Counter narcotics

The law on the question of granting default bail u/s 167 (2) CrPC to the accused in cases of non-filing of FSL report along with the chargesheet u/s 173 (2) CrPC in the stipulated time in NDPS cases is unsettled. Several High Courts in India have shown divergent views on the issue and granted/denied the default bail to the accused. Recently, The Hon'ble Supreme Court in Hanif Ansari v. State of NCT Delhi, 2024 referred the issue to a larger bench. In light of the above fact, This paper attempts to analyze the issue within the framework of NDPS Act, 1985 and CrPC, 1973 [BNSS, 2023].

This journal explores the intricate relationship between transnational organized crime (TOC) and regional security challenges in West Africa with emphasis on drug trafficking and violence and the illegal firearms trade. This journal provides evidence of the fact that transnational organized crime makes existing vulnerabilities worse, disrupts governance, and results in violence. By taking a case study and a scholarly controversies approach, this journal intends to contribute to the knowledge on drug trafficking, violence, and arms smuggling as security threats that hinder development and necessitate the use of strategies and policy changes to counter them. This work aims to target the policymakers and other relevant actors on the need to urgently adopt a more integrated approach in dealing with the issues of TOC and the instability in West Africa. This Journal is based on a sketch developed in conformity with the UN General Assembly Resolution 50/148 which was adopted on December 21, 1995, whereby the Assembly encouraged member states to combat threats and assist in sabotaging financial operations for criminal groups. This Journal adheres to resolution 65-25 of the 2022 Commission on Narcotic Drugs which requests the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime to give further assistance to member countries in data collection, carrying out reconnaissance, and when appropriate, disseminating intelligence to explore the instances where the efforts of drug trafficking and arms smuggling connect.

Stand-alone price analysis of illicit opium and coca does not explain
why smallholders turn to illicit crops for coping and survival. Under conditions of precarity, illicit crop markets can stimulate productivity. They generate returns that can tame crises and relieve pressures. To smallholders facing marginalisation, violence, and climate change – growing opium and coca, despite their illegality, can reduce or spread risks and provide more predictability. Thus, rather than fixonthe‘invisible hand’ of price theory, the focus should be on the ‘visible hand’ of political
entrepreneurship, interdependent relationships, and the metrics of precarity. To do this, this paper retrospectively compares illicit crop prices before and after certain historical moments in Bolivia, Myanmar, Colombia, and Afghanistan.

The Module 4 Manual is a meticulously designed training resource for Basic Course (BC) trainees, focusing on intelligence strategies, law enforcement methodologies, and advanced technological applications in counter-narcotics. Drawing from international case studies such as INTERPOL’s Biometric Hub and Mexico’s Sinaloa cartel, the manual provides a global perspective while incorporating localized insights like Pakistan's NACTA threat analysis model. It covers the Intelligence Process Cycle, tactical and evidential intelligence, undercover operations, and surveillance techniques, highlighting ethical considerations and challenges. Practical applications include group activities, threat matrices, and case studies on ground checks and international collaboration. By integrating global best practices with domestic legal frameworks, this manual offers an engaging, interactive, and forward-thinking curriculum designed to empower trainees with the critical skills necessary for intelligence-led enforcement and strategic counter-narcotics operations.

What is the relationship between violent crime and the expansion of executive power? Whereas the literature on crises and executive power has focused on the centralization of authority resulting from the war on terror, the role played by other forms of crises short of interstate war has been neglected, especially in the developing world. This article argues that public safety crises have enabled executives to expand their power at the expense of other branches of government, levels of government, and protections
against government abuse. It does so with examples from Latin America, where violent crime has become an important concern in many countries, highlighting the adoption of states of exception and the militarization of public life as avenues for the expansion of presidential power. It also provides in‐depth, longitudinal evidence from the Mexican case to show the adoption of these measures over time and their consequences for democracy.

The Training Manual: Module 3 - Enforcement offers a detailed exploration of enforcement strategies, risk mitigation, and operational protocols critical to the Anti-Narcotics Force's (ANF) mission. It begins by emphasizing effective search techniques for persons, vehicles, and venues, with a special focus on risk mitigation at airports through passenger profiling, identity verification, and technological integration. A European case study highlights the intersection of youth travel, nightlife, and drug-related behaviors, providing insights into drug trends at popular destinations like Ibiza and Majorca. The manual progresses to operational best practices for searches, addressing privacy concerns and detailing procedures for dry port cargo examination, including ARACOR EAGLE technology for advanced inspections. It presents case studies on seaport narcotics trafficking and container profiling, exploring international jurisdiction and insider complicity. The ANF’s comprehensive "SPEAR" strategy, encompassing surveillance, intelligence, and international collaboration, is outlined as a cornerstone of its enforcement framework. Global alliances are spotlighted through success stories like Operation SpecTor against darknet drug trafficking and Operation King Cobra targeting a drug empire in the Golden Triangle. The manual also delves into crime scene management, evidence preservation, and strategic raid planning, reinforced by real-life case studies such as cocaine trafficking in Europe and postal drug smuggling in the US. Additionally, it covers two-way radio etiquette, map reading, and organizational structures within ANF police stations, emphasizing clear communication and effective teamwork. Concluding with community engagement, the manual underscores ANF’s efforts in treatment, rehabilitation, and awareness campaigns, positioning enforcement as a holistic endeavor addressing the multifaceted challenges of narcotics control.

