument of the enforcement, nevertheless, besides the importance of the international recommendations and soft law instruments, above all the EU Guidelines on the promotion and protection of freedom of religion or belief, it could be crucial the role that the religious leaders should perform towards a more inclusive intrareligious dialogue and within States, pushing and persuading national authorities to take further steps in order to comply with the fundamental scope of “living together”

Le livre de Jérôme Tapp-Gosselin montre de quelle manière la défense de l’environnement pourrait permettre une convergence plus aboutie entre les luttes de la nation québécoise et celles des nations autochtones en matière d’autodétermination politique et de souveraineté territoriale. Au « prix » d’un nouveau pacte social et territorial prenant appui sur l’interculturalisme, la cogestion des ressources naturelles, la transformation du mandat du BAPE (Bureau d’audiences publiques en environnement) et la négociation de traités modernes (et mutuellement bénéfiques) avec les onze nations autochtones avec qui nous cohabitons sur le territoire du Kepek-Québec. Vaste chantier capable de faire émerger un monde commun pour les sept prochaines générations.

Individual rights and cultural traditions: policies of equality or policies of difference? 1. Introduction: recognition and its multiple levels. Cultural recognition has become, in modern societies, a crucial issue. When one talks about women's rights, or about the best way to protect religious and racial minorities, each of these problems is-or can be-understood as a problem of recognition. Recognition is not only the prerequisite of policies aimed to promote social integration in complex societies. It is the basis to guarantee or to deny personal dignity, subjective identity and the possibility to live in a not humiliating system of relationships (Taylor, 1994, 25: "The demand for recognition… is given urgency by the supposed links between recognition and identity, where this latter term designates something like a person's understanding of who they are, or their fundamental defining characteristics as a human being. The thesis is that our identity is partly shaped by recognition or its absence, often by the misrecognition of others, and so a person or group of people can suffer a real damage, real distortion, if the people or society around them mirror back to them a confining or demeaning or contemptible picture of themselves"). As I see it, personal identity and recognition are two closely related dimensions. I assume that the individual's identity is the product, among other factors, of relations of recognition and misrecognition. At the same time, any demand for recognition, both from an individual or from a collective point of view, is about identity. This viewpoint derives, in fact, from a central theme of twentieth century philosophy, and its most significant exponents are Habermas, Honneth, Taylor and Ricoeur, but its roots are in Hegel's philosophy and in Mead's social psychology. The core of this relationship between subjective identity and recognition is indeed in a Hegelian idea: a free self-consciousness-that of the servant or of the lord, depending on the outcome of the struggle between the two conflicting consciousnesses-is achieved only with the other and in relation to the other, and it derives from the irrepressible desire to be recognized as subjects endowed with their own will. This perspective argues that subjective identity can never be perceived as an original aspect of our being, but on the contrary it takes form in relation to the other, and depends on characteristics and outcomes of this relationship. But what exactly does 'to recognize' or 'to be recognized' mean? If Axel Honneth is right, and I think he is essentially right, recognition is a complex activity developing in multiple levels, mutually interfering with, although conceptually distinguishable from, one another. Recognition, in other words, continuously occurs at various levels, from the interpersonal to the societal one, and in different ways, i.e. either through the intimacy of personal relationships, or through the institutionalization of legal bonds, or through social legitimacy (Honneth, 1995).

en Outaouais** et Commission scolaire Marguerite-Bourgeoys*** Résumé : Le projet de recherche Démocratie, alphabétisation politique et éducation transformatoire (DAPET) s'inscrit dans le cadre plus large du projet international Global Doing Democracy Research Project (GDDRP). Cet article présente les résultats d'un volet du projet DAPET mené au Québec auprès de futurs-es enseignants-es. La problématique présente les enjeux du « déficit de démocratie » en éducation formelle, tels qu'ils sont décrits dans des études menées aux échelles locale, nationale et internationale. Les concepts clés de la recherche sont analysés en tenant compte de leur ancrage dans un cadre théorique sociocritique qui vise la transformation des réalités sociales et l'émancipation des personnes. Le but de cette étude est de comprendre les perceptions et expériences de futurs-es enseignants-es en ce qui concerne les liens entre l'éducation et la démocratie. Selon une méthodologie qualitative, plus de 400 étudiants-es de programmes de formation à l'enseignement, primaire et secondaire, d'une université francophone montréalaise, ont répondu en 2008 et 2014 à un questionnaire en ligne portant sur les relations entre l'éducation et la démocratie. Les principaux résultats montrent en général : une perception normative de la démocratie ; une confirmation du déficit de démocratie en éducation formelle ; une expérience mince de la démocratie durant leur parcours scolaire et universitaire; une dissociation de l'éducation et de la démocratie dans le rôle des enseignants-es. De plus, la comparaison des résultats des échantillons de 2008 et de 2014 suggère un effet possible de la grève étudiante devenu mouvement social, appelé « Printemps érable », qui eut lieu au Québec au printemps 2012. Utilisant une herméneutique critique, l'interprétation met en évidence l'importance d'une éducation pour la démocratie critique (éthique, participative et engagée), dans la formation initiale des enseignants-es, pour mieux combattre le « déficit de démocratie » mais surtout pour mieux enraciner la démocratie dans l'éducation formelle des jeunes.