The Training Manual: Module 2 - Law is a meticulously crafted resource designed to provide a comprehensive understanding of legal principles and their application within the Basic Course framework, particularly for Anti-Narcotics Force (ANF) officers. It introduces essential legal terminologies and offers an in-depth exploration of key legislation such as the ANF Act, the Control of Narcotic Substances Act (CNSA) 1997, the Pakistan Penal Code (PPC), the Criminal Procedure Code (CrPC), Police Rules, the Qanoon-e-Shahadat Order 1984, the Civil Servants (Efficiency and Discipline) Rules 2020, and the ANF Reward Rules. Through a scenario-based learning approach, the manual simplifies complex legal concepts, blending theoretical knowledge with plausible real-life examples to ensure practical relevance. It delves into criminal law, evidence handling, investigation procedures, and disciplinary rules, while offering detailed guidance on FIR registration, trials, and asset forfeiture. Avoiding comparative jurisprudence, the manual emphasizes the local legal context to foster clarity and applicability. With interactive case studies, practical exercises, and real-world templates, it transforms dense legal frameworks into accessible, job-relevant insights, making it an indispensable tool for understanding and applying the law effectively in counter-narcotics operations.

This manual presents a meticulous exploration of Pakistan's National Counter Narcotics Policy and the operational framework of the ANF, enriched with international perspectives from the United States, Thailand, and other global entities. It provides comprehensive lessons on policy frameworks, operational strategies, and collaborative efforts at national and international levels.
The curriculum includes a detailed analysis of the Zero Poppy Strategy, alternative development initiatives, and preventive measures against illicit drug flows. It also delves into the ANF's organizational structure, specialized units, and operational successes. Comparative analyses with international counter-narcotics policies provide trainees with a global perspective, while the integration of case studies, exercises, and interactive learning modules ensures engagement and practical understanding.
The lessons also encompass global drug trends, concealment methods, screening challenges, and evolving detection techniques, providing a holistic view of the narcotics landscape. By aligning with the ANFA block syllabus, this manual ensures comprehensive coverage of the topics essential to counter-narcotics operations.

The problem of terrorism, drugs, and organized crime poses a direct threat to the nation’s security. There is a direct link between drug trafficking and terrorism. Earlier, only a few drug trafficking cases found a connection to terrorism. But in recent years, the law enforcement agencies of India have detected a linkage between drug trafficking and terrorism. The registration of several narco-terror cases, such as the Handwara case, the Hizbul Mujahideen case, the Attari case, and the KLF case, by the National Investigation Agency, reflected the tremendous efforts of enforcement agencies in counterterrorism. The present research paper addresses the extent and nature of narcoterrorism in the state of Punjab. The study explores the international network that encompasses an international terrorist group, drug smugglers, and separatist militant groups in Punjab and Jammu and Kashmir. To meet the objectives of the study, a mixed method comprising scientific literature, content analysis, and case studies has been adopted. Relevant data were collected from distinct sources such as the Crime in India (NCRB), Border Security Force, Narcotic Control Bureau, National Investigating Agency, and Investigative Journalism.

It is stated that "there is corruption without organized crime, but there is no organized crime without corruption". Nowadays drug-related corruption has become a notable threat to anti-narcotic strategies of the country. It damages the image of drug law enforcement agencies and exacerbates the drug-related offences. The different agencies in the country including the national level like Narcotic Control Bureau, Central Excise and Customs, Revenue department, Paramilitary forces like Border Security Forces and state-level special units and police department involves drug controlling activities. Ostensibly, there is the risk of corruption in all these agencies. According to the sources, a significant number of corruption charges were framed against the officials of all these agencies and some of them were convicted. Recently NDPS special court in Mumbai sentenced one Saji Mohan, an IPS officer who was the Zonal Director of NCB, Chandigarh to 15 years imprisonment for drug-related corruption charges. The present paper attempts to address the different forms of drug-related corruption with appropriate cases. The extensive literature review method was adopted for the present study. The relevant data was also collected from open sources. The study found that there is the risk of corruption in all the stages of drug trafficking, the cultivators may bribe law enforcement agencies to protect their cultivation land from eradication and avoid arrest. The manufacturers, transporters, and even distributors may bribe the agencies to prevent the seizure of drugs, dismantle drug manufacturing units, and arrest them. It was also found that narco-corruption ranges from stealing seized drugs to direct involvement in drug-related offenses by the officials.

This study examines the evolution of drone tactics employed by drug cartels in Mexico from 2017 to 2022. The research traces the increasing sophistication of drone technology, payload capacities, and adaptability of cartels in employing airborne drones in low-intensity conflicts It also highlights the increasing reliance on drones for various purposes. The analysis reveals insights into how criminal organizations adapt to the changing technological landscape, incorporating drones into their operations and creating new challenges for law enforcement. The analysis outlines strategies and identifies specialized measures to counteract this asymmetric warfare.