This article explores the erosion of secular public culture in the UK and its implications for minority women whose bodies have become the battleground for the control of community representation. It argues that struggles for equality and secularism now overlap and have taken on a sense of urgency because it is the human rights of women that are being traded in the various social contracts that are emerging between state and the religious right minority leaderships in the UK. The increasing communalisation (involving religious and community groups mobilising solely around religious identities) of South Asian populations, in particular Muslims, reflects a form of instrumentalisation of religion by the state which has severely constrained the public space available for women to mobilise around a rights-based agenda and has also significantly narrowed the choices of women of faith.

In late 2003, Syed Mumtaz Ali, a retired lawyer and scholar of Islamic jurisprudence, announced in the Canadian media that the Islamic Institute of Civil Justice (IICJ) would start offering arbitration in family disputes in accordance with both Islamic legal principles and Ontario's Arbitration Act, 1991. This act allowed a variety of private matters to be settled through legally binding arbitration, including arbitration based on religious principles. A vociferous debate ensued on the introduction of sharia law in Ontario in which the presumed incompatibility of sharia-based family law and women's individual rights took centre stage. This debate reached its conclusion in September 2005 when Ontario Premier Dalton McGuinty announced that he would end all religious arbitration. In February 2006, the Ontario legislature passed amendments to the 1991 Act that allowed family arbitration only if it was based on Ontario or Canadian law, excluding any form of religious arbitration, whether based on Christian, Jewish, Muslim, or other religious principles. The account that follows is based on my reading of the Canadian newspapers, the government commissioned report on the desirability of allowing sharia-based arbitration tribunals, and the websites of various organizations arguing for and against the establishment of shariabased arbitration tribunals.

Cet article aborde des questions théoriques préalables aux recherches sur les perceptions des rapports entre « Québécois » et « musulmans » au Québec à la lumière des événements reliés à la commission Bouchard-Taylor en 2007-2008. Il présente d’abord une balise théorique fondée sur une approche des identités pluriscopes, puis il propose des remarques contextuelles quant à la nature des liens entre laïcité et religion au Québec qui ont influé sur ces perceptions. Pour les travaux ultérieurs, il suggère une hypothèse de travail selon laquelle la diversité de la perception des musulmans au Québec par la majorité non musulmane reproduit un rapport ancien à l’altérité chez les Québécois de souche canadienne-française catholique qui va de la tolérance et de l’ouverture à l’intolérance et à l’exclusion. Ce qu’il reste à déterminer est l’importance relative de ces attitudes les unes par rapport aux autres.

Çok geniş bir coğrafyada altı yüzyılı aşkın süre hüküm süren Osmanlı Devleti'nin çok dinli, çok topluluklu veya uluslu ve karmaşık bir nüfusu yönetimi altında topladığı bilinmektedir. Osmanlılar, çok fazla çeşitlilik arz eden bir nüfus yapısına bu kadar uzun süre hükmetmelerini neye borçludur? Bu soruya verilebilecek yanıtlardan birisi, Emevi ve Abbasilerde Müslüman olmayan topluluklara uygulanan zimmi hukukunun Osmanlılar tarafından da benimsenmiş olmasıdır. Bu hukuk anlayışı doğrultusunda geliştirdikleri millet sistemiyle hem Müslümanlarla Müslüman olmayanlar arasında bir toplumsal hiyerarşi kurulmuş ve böylece İslam dini veya ümmeti hâkim kılınmış, hem de ümmet dışında kalan unsurların kendi kendilerini yönetmelerine olanak tanınmıştır. Bu anlayış, bir ademi merkeziyetçi yönetim uygulaması olarak da görülebilmektedir. Mehmet Ada Özdil'in (2021a) Osmanlı Millet Sisteminden Türk Ulusuna Giyim ve Kimlik adlı kitabı, işte bu yönetim anlayışının toplumsal hiyerarşiyi nasıl görünür kıldığına odaklanmaktadır. Çalışmanın, yazarın Tekstil ve Moda Tasarımı alanında yaptığı lisansüstü tez araştırmasının genişletilmesiyle ortaya çıktığı belirtilmektedir (Özdil, 2021b). Şöyle ki, millet sistemiyle, 19. yüzyıla kadar çok keskin ve kısıtlayıcı olmakla birlikte, Osmanlıların tebaalarını oluşturan dinsel toplulukların giyimlerine yönelik farklılaştırıcı

Çok geniş bir coğrafyada altı yüzyılı aşkın süre hüküm süren Osmanlı Devleti'nin çok dinli, çok topluluklu veya uluslu ve karmaşık bir nüfusu yönetimi altında topladığı bilinmektedir. Osmanlılar, çok fazla çeşitlilik arz eden bir nüfus yapısına bu kadar uzun süre hükmetmelerini neye borçludur? Bu soruya verilebilecek yanıtlardan birisi, Emevi ve Abbasilerde Müslüman olmayan topluluklara uygulanan zimmi hukukunun Osmanlılar tarafından da benimsenmiş olmasıdır. Bu hukuk anlayışı doğrultusunda geliştirdikleri millet sistemiyle hem Müslümanlarla Müslüman olmayanlar arasında bir toplumsal hiyerarşi kurulmuş ve böylece İslam dini veya ümmeti hâkim kılınmış, hem de ümmet dışında kalan unsurların kendi kendilerini yönetmelerine olanak tanınmıştır. Bu anlayış, bir ademi merkeziyetçi yönetim uygulaması olarak da görülebilmektedir. Mehmet Ada Özdil'in (2021a) Osmanlı Millet Sisteminden Türk Ulusuna Giyim ve Kimlik adlı kitabı, işte bu yönetim anlayışının toplumsal hiyerarşiyi nasıl görünür kıldığına odaklanmaktadır. Çalışmanın, yazarın Tekstil ve Moda Tasarımı alanında yaptığı lisansüstü tez araştırmasının genişletilmesiyle ortaya çıktığı belirtilmektedir (Özdil, 2021b). Şöyle ki, millet sistemiyle, 19. yüzyıla kadar çok keskin ve kısıtlayıcı olmakla birlikte, Osmanlıların tebaalarını oluşturan dinsel toplulukların giyimlerine yönelik farklılaştırıcı

This article examines 'the West versus Islam' paradigm in the studies on the representation of Islam and Muslims in the Western media. It argues that while offering insights which uncover the hidden oppressive power that drives the representation of cultural differences, the use of the conf lictual model of analysis in exploring media representations of Islam and Muslims provides no space for understanding the creative, dialogic formation in the encounter of individuals and people from different religious and cultural backgrounds. This conf lictual model of analysis normally employs a simplistic, binary system of thinking, and is therefore inadequate as a response to the complex challenges faced by a multicultural society. To develop this argument, the article reviews various studies on media representations of Islam and Muslims that have relied on this model. In the light of the inadequacy of the conf lictual model of analysis, the article suggests a shift to a dialogic model of analysis as developed in the politics of recognition as an alternative framework that accommodates the possibility of transformation in the encounter of individuals, people and cultures in a multicultural society. Conceptual frameworks used in studies on Western media representations of Islam and Muslims Contemporary studies on the representation of Islam and Muslims in the Western media have relied on a number of conceptual frameworks. These include the theories of Orientalism, 'clash

en Outaouais** et Commission scolaire Marguerite-Bourgeoys*** Résumé : Le projet de recherche Démocratie, alphabétisation politique et éducation transformatoire (DAPET) s'inscrit dans le cadre plus large du projet international Global Doing Democracy Research Project (GDDRP). Cet article présente les résultats d'un volet du projet DAPET mené au Québec auprès de futurs-es enseignants-es. La problématique présente les enjeux du « déficit de démocratie » en éducation formelle, tels qu'ils sont décrits dans des études menées aux échelles locale, nationale et internationale. Les concepts clés de la recherche sont analysés en tenant compte de leur ancrage dans un cadre théorique sociocritique qui vise la transformation des réalités sociales et l'émancipation des personnes. Le but de cette étude est de comprendre les perceptions et expériences de futurs-es enseignants-es en ce qui concerne les liens entre l'éducation et la démocratie. Selon une méthodologie qualitative, plus de 400 étudiants-es de programmes de formation à l'enseignement, primaire et secondaire, d'une université francophone montréalaise, ont répondu en 2008 et 2014 à un questionnaire en ligne portant sur les relations entre l'éducation et la démocratie. Les principaux résultats montrent en général : une perception normative de la démocratie ; une confirmation du déficit de démocratie en éducation formelle ; une expérience mince de la démocratie durant leur parcours scolaire et universitaire; une dissociation de l'éducation et de la démocratie dans le rôle des enseignants-es. De plus, la comparaison des résultats des échantillons de 2008 et de 2014 suggère un effet possible de la grève étudiante devenu mouvement social, appelé « Printemps érable », qui eut lieu au Québec au printemps 2012. Utilisant une herméneutique critique, l'interprétation met en évidence l'importance d'une éducation pour la démocratie critique (éthique, participative et engagée), dans la formation initiale des enseignants-es, pour mieux combattre le « déficit de démocratie » mais surtout pour mieux enraciner la démocratie dans l'éducation formelle des jeunes.