En América Latina, las Fuerzas Armadas desempeñan múltiples tareas no tradicionales, al mismo tiempo que sus misiones principales siguen asociadas a la Defensa, constituyendo el instrumento armado con que cuenta el Estado para preservar y salvaguardar bienes e intereses nacionales, de determinadas amenazas.
La compleja alquimia de factores que incide en el empleo de las Fuerzas Armadas en el área de la seguridad puede constatarse en los casos de Bolivia y Venezuela en lo referente a la lucha contra el narcotráfico, entendiendo a este como un fenómeno complejo que abarca el cultivo, elaboración, tráfico y comercialización de drogas ilegales. Hace mucho tiempo que Bolivia se ha consolidado como el tercer productor mundial de cocaína, tras Colombia y Perú, en tanto el territorio venezolano desempeña un rol clave en el trasiego de la droga colombiana hacia sus mercados de consumo final. Y en ambos casos el Estado ha echado mano al sector castrense para enfrentar ese flagelo, aunque bajo condiciones particulares e intransferibles, que inhiben generalizaciones de tipo inductivo al resto del espacio latinoamericano.
El presente capítulo pretende abordar los referidos casos de Bolivia y Venezuela en materia de lucha contra las drogas. A tal efecto se estructura en cuatro partes, correspondiendo la primera a la presente introducción. Seguidamente se abordará cada uno de los casos, para culminar con unas breves conclusiones.

Counterdrug interdiction efforts designed to seize or disrupt cocaine shipments between South American source zones and US markets remain a core US “supply side” drug policy and national security strategy. However, despite a long history of US-led interdiction efforts in the Western Hemisphere, cocaine movements to the United States through Central America, or “narco-trafficking,” continue to rise. Here, we developed a spatially explicit agent-based model (ABM), called “NarcoLogic,” of narco-trafficker operational decision making in response to interdiction forces to investigate the root causes of interdiction ineffectiveness across space and time. The central premise tested was that spatial proliferation and resiliency of narco-trafficking are not a consequence of ineffective interdiction, but rather part and natural consequence of interdiction itself. Model development relied on multiple theoretical perspectives, empirical studies, media reports, and the authors’ own years of fiel...

How do we know what we (claim to) know about Africa's organised crime? Much of our understanding of the phenomenon is filtered through the representation of a growing threat carried out by criminal groups specialized in smuggling and trafficking commodities, who exploit vulnerabilities in state capacity (Interpol 2018). African states are often depicted as weak and possibly prone to criminal capture, thereby offering to sophisticated and powerful criminal cartels a soft belly in terms of interdiction capacity and effectiveness (for example, Naim 2012). The illicit trade of profitable goods and natural resources (timber, diamonds, gold, protected wildlife) typically takes centre-stage, fuelling a narrative that coalesces criminal networks, greedy insurgents and violent entrepreneurs. Within this framework, drugs constitute the quintessential illicit market, one that typically involves domestic and transnational criminal organisations, and armed groups vying for protection and extraction. Law enforcement agencies tend to consider any seizure of drugs as an indication of organised crime activity; the drug metrics that they produce are usually considered sensitive data, and therefore they are not easily accessible to researchers. For reasons that are not difficult to understand, those units that investigate the illicit drug business tend to perceive themselves as the bastions in checking serious crime: so much so that the law enforcement officers employed in 'narcotics units' often exhibit quite distinctive attitudes and special operational protocols. At policy making level, the genealogy of initiatives to counter drug-related crime has typically been presented as a core activity in the fight against organised crime (Nadelman 1990).

Recent scholarship has seen the peace agreement between Colombian government and the Colombian Revolutionary Armed Forces (FARC) guerrillas a milestone in closing more than 50 years of internal armed conflict. Indeed, the traditional practice of subversive warfare between the two sides ended. However, this did not imply a true path to peacebuilding. The empirical and statistical evidence indicates the worsening of the conflict through the transformation of its practices and representations, into terrorism and transnational organized crime. This article contends that the FARC, as a political party, a new insurgent group, and a criminal actor, continues to have a main role.

The global society now recognises transnational crime as a dynamic phenomenon that can adapt to global trends. Globalisation has resulted in more accessible and quicker communication and more effective financial and travel options. Alternatively, a borderless global environment has allowed criminal groups to expand and evolve quickly. This paper will discuss how transnational crime affects many aspects of life. Numerous parties are also impacted, including authorities, corporate organisations, the judiciary, bilateral relations between countries, public safety, and the global community. Besides that, this paper also explains how global, transnational crime generates multiple profits and how global governance responds to transnational criminal activities. Meanwhile, this paper also focuses on how the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) is one of the few initiated organisations to counter transnational criminal activity. In addition, UNODC has also completed several vital responsibilities to keep the global community safe. Finally, this article emphasises the duties that global governance should prioritise for all countries worldwide to work together to combat transnational crime.