en Outaouais** et Commission scolaire Marguerite-Bourgeoys*** Résumé : Le projet de recherche Démocratie, alphabétisation politique et éducation transformatoire (DAPET) s'inscrit dans le cadre plus large du projet international Global Doing Democracy Research Project (GDDRP). Cet article présente les résultats d'un volet du projet DAPET mené au Québec auprès de futurs-es enseignants-es. La problématique présente les enjeux du « déficit de démocratie » en éducation formelle, tels qu'ils sont décrits dans des études menées aux échelles locale, nationale et internationale. Les concepts clés de la recherche sont analysés en tenant compte de leur ancrage dans un cadre théorique sociocritique qui vise la transformation des réalités sociales et l'émancipation des personnes. Le but de cette étude est de comprendre les perceptions et expériences de futurs-es enseignants-es en ce qui concerne les liens entre l'éducation et la démocratie. Selon une méthodologie qualitative, plus de 400 étudiants-es de programmes de formation à l'enseignement, primaire et secondaire, d'une université francophone montréalaise, ont répondu en 2008 et 2014 à un questionnaire en ligne portant sur les relations entre l'éducation et la démocratie. Les principaux résultats montrent en général : une perception normative de la démocratie ; une confirmation du déficit de démocratie en éducation formelle ; une expérience mince de la démocratie durant leur parcours scolaire et universitaire; une dissociation de l'éducation et de la démocratie dans le rôle des enseignants-es. De plus, la comparaison des résultats des échantillons de 2008 et de 2014 suggère un effet possible de la grève étudiante devenu mouvement social, appelé « Printemps érable », qui eut lieu au Québec au printemps 2012. Utilisant une herméneutique critique, l'interprétation met en évidence l'importance d'une éducation pour la démocratie critique (éthique, participative et engagée), dans la formation initiale des enseignants-es, pour mieux combattre le « déficit de démocratie » mais surtout pour mieux enraciner la démocratie dans l'éducation formelle des jeunes.

Ce numéro thématique spécial, le premier en français de la « Citizenship Education Research Journal » (CERJ), ou Revue de recherche sur l'éducation à la citoyenneté (RREC), est dédié à la Mémoire de notre stagiaire postdoctorale et coauteure de notre article, Anne-Marie Duclos. Nous étions heureux et fiers qu'Anne-Marie se joigne à nous pour ses études postdoctorales et vienne contribuer aux projets de recherche de la Chaire UNESCO en « Démocratie, Citoyenneté mondiale et éducation transformatoire » (DCMÉT). Nous tenons à souligner la très belle contribution d'Anne-Marie au domaine de l'éducation durant son trop bref séjour dans la vie. Jeune femme dynamique, étudiante brillante et chercheure engagée, Anne-Marie se destinait à une vibrante carrière académique particulièrement dans les champs de la philosophie pour enfants, de l'éducation à la citoyenneté et de l'éducation pour la démocratie. Comme enseignante, chercheure, militante, conférencière, animatrice, formatrice ou superviseure de stage, Anne-Marie mettait sa passion de la vie au service de tous les aspects de sa vie professionnelle. Elle a reçu de nombreux prix, bourses et distinctions qui sont venus reconnaître la qualité de son travail. Mais, c'est peut-être comme musicienne, à la batterie du groupe Rock « Crocodile », qu'elle a exprimé d'autres aspects de sa belle personnalité. Nous sommes très attristés et déplorons le décès d'Anne-Marie Duclos survenu à Montréal le 21 février 2018 à l'âge de 39 ans.

Cet article étudie les réflexions suscitées par un questionnaire d’enquête portant sur les liens entre l’éducation et la démocratie. Un échantillon de 157 étudiants d’un programme de formation initiale des enseignants à Montréal a répondu à un questionnaire de suivi (seconde étude) après avoir rempli un questionnaire d’enquête (première étude) portant sur leurs perceptions et leurs expériences des liens entre l’éducation et la démocratie. La première étude révèle une expérience démocratique faible et un parcours éducatif pratiquement sans lien avec la démocratie, ce qui concorde avec les résultats d’études antérieures. Cependant, les résultats du questionnaire de suivi indiquent que la participation à l’enquête a suscité des réflexions d’ordre socioéducatif, épistémologique, pédagogique et méthodologique, qui pourraient avoir des retombées significatives sur leur perception du rôle de l’enseignant.

The normative figure in Western feminism remains the liberal autonomous individual of modernity. 'Other' women are those who have their freedom to choose restricted. Typically, 'other' women are those burdened by culture and hindered by their communities from entering modernity. If we remain in the terrain of thinking about women as vulnerable or imperilled, and some women as particularly imperilled, as we generally do of Muslim women, we remain squarely within the framework of patriarchy understood as abstracted from all other systems. A modernity/premodernity distinction will continue to invade any projects intending to help Muslim women. This paper shows the persistence of the modernity/premodernity distinction in contemporary debates around applying Sharia law to the settlement of family law disputes under the Arbitration Act in Ontario, Canada. I argue below that in their concern to curtail conservative and patriarchal forces within the Muslim community, Canadian feminists (both Muslim and Non-Muslim) utilized frameworks that installed a secular/religious divide that functions as a colour line, marking the difference between the modern, enlightened West, and tribal, religious Muslims. I suggest that feminist responses might have helped to sustain a new form of governmentality, one in which the productive power of the imperilled Muslim woman functions to keep in line Muslim communities at the same time that it defuses more radical feminist and anti-racist critique of conservative religious forces. I end by exploring how this effect could have been restricted.