How do we know what we (claim to) know about Africa's organised crime? Much of our understanding of the phenomenon is filtered through the representation of a growing threat carried out by criminal groups specialized in smuggling and trafficking commodities, who exploit vulnerabilities in state capacity (Interpol 2018). African states are often depicted as weak and possibly prone to criminal capture, thereby offering to sophisticated and powerful criminal cartels a soft belly in terms of interdiction capacity and effectiveness (for example, Naim 2012). The illicit trade of profitable goods and natural resources (timber, diamonds, gold, protected wildlife) typically takes centre-stage, fuelling a narrative that coalesces criminal networks, greedy insurgents and violent entrepreneurs. Within this framework, drugs constitute the quintessential illicit market, one that typically involves domestic and transnational criminal organisations, and armed groups vying for protection and extraction. Law enforcement agencies tend to consider any seizure of drugs as an indication of organised crime activity; the drug metrics that they produce are usually considered sensitive data, and therefore they are not easily accessible to researchers. For reasons that are not difficult to understand, those units that investigate the illicit drug business tend to perceive themselves as the bastions in checking serious crime: so much so that the law enforcement officers employed in 'narcotics units' often exhibit quite distinctive attitudes and special operational protocols. At policy making level, the genealogy of initiatives to counter drug-related crime has typically been presented as a core activity in the fight against organised crime (Nadelman 1990).

This special issue of Territory, Politics, Governance brings together emerging scholarship that explores relationships between clandestine economies and the political geographies of law enforcement. Such relationships demand greater critical attention by scholars. To give just one example, the 2011 United Nations' World Drug Report estimated that the global illegal drug market is worth between US$300 and US$500 billion every year. Given this volume and scope, the drug trade and the prohibitions that structure it have come to dramatically influence the behaviour of states and national economies. Yet, figures like those of the United Nations are little more than conjecture, for there are no reliable sources or metrics by which to gauge the scale of illicit economies. The figures are thus consistently disputed, and the study of illicit phenomena continues to present profound challenges. By their very nature, the drug trade and other illicit activities evade monitoring and documentation; they operate beyond the reach of the typical information-gathering methods of researchers working within and outside of government. The drug trade and related black markets therefore present tremendous methodological and epistemological problems. We know they exist and to a certain extent we can study their effects, but we can rarely grasp them directly; often, we face considerable challenges in our attempts to do so (cf. TUNNEL, 1998; NORDSTROM, 2004). Illicit economies of course are not limited to drugs. From petroleum to 'pirated' music to basic services like electricity, sanitation, and water, people across the planet depend upon and are tied into shadow markets of all kinds. The formal distinction between states and 'illegal' or 'illicit' activity therefore must also be troubled. This is so not only because 'illegality' is itself largely a state construct, but because, as HEYMAN and SMART (1999) argue, state actors actively participate in nearly every aspect of illegal markets, blurring the lines that would otherwise separate law and authority on the one hand, and criminal or illegitimate practices on the other. This participation may be authorized but secret, as in the U.S. Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco and Firearm's secret trafficking of weapons into Mexico as part of an alleged intelligence-gathering operation (CONROY, 2012); it may involve complicity through lax or permissive oversight, as in the U.S. Department of Justice's 2012 decision not to criminally prosecute administrators and executives of banks like HSBC for laundering billions of dollars in illegal drug profits (GREENWALD, 2012). Or, it may involve taking kickbacks and

The Beckley Foundation Drug Policy Programme (BFDPP) is a new initiative dedicated to providing a rigorous, independent review of the effectiveness of national and international drug policies. The aim of this programme of research and analysis is to assemble and disseminate material that supports the rational consideration of complex drug policy issues, and leads to a more effective management of the widespread use of psychoactive substances in the future. The BFDPP currently chairs the International Drug Policy Consortium (www.idpc.info), a global network of NGOs and professional networks who work together to promote objective debate around national and international drug policies, and provide advice and support to governments in the search for effective policies and programmes. The United Nations Offi ce on Drugs and Crime (UNODC or Offi ce) is the UN agency responsible for coordinating international drug control activities. It was established in 1997 when the United Nations Drug ...

How do we know what we (claim to) know about Africa's organised crime? Much of our understanding of the phenomenon is filtered through the representation of a growing threat carried out by criminal groups specialized in smuggling and trafficking commodities, who exploit vulnerabilities in state capacity (Interpol 2018). African states are often depicted as weak and possibly prone to criminal capture, thereby offering to sophisticated and powerful criminal cartels a soft belly in terms of interdiction capacity and effectiveness (for example, Naim 2012). The illicit trade of profitable goods and natural resources (timber, diamonds, gold, protected wildlife) typically takes centre-stage, fuelling a narrative that coalesces criminal networks, greedy insurgents and violent entrepreneurs. Within this framework, drugs constitute the quintessential illicit market, one that typically involves domestic and transnational criminal organisations, and armed groups vying for protection and extraction. Law enforcement agencies tend to consider any seizure of drugs as an indication of organised crime activity; the drug metrics that they produce are usually considered sensitive data, and therefore they are not easily accessible to researchers. For reasons that are not difficult to understand, those units that investigate the illicit drug business tend to perceive themselves as the bastions in checking serious crime: so much so that the law enforcement officers employed in 'narcotics units' often exhibit quite distinctive attitudes and special operational protocols. At policy making level, the genealogy of initiatives to counter drug-related crime has typically been presented as a core activity in the fight against organised crime (Nadelman 1990).

How do we know what we (claim to) know about Africa's organised crime? Much of our understanding of the phenomenon is filtered through the representation of a growing threat carried out by criminal groups specialized in smuggling and trafficking commodities, who exploit vulnerabilities in state capacity (Interpol 2018). African states are often depicted as weak and possibly prone to criminal capture, thereby offering to sophisticated and powerful criminal cartels a soft belly in terms of interdiction capacity and effectiveness (for example, Naim 2012). The illicit trade of profitable goods and natural resources (timber, diamonds, gold, protected wildlife) typically takes centre-stage, fuelling a narrative that coalesces criminal networks, greedy insurgents and violent entrepreneurs. Within this framework, drugs constitute the quintessential illicit market, one that typically involves domestic and transnational criminal organisations, and armed groups vying for protection and extraction. Law enforcement agencies tend to consider any seizure of drugs as an indication of organised crime activity; the drug metrics that they produce are usually considered sensitive data, and therefore they are not easily accessible to researchers. For reasons that are not difficult to understand, those units that investigate the illicit drug business tend to perceive themselves as the bastions in checking serious crime: so much so that the law enforcement officers employed in 'narcotics units' often exhibit quite distinctive attitudes and special operational protocols. At policy making level, the genealogy of initiatives to counter drug-related crime has typically been presented as a core activity in the fight against organised crime (Nadelman 1990).

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A typology of upper level drug trafficking organisations, their priorities, market positioning, degrees of permanence, business practices and some vulnerabilities to law enforcement 2.1: Constituting upper level drug markets: traffickers' backgrounds, concerns and priorities 2.2: Constituting upper level drug markets: diverse organisational structures and degrees of permanence 2.3: Constituting upper level drug markets: vertical integration 2.4: Preliminary estimates of interdiction thresholds Boxes 2.1: A note on terminology: networking in the market 9 2.2: Politico-military traffickers and their specific vulnerabilities: the example of Khun Sa i v Executive summary The purpose of this work is to contribute to the achievement of UK government objectives in relation to drug trafficking and organised crime (OC). Specific objectives set for the review are: to describe criminal organisations active in upper level drug trafficking; to construct a useful typology of them;, to comment on changes over time; and to understand impacts of specific types of intervention on specific types of drug trafficking organisation. Upper level trafficking is taken to include: source zone traders' relationships and transactions, including wholesale distribution within the source countries; export, international transit, entry into Europe including the UK; and connections downwards to city level. The interest here is particularly upon heroin and cocaine because these are of greatest concern in the UK drug strategy. Clearly, a heterogeneous set of traffickers is involved, in very varied geographical, economic and political settings. The objective for the review is to create a simple framework within which the publicly available information can be summarised. Published and unpublished literature was reviewed in the following languages: English, French (covering not only French but also to some extent Belgian publications), Dutch (including some Belgian publications), German, Italian, and Spanish (including to some extent Latin American publications). To varying degrees (described below) these sources covered upper level trafficking within the countries concerned and on the wider international stage. The focus of the review was upon recent work where available but, where work was sparse and/or significant work was ten years old or more, that was also consulted. From all these sources, the reviewers concluded that upper level drug markets can be understood as networking (including patterns of avoidance) and transactions between three broad 'types' of traffickers (and variants). All typologies are conceptual devices, potentially useful for drawing out features of environments that are always more complex, more 'mixed' than the typology is capable of capturing. In addition, criminal organisation may change over time. The typology presented should be regarded as an analytic grid or as a working language, not as a series of watertight compartments. • 'Politico-military' traffickers, having aims of restructuring the political field, or achieving or maintaining a dominant position in existing political structures/states/failed states. • 'Business criminals', driven by financial considerations, whose political aspirations are limited to their own quiet enjoyment of the proceeds of crime. They do not seek wider political change but may attempt limited corruption for defensive reasons. • 'Adventurers' for whom a relatively high level of risk-taking is the norm for a variety of reasonsbecause they may feel they have little alternative (e.g. due to debt or coercion), or they may experience a sense of excitement yet do not fully understand the risks being run. The report summarises what, on the basis of the literature, may be said about the positioning of each 'type' within drug markets, degrees of permanence, typical business practices of each of the three types identified, and vulnerabilities to law enforcement. Possibilities for future research on upper level drug trafficking identified by this review include: • trafficker 'careers', including recruitment, learning, networking, building of mutual trust amongst diverse traffickers (e.g. whilst in prison), key turning points and desistance; • better understanding of impacts of specific policing methods, of wider 'crime proofing' and of political strategies in source, transit and importation zones; • research to compare outcomes of committing financial resources to short strike and long haul approaches; and • better understanding of what direction and degree of change in drug prices would reflect reductions in upper level drug trafficking. In most cases it will be appropriate for the research to be interdisciplinary and to have both qualitative and quantitative strands.

Stability publishes cutting-edge, peer-reviewed research related to security, conflict, criminality, urban violence, governance, development, humanitarian action, peacekeeping, peacebuilding and a wide range of other topics in an open-access manner. In addition to full articles, Stability also publishes practice notes and commentaries from experienced policymakers and practitioners involved in violence-affected environments. Publications such as this one are free to access, and readers are encouraged to share them with colleagues or to re-post them in order to ensure that they are widely disseminated and contribute to dialogue among policymakers, practitioners and researchers.