Over the last few years, Pakistan has witnessed an increase in (mostly women) foreign travel bloggers. Their social media posts are being used as a form of nation branding, by weaving together particular kinds of narratives in order to tell and sell an image both locally and internationally. A common theme in the posts of travel bloggers corresponds to the positive portrayal of women's access to, and safety within public spaces, which is in stark contrast to the experiences of local women. Ironically, supporters of the ongoing local women's movement, Aurat March, are often discredited for being 'westernised' women that portray a negative image of the country, while foreign female bloggers are praised for showing the 'true' image of Pakistan. This article uses excerpts from online media commentary to discuss discrepancies in the credibility divested from local women, versus the credibility discount awarded to foreign bloggers. Situated within a post-colonial feminist framework, it examines how female foreign travel bloggers represent a shift in feminist critique and engendering nationalist discourses: from one entangled in 'white women telling brown women that they need saving from brown men' to one which could be referred to as white women telling brown women that they do not, in fact, need saving from brown men.

Cette édition électronique a été réalisée par Jean-Marie Tremblay, bénévole, professeur de sociologie au Cégep de Chicoutimi à partir de : Louis Gill, économiste québécois, Professeur retraité de l'UQAM "Laïcité et laïcité «ouverte»." Communication au colloque du Comité citoyen pour l'égalité et la laïcité (CCIEL). Montréal, le 21 mai 2010.

Article presents the conclusion of a survey research on the academic public opinion’s of the modern values constitution in the Brazilian culture realm and the way of comprehend public issues concerning the recognition of equal dignity and the assumption of differential authenticity. The thesis of an individualist modernisation existing in Brazil referred to the idea of the independence of moral person was used as a theoretical hypothesis in order to refute the damatian’s interpretation of the process of modernisation, at least among the academic public. As conclusion, it can be suggested that, in Brazil, the incorporation of individualistic modern values which carries as important the moral reflexivity dimension to judge about some orders of subjectivist values concerning to the preferences of equality of rights and cultural goods is not oriented through pre-conventional values, that is, personal values. The criterions of moral judgement are founded conforming impersonal places of t...

General Zia Ul Haq’s military regime is known, for many for its blatant violation of human rights, hanging, flogging, and imprisonment of political workers. Even intelligentsia and journalists were executed for political reasons during this regime. However, his regime was particularly known for suppression of women rights in his process of Islamization. After deposing Bhutto by imposing Martial Law General Zia took over the helm of affairs of the country on the 5th of July 1977 and remained in power with full autocracy till 17th August 1988 when his plan was ablaze in the air near Bahawalpur. This study is an attempt to analyze the process of Islamization by General Zia, its causes, suppressive actions act against various segments of society especially women. The study is also an attempt to search for the answers to the question “Was his policy of Islamization a sincere effort to implement the Islamic system or merely politically motivated? The response of women against Islamization...

Le dépôt du projet de loi no 60, communément appeléCharte des valeurs, a mobilisé l’attention des médias, de la classe politique, des groupes d’intéressés et du grand public sur un ensemble de questions à la fois difficiles, complexes et sensibles. Comment rendre compte de l’initiative? Comment la laïcité s’est-elle imposée comme un objet d’action publique? Qu’est-ce qui l’a élevée au rang de valeur? Dans un premier temps, l’analyse lexicale et de contenu de l’objet « laïcité », au projet de loi, révèle le cadrage de l’enjeu à débattre du point de vue gouvernemental. À la lumière du processus de mise à l’ordre du jour, l’enquête remonte aux sources de cette configuration symbolique singulière. Il en ressort notamment des interventions stratégiques du côté de l’offre politique, partisane et gouvernementale.

One of the most important problems of modern societies is the problem of coexistence of differences. In every period of history, societies have lived together with cultural differences, but one or more of the different elements that make up the society have benefited more from the opportunities of the society with the feature of being the dominant group. This situation may not have been seen as a problem in pre-modern societies. With modernity, the fact that different segments of society are more demanding in terms of rights and freedoms made it necessary to reconstruct the existing conditions of coexistence and to build the state organization in a way that encompasses all segments of the society. Multiculturalism is a concept in which different ethnic, cultural and religious groups' demands for privilege in the states they are in and what policies the states will follow against them are discussed. The most prominent aspect of the debate takes place within nation-states based on the principle of equal citizenship, and the demands of groups with different identities to apply for their own needs in the face of this equality come to the fore. Each nation-state is evaluated within its own special conditions and it is not possible to determine a single correct policy.