Maritime narcotics trafficking in the Indian Ocean has increasingly become a major security concern for India and other countries in the region, with the Afghanistan-Pakistan corridor being the primary conduit facilitating illegal drug trade via the sea-route in the Western Indian Ocean. However, there is a gap in understanding the extent and manner of the criminal syndicate involvement in the maritime narcotics drug trafficking in the region. This commentary looks at the emerging maritime-bound illicit drug trafficking in the region and also analyses the modus of operandi of the criminal syndicate in Pakistan to evade detection from the lawenforcement. It also examines the role of Combined Maritime Force (CMF) and regional navies in detecting and tracking the maritime narcotics trafficking in the Western Indian Ocean.

Bank report released this quarter. 397 Even in a best-case scenario in which the Afghan government's organically generated revenues doubled to $5 billion, nearly half of all public expenditures would need to be nanced by donors, the Bank said. 398 The Bank's analysis assumes constant per capita spending on government services, increased operations and maintenance expenditures on infrastructure, and a $1.6 billion reduction in securitysector costs. 399 A signi cant reduction in grants would "force very dif cult trade-offs," according to the Bank. 400 On November 27, 2019, President Ashraf Ghani reportedly canceled two large-scale extractives contracts to develop a copper mine in Sar-e Pul and Balkh Provinces and a gold mine in Badakhshan Province. 401 The Afghan government had the right to terminate the contracts if the awardees-the Afghan Gold and Minerals Company (AGMC) and the Turkish Afghan Mining Company (TAMC)-violated a material contract obligation, or if exploration activities were delayed for a period of more than 12 months. 402

The Spanish National Police (Policía Nacional de España) conducted a fourteen-month investigation known as Operation Kraken (Operación Kraken) that concluded in early July 2022. It resulted in multiple arrests and the seizure of narcotics, cash, aerial drones using for smuggling purposes, and three drone submarines—the first to ever have ever been identified—in various stages of being built. An independent (mercenary) group centered in the Castellar de la Frontera region of Cádiz, Spain intended to sell the narco submarines to a French gang trafficking cocaine across the Strait of Gibraltar.

The global illegal drug trade represents a multi-dimensional challenge that has implications for U.S. national interests as well as the international community. Common illegal drugs trafficked internationally include cocaine, heroin, and methamphetamine. According to the U.S. intelligence community, international drug trafficking can undermine political and regional stability and bolster the role and capabilities of transnational criminal organizations in the drug trade. Key regions of concern include Latin America and Afghanistan, which are focal points in U.S. efforts to combat the production and transit of cocaine and heroin, respectively. Drug use and addiction have the potential to negatively affect the social fabric of communities, hinder economic development, and place an additional burden on national public health infrastructures.

Counterdrug interdiction efforts designed to seize or disrupt cocaine shipments between South American source zones and US markets remain a core US “supply side” drug policy and national security strategy. However, despite a long history of US-led interdiction efforts in the Western Hemisphere, cocaine movements to the United States through Central America, or “narco-trafficking,” continue to rise. Here, we developed a spatially explicit agent-based model (ABM), called “NarcoLogic,” of narco-trafficker operational decision making in response to interdiction forces to investigate the root causes of interdiction ineffectiveness across space and time. The central premise tested was that spatial proliferation and resiliency of narco-trafficking are not a consequence of ineffective interdiction, but rather part and natural consequence of interdiction itself. Model development relied on multiple theoretical perspectives, empirical studies, media reports, and the authors’ own years of fiel...

Counterdrug interdiction efforts designed to seize or disrupt cocaine shipments between South American source zones and US markets remain a core US “supply side” drug policy and national security strategy. However, despite a long history of US-led interdiction efforts in the Western Hemisphere, cocaine movements to the United States through Central America, or “narco-trafficking,” continue to rise. Here, we developed a spatially explicit agent-based model (ABM), called “NarcoLogic,” of narco-trafficker operational decision making in response to interdiction forces to investigate the root causes of interdiction ineffectiveness across space and time. The central premise tested was that spatial proliferation and resiliency of narco-trafficking are not a consequence of ineffective interdiction, but rather part and natural consequence of interdiction itself. Model development relied on multiple theoretical perspectives, empirical studies, media reports, and the authors’ own years of fiel...

Stability publishes cutting-edge, peer-reviewed research related to security, conflict, criminality, urban violence, governance, development, humanitarian action, peacekeeping, peacebuilding and a wide range of other topics in an open-access manner. In addition to full articles, Stability also publishes practice notes and commentaries from experienced policymakers and practitioners involved in violence-affected environments. Publications such as this one are free to access, and readers are encouraged to share them with colleagues or to re-post them in order to ensure that they are widely disseminated and contribute to dialogue among policymakers, practitioners and researchers.

Background: Cannabis cultivation in Morocco's mountainous Rif region is undergoing its most profound development since mass production of hashish began in the early 1980s. The adoption of high-yielding varieties of cannabis, modern agricultural practices, and modern hashish production techniques began in the mid-2000s and accelerated after the mid-2010s, with the result that more potent and varied cannabis derivatives are now being produced and that increased quantities of highly potent hashish are seized in Europe.