Son yıllarda popüler bir kavram olarak çokkültürcülük üzerinde sıkça durulmaktadır. Bu metinde ise "Çokkültürcülük kimin sorunu?" diyerek çokkültürcülük tartışmasının nereden ve hangi bağlamda ortaya çıktığını belirlemek amaçlanmıştır. Bu amaçla çokkültürcülük teorik ve tarihsel açıdan ele alınmıştır. Değerlendirme yapılırken Batılı düşünme biçiminin geleneksel özellikleri, Batılı tarihsel tecrübe ve Batının bugün geldiği nokta konu edinilmiştir. Çokkültürcülük, çok sayıda ve birbirinden farklı kültürün bir arada yaşayabilme imkanıdır. Ancak bu imkana tarihin her döneminde ve her coğrafyada ulaşılamamıştır. Özellikle Batıda etnik temizlik, göç, asimilasyon vb. politikalarla farklı kültürel taleplerin bir aradalığı reddedilmiştir. Batının bu tarihsel tecrübesine ve arka planındaki düşünme biçimine bakılarak çokkültürcülüğün neden başka bir yerde değil de Batıda neşet etmiş olduğu ortaya koyulmuştur. Bu çerçevede metinde Batı ile çokkültürcülük arasında bir muhasebe yapılmıştır. Ancak konuyla ilgisi olduğu düşünülen Doğu-Batı dikotomik ayrımına dair felsefi tartışmaya, oryantalizm konusuna ve farklı kültürel çoğulculuk politikalarına metnin sınırları dahilinde yer verilmemiştir.

Using symbolic interaction as an interpretive framework, our participatory action research (PAR) project challenged students in Cultural Pluralism, a 2009 graduate level summer course, to wrestle with identity issues pertinent to teaching in a pluralistic society. Specifically, we wanted to know: What, if any, personal and cultural identity evolutions evidenced an appreciation for the “other;” types of diverse curricula emerged from group collaborations; and re-planning strategies surfaced for the course and its successor the following summer? Our plans, observations, reflections, and actions during the course revolved around monitoring fledgling relationships between various students who were having difficulties communicating with each other, working more effectively with those who had the most trouble with introspection, altering a class lecture midstream when we sensed it fell on deaf ears, supporting students whose written and oral autobiographies caused them angst, and seeking ...

Those values include the very idea of democratic dialogue, international cooperation, protection of human rights, respect for diversity, the moral worth of each individual, the idea of limits on what nation-states can do to pursue their selfinterest, and so on. Witnessing the first two decades of the twenty-first century, it seems that those values, as well as the institutions needed to help protect them, may be far more fragile than perhaps most of us realized. And so they need to be articulated and defended, again and again. By everyone and anyone. Paradoxically and tragically, this move towards greater insularity and tribalism comes at a time when many of the problems facing the world increasingly require coordinated solutions and more interaction among legal and political systems, not less. Such problems include: issues of how we will effectively maintain life on this planet (climate change, biodiversity, ecosystem losses, and water deficits); issues of how human beings will sustain themselves on it (poverty, conflict prevention, and global infectious diseases); and issues of how we will develop global cooperative rules for living together given that much human activity crosses territorial borders (nuclear proliferation, toxic waste disposal, data protection, trade rules, finance and tax regimes, and so on). These sorts of problems cannot plausibly be addressed solely within one legal system. Yet, despite these obvious needs, we see resistance to global governance or universalistic solutions. This resistance may stem from concerns about the democratic accountability of such solutions or a belief that global solutions are intrinsically hegemonic. Indeed, an emphasis on the global might seem to give insufficient attention to the local affiliations and emotional attachments people at least sometimes hold onto most assiduously. Or universalism might be seen to trample on the ideal of diversity altogether. Thus, the legal challenge of our time is how to build mechanisms for engagement among legal, political, or cultural systems that recognize at least a limited set of shared values and promote mutual respect, dialogue, and cooperation, without requiring all systems to be homogenized into one universalistic legal order. We must create what David Held has called "the ethical and political space which sets out the terms of reference for the recognition of people's equal moral worth, their active agency and what is required for their autonomy and development." 1 But at the same time, we must recognize that the meaning of principles such as equal concern and regard, human dignity, and so on cannot be specified once and for all, separate from the diversity of traditions, beliefs, histories, and cultures that make up human societies. In the end, what we need are institutions, procedures, and practices that allow for dialogue and cooperation under conditions of diversity. I believe legal pluralists should take up this challenge and help develop principles that might underlie the kinds of institutions, procedures, and practices that might be needed to perform this delicate balancing act. Indeed, scholars of legal pluralism are well positioned to understand the many ways in which legal systems 1. DAVID HELD, COSMOPOLITANISM: IDEALS AND REALITIES 49 (2010).

In Canada, women’s rights organizations have successfully mobilized the law to foster gender equality. In doing so, they have been constrained by legal understandings of equality and discrimination, which have shaped their strategies to seek justice. In return, their mobilization, mainly through litigation, has contributed to craft or to alter legal categories (such as “substantive equality,” “women,” “sexual harassment,” etc.), which in turn sustain their identities and their interests. However, claims made in the name of gender equality raise two issues: They tend to overlook the intersection of gender with other grounds of discrimination such as religion or race/ethnicity; and they tend to conflict with multiculturalism, a value enshrined in Canadian law. The recent decision taken by the province of Ontario to ban religious arbitration for family matters offers an illuminating case study of this tension between gender equality and religious rights in the Canadian context. This ar...

Jerusalem is referred to as the sacred space of great religions like Islam, Christianity and Judaism. The sectarian diversity of these religions is also observed in this sacred city. An impressive nature and a variety of ethnic groups dressed to suit the requirements of this nature offer a wide range of clothing. Since human beings have created a need for veiling, they are primarily dressed for protection from natural conditions. With the arrival of sacred religions, they adopted the criteria of emancipation according to the necessity of the religion they accepted. Jerusalem is the only city in the world where ethnic clothing is the most intense. It is possible to observe the historical process of clothing in regions that are not very open to change. In this sense, people in this city document their cultural backgrounds through their ethnic background. Clothing features provide information about the people living here are Muslim, Jewish or Christian. The peoples that we can see in Jerusalem are very diverse, and because of faith tourism, visitors can add more color to this variety. The general understanding of the person to be a peasant or urban, as well as the diversity of the region due to the multicultural structure of the region; a wide range of clothing is encountered. Although clothing is shaped by living standards, belief forms have a great influence on dressing. Dressing is a sign of thinking, the only being dressed in nature is man. In the sacred places, each individual chooses clothes for certain days or life depending on the necessity of his religion. Although the necessity of worship of each religion is reflected in its clothing, it is observed that the younger generation prefer to wear it more during the holy days. Especially during the visiting hours; In the mosques, synagogues and churches, the clothing characteristics of the various religious groups are worth examining.

Abstract
ھم گنہاگار ھم گنہاگار عورتیں (We Sinful Women): Urban Feminist Visuality in Contemporary Art
and Feminist Movements in Pakistan After 9/11
Kanwal Syed, PhD
Concordia University, 2022
This dissertation provides a chronology of the circumstances that led to opposing but symbiotic representations of Pakistani urban gendered bodies as a site of contestation between imperialist and religious-nationalist patriarchies. It uses the War on Terror as a historical context to foreground a body of representative artworks by eight women artists that destabilize the oppressed-versus-pious rhetorical binary and tie the iconography of these artworks to diverse visual and popular cultures. It argues that these artists create “urban gendered subjectivities” through hybrid and rhizomatic ethnic pop-cultural material and symbolic signifiers; they do so not for a regional, religious, or nationalist identity but as a strategic feminist visual resistance against multiple patriarchies.
The attack on the United States on September 11, 2001, followed by the Global War on Terror waged in Afghanistan and the peripheries of Pakistan, had a massive impact on the region’s gender politics. For political gain, neocolonial imperialism and regional religious patriarchies exploited the rhetoric of a homogenized gendered Muslim body by substantiating it through their respective singular lens: religiously oppressed or religiously pious and empowered in their subjugation. This gendered binary politics strengthened and reinforced existing patriarchal structures and further demonized urban women who stood up for their right to exist in a mutually conducive urban society.
Using cultural theory, art-historical scholarship, and gender studies through an emphatic postcolonial and non-Western feminist lens, this dissertation envisions an alternative art history by tracing feminist insurgency within urban Pakistan’s visual discourse at its primordial stages. Explicitly negating dichotomies, this dissertation gives credence to cultural, historical, and even individual complexities to gender representations of urban Pakistani women.
This dissertation aspires to unpack artworks that entail histories of ancestral wisdom, migratory anxieties, intergenerational feminist struggles, defiant ideologies, and colonial residues. The research warrants academic peripheral-gendered space within art historical authorship transnationally and domestically, much like the female artists under consideration,
iv
who strive to create a nuanced gendered visuality by challenging and destabilizing monolithic representations. For productive and ethical ways of gendered visual representations and knowledge sharing, this dissertation proposes that it is time that Pakistan is seen through the eyes of its alleged “sinful women.”

TROIS POLITIQUES D'INTÉGRATION DANS L'ESPACE FRANCOPHONE Si l'on cherche un principe permettant de vivre ensemble dans une société multiculturelle, l'espace francophone semble nous offrir trois modèles qui méritent chacun un examen approfondi. Il y a trois modèles de gestion des sociétés multiethniques et multiculturelles. Le premier est «le modèle républicain» de tolérance ou le modèle français de «nation citoyenne » élaboré entre autres par Dominique Schnapper, auteur de La France de l'intégration (1991) et de La communauté des citoyens (1994). L'égalité des citoyens devant la loi quelle que soit leur origine ethnique et religieuse est une arme puissante pour combattre toute forme de ségrégation. Le second est le modèle nord-américain de « multiculturalisme » respectueux de la différence et de l'Autre. La « politique de la reconnaissance» (Politics of Recognition) défendue par Charles Taylor dans son essai du même titre (1992) et les droits collectifs réservés aux minorités nationales préconisés par Will Kimlicka dans La citoyenneté multiculturelle (1995), sont deux piliers théoriques du multiculturalisme canadien. Le troisième est le modèle antillais d'identité créole, identité multiple et composite forgée par un processus ininterrompu de rencontres et de métissages culturels, baptisé « créolisation » par Edouard Glissant dans Poétique de la relation (1990) ou dans Traité du tout-monde (1997). Pourquoi ces trois modèles sont-ils intéressants aux yeux du simple professeur japonais que je suis ? D'abord, dans une monarchie constitutionnelle comme le Japon, l'idée de République à la française mérite d'être étudiée, ne serait-ce que pour une comparaison critique. Car au Japon, le régime impérial ayant survécu à la défaite en 1945 et à l'occupation américaine qui l'a suivie pendant six ans, la notion de «citoyen», héritée de la Révolution française, n'est pas suffisamment bien assise. Dans une monarchie même démocratisée, les nationaux sont plutôt «sujets» que citoyens. De plus, le principe du «droit du sol», pilier de la nationalité française, reste méconnu ou inconnu au Japon qui garde jalousement son traditionnel « droit du sang». Pour être Japonais, il faut être né de parents japonais et on ne peut le devenir que très difficilement. Ce type de pays ne s'appelle pas une «nation citoyenne» mais une «nation ethnique» fondée sur la filiation selon la terminologie de D. Schnapper.