Methods: This research was initiated to answer a simple research question: how, and to what extent, is the illegal cannabis industry modernizing in Morocco, now that we know that it explains the THC increase in hashish seized in Europe? To answer this question in the context of a lack of literature and quantitative data, empirical fieldwork was undertaken in cannabis fields and hashish-producing farms in Morocco in July and October 2017. A mostly qualitative approach to data collection was employed through participatory rural appraisals (discussions, interviews, direct observations). As such, this work builds predominantly upon primary research.

Results: Fieldwork showed that, subsequent to very localized, experimental beginnings in the early 2000s, the progressive and varied adoption of agricultural innovations at the cultivation and production stages has spread throughout the Rif during the 2010s. Interviews and direct observations conducted in the field indicate that the ongoing adoption of modern farming techniques has enabled the production of high-quality hashish and potent modern extracts. The still ongoing modernization and professionalization of the Moroccan cannabis industry is a testimony of the country's leading position in global hashish production.

Conclusion: What the future holds for Moroccan cannabis growers is difficult to predict. How legalization processes manifest themselves in Moroccan and European policies, and how upcoming developments will affect the social, economic, political and ecological stability of the region, remains largely unknown. However, the spread of cannabis cultivation in the Rif is clearly pushing economic and environmental limits, and there is an obvious need for innovations that mitigate such pressures.

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The former President of Honduras, Juan Orlando Hernández, agreed to surrender to US authorities on 15 February 2022, a day after they issued an extradition warrant for him. In a 13 February 2022 pleading before the U.S. Merit System Protection Board, as well as that contained in major media breaking news, Hernández was shown to be vociferously supported by senior U.S. military officials out of step with other U.S. authorities in the Departments of State and Justice, and in particular with Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA) leadership.

According to a Wall Street Journal article published on 15 February, federal prosecutors allege that Hernández “took bribes to protect drug traffickers who shipped tons of cocaine to the U.S.” A New York Times article also published the same day said that the US request for his extradition was due to his connection to a “violent drug-trafficking conspiracy.” It was only last month that Hernández left office, having eight years as the Honduras chief executive.

In the 15 February petition before the MSPB, several key articles and documents were asked to be admitted to the Record, as they obviously were not available when the evidentiary deadline for the case was closed.

The documentation listed in the petition helps show how, despite General Colin Powell’s promise in Lima, Peru on September 11, 2001, that the United States would never again support a military coup against an elected government in the Western Hemisphere, the crash and burn of the narco-regime in Honduras underlines how the betrayal of that promise at the NDU and elsewhere in the Pentagon severely damaged the rule of law in Central America, and American values, security and prestige both here and abroad.

The continued impunity enjoyed by Vice Admiral Ann E. Rondeau; her sidekick, former National Security Council adviser and still NDU professor Craig Deare (a vehement defender of Mexican General and accused drug cartel associate Salvador Cienfuegos Zepeda), and others who are the focus of whistleblower disclosures is a motivating factor in efforts to bring into account those who, through their actions and/or failure to act, are complicit in crimes against humanity and other “conduct unbecoming.”

For that reason, the whistleblower is also reaching out to the new elected government of Honduras to serve as an expert witness, such as he did for the Italian government in their case against Chilean dictator and international terrorist kingpin General Augusto Pinochet, in any further judicial proceeding in that country.

Counterdrug interdiction efforts designed to seize or disrupt cocaine shipments between South American source zones and US markets remain a core US “supply side” drug policy and national security strategy. However, despite a long history of US-led interdiction efforts in the Western Hemisphere, cocaine movements to the United States through Central America, or “narco-trafficking,” continue to rise. Here, we developed a spatially explicit agent-based model (ABM), called “NarcoLogic,” of narco-trafficker operational decision making in response to interdiction forces to investigate the root causes of interdiction ineffectiveness across space and time. The central premise tested was that spatial proliferation and resiliency of narco-trafficking are not a consequence of ineffective interdiction, but rather part and natural consequence of interdiction itself. Model development relied on multiple theoretical perspectives, empirical studies, media reports, and the authors’ own years of fiel...

La Jornada has the conviction that all citizens have the right to know what happens on the backstage of political power and that the duty of making this information public is a keystone of a professional and ethical journalistic exercise. The auditorium is packed. The adjacent room where the conference will be televised is also full. Amongst the audience, there are students, professors, lecturers, journalists, all eager to listen to Blanche Petrich. Petrich is a journalists form the Mexican newspaper La Jornada, the sixth newspaper worldwide to receive a package of filtrated cables from the US State Department from Sunshine Press Productions¸ headed by Julian Assange, founder of WikiLeaks. She has published several news stories based on the cables. Her conclusion about the stories La Jornada published using the cables is that "Mexico is a penetrated state by the US." Her conference unpacks this argument thoroughly. In addition to Petrich's conclusion, many media, political analysts, and scholars agreed that a consequence of the publication of news stories based on the US State Department cables was the resignation of US Ambassador to Mexico, Carlos Pascual. This essay presents the case of WikiLeaks in Mexico. It is based on news stories published by the national newspaper La Jornada using the cables provided by Sunshine Press Productions. It is also founded on the lecture given by Blanche Petrich at the Universidad Iberoamericana Puebla, Mexico, where she discussed her personal experience as journalist and presented her conclusions about the stories published in La Jornada based on the cables filtrated by WikiLeaks.