The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use.

Le dépôt du projet de loi no 60, communément appelé Charte des valeurs, a mobilisé l’attention des médias, de la classe politique, des groupes d’intéressés et du grand public sur un ensemble de questions à la fois difficiles, complexes et sensibles. Comment rendre compte de l’initiative? Comment la laïcité s’est-elle imposée comme un objet d’action publique? Qu’est-ce qui l’a élevée au rang de valeur? Dans un premier temps, l’analyse lexicale et de contenu de l’objet « laïcité », au projet de loi, révèle le cadrage de l’enjeu à débattre du point de vue gouvernemental. À la lumière du processus de mise à l’ordre du jour, l’enquête remonte aux sources de cette configuration symbolique singulière. Il en ressort notamment des interventions stratégiques du côté de l’offre politique, partisane et gouvernementale.

Although there are some authors who have argued that globalization is not a new phenomenon, see in this regard pAul hirst & grAhAme thompson, globAlizAtion in Question (2d ed. 1999). However, following Sassen, we are of the opinion that it is indeed a distinct phenomenon in comparison with past periods: see sAskiA sAssen, territory, Authority, rights: From medievAl to globAl AssemblAges 14-18 (2006). 4 We take the term from Hart. See h. l. A. hArt, the ConCept oF lAw 215 (2d ed. 1994). 5 thomAs m. FrAnCk, FAirness in internAtionAl lAw And institutions 6 (1995).

Cet article étudie les réflexions suscitées par un questionnaire d’enquête portant sur les liens entre l’éducation et la démocratie. Un échantillon de 157 étudiants d’un programme de formation initiale des enseignants à Montréal a répondu à un questionnaire de suivi (seconde étude) après avoir rempli un questionnaire d’enquête (première étude) portant sur leurs perceptions et leurs expériences des liens entre l’éducation et la démocratie. La première étude révèle une expérience démocratique faible et un parcours éducatif pratiquement sans lien avec la démocratie, ce qui concorde avec les résultats d’études antérieures. Cependant, les résultats du questionnaire de suivi indiquent que la participation à l’enquête a suscité des réflexions d’ordre socioéducatif, épistémologique, pédagogique et méthodologique, qui pourraient avoir des retombées significatives sur leur perception du rôle de l’enseignant.

Cet article étudie les réflexions suscitées par un questionnaire d’enquête portant sur les liens entre l’éducation et la démocratie. Un échantillon de 157 étudiants d’un programme de formation initiale des enseignants à Montréal a répondu à un questionnaire de suivi (seconde étude) après avoir rempli un questionnaire d’enquête (première étude) portant sur leurs perceptions et leurs expériences des liens entre l’éducation et la démocratie. La première étude révèle une expérience démocratique faible et un parcours éducatif pratiquement sans lien avec la démocratie, ce qui concorde avec les résultats d’études antérieures. Cependant, les résultats du questionnaire de suivi indiquent que la participation à l’enquête a suscité des réflexions d’ordre socioéducatif, épistémologique, pédagogique et méthodologique, qui pourraient avoir des retombées significatives sur leur perception du rôle de l’enseignant.

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This Article uncovers the normative political theory underlying the legal doctrine of constitutional pluralism, as it is used in the EU today. Constitutional pluralism, once described as a semi-official legal doctrine in the EU, is now being used by some member states to challenge its authority and rules. By reconstructing the political thought of one of its founders, N. MacCormick, this Article takes issue with two most common interpretations of constitutional pluralism: On the one hand, it has been claimed that the normative political content of constitutional pluralism is virtually identical, or at least compatible, with that of Kantian rights-based cosmopolitanism; on the other, it has been contended, especially with regard to its uses in Hungary and Poland, that it was an inherently dangerous, illiberal, normative theory. This Article offers to move away from current legal debates to go back to the origins of constitutional pluralism. It argues that constitutional pluralism is ...