Crime has become a prominent issue in Africa and contributes in diverse ways to the underdevelopment of many countries in Africa. The researchers focused on the descriptions of the usefulness of the strategies used to combat crime in Africa, problems being encountered, and recommendations for improvement. Statistical data from 2009 to2013 on transnational organized crimes from the Criminal Investigations Department of Ghana Police Service, document reviews and extracts from radio and television interviews with scheduled officers and other experts were used to gather data for the study. It was revealed from the study that major transnational crimes in Africa include drug and human trafficking. In dealing with the issues of transnational crime, Ghana Police Service (GPS) came out with an innovative crime combat strategy involving the support of the general public. It was revealed from the study that as other non-narcotic crimes were decreasing, narcotic related crimes were increasing ...

ABSTRACTGuinea-Bissau has been regularly described as a ‘narco-state’. Yet, few studies analyse how drug trafficking has evolved here. Based on extensive interviews in Guinea-Bissau over several years, this paper documents the process. It concludes that using the term ‘narco-state’, where much of the state has little or no capacity, is inappropriate. A better approach is to analyse the actions of key players as an elite protection network. In Guinea-Bissau, that network did not act on its own, but relied on a series of ‘entrepreneurs' who operated as an interface between traffickers and the elite. While the military as an institution is often said to be in charge of trafficking, exclusive control by high-ranking military personnel within the elite network only occurred relatively late. Senior soldiers' attempts to provide more than just protection, and to enter the drug market themselves, led to the network's undoing.

Transnational maritime crime is increasingly sophisticated, and it is expanding, both in terms of size and types of criminal activities…[t]hese crimes pose an immediate danger to people's lives and safety, they undermine human rights, hinder sustainable development and… threaten international peace and security"-Yuri Fedotov, former executive director of the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime, 2019. The oceans provide a vast, uncontrolled arena to those engaged in illicit trade and transnational organised crime. Their activities include crimes which are maritime by nature, such as IUU fishing, as well as crimes which rely on the ocean for transport, such as drug-and wildlife trafficking. Organised criminal networks are moving these illicit commodities across the world's oceans using both commercial transport and vessels used exclusively for trafficking purposes. This chapter explores the nature of smuggling and trafficking by sea, the international legal frameworks applicable thereto and considers the case study of heroin trafficking in the Indian Ocean to illustrate how illicit trade and counteroperations work in practice.

Counterdrug interdiction efforts designed to seize or disrupt cocaine shipments between South American source zones and US markets remain a core US “supply side” drug policy and national security strategy. However, despite a long history of US-led interdiction efforts in the Western Hemisphere, cocaine movements to the United States through Central America, or “narco-trafficking,” continue to rise. Here, we developed a spatially explicit agent-based model (ABM), called “NarcoLogic,” of narco-trafficker operational decision making in response to interdiction forces to investigate the root causes of interdiction ineffectiveness across space and time. The central premise tested was that spatial proliferation and resiliency of narco-trafficking are not a consequence of ineffective interdiction, but rather part and natural consequence of interdiction itself. Model development relied on multiple theoretical perspectives, empirical studies, media reports, and the authors’ own years of fiel...

La Jornada has the conviction that all citizens have the right to know what happens on the backstage of political power and that the duty of making this information public is a keystone of a professional and ethical journalistic exercise. The auditorium is packed. The adjacent room where the conference will be televised is also full. Amongst the audience, there are students, professors, lecturers, journalists, all eager to listen to Blanche Petrich. Petrich is a journalists form the Mexican newspaper La Jornada, the sixth newspaper worldwide to receive a package of filtrated cables from the US State Department from Sunshine Press Productions¸ headed by Julian Assange, founder of WikiLeaks. She has published several news stories based on the cables. Her conclusion about the stories La Jornada published using the cables is that "Mexico is a penetrated state by the US." Her conference unpacks this argument thoroughly. In addition to Petrich's conclusion, many media, political analysts, and scholars agreed that a consequence of the publication of news stories based on the US State Department cables was the resignation of US Ambassador to Mexico, Carlos Pascual. This essay presents the case of WikiLeaks in Mexico. It is based on news stories published by the national newspaper La Jornada using the cables provided by Sunshine Press Productions. It is also founded on the lecture given by Blanche Petrich at the Universidad Iberoamericana Puebla, Mexico, where she discussed her personal experience as journalist and presented her conclusions about the stories published in La Jornada based on the cables filtrated by WikiLeaks.

: The U.S. Coast Guard (USCG) has an unusually diverse mission space for a relatively smallservice.1 It is responsible for performing 11 statutory missions, such as icebreaking, drug interdiction, and fisheries enforcement, over domestic areas ranging from Maine to Guam; it also contributes to numerous overseas operations. Given these responsibilities, the Coast Guard needs to continually find ways to make the most effective use of its very limited resources. In light of this, it is critical for the Coast Guard to be able to measure its operational performance with respect to particular missions. This helps the Coast Guard recognize where it could potentially reallocate resources to alleviate shortfalls or how it can manage risk when it reallocates resources to accommodate contingencies. Moreover, by measuring its performance well, the Coast Guard can more effectively communicate with external stakeholdersincluding Congress, the White House, and the American publicabout how well it ...