British Foreign Policy

The aim of this article is to explore the impact of artificial intelligence (AI)
development on the nature of cross-border relations in the context of global digitalization. Special
attention is given to the analysis of challenges related to the integration of AI into international
interactions, including ethical dilemmas, information security threats, regulatory issues, and socioeconomic
transformations driven by emerging technologies. The article examines key opportunities
for utilizing AI to optimize cross-border cooperation, such as automating communications,
processing large data volumes, and supporting decision-making in crisis situations. Using methods
of theoretical analysis, comparison, and case study examination, the study investigates AI’s
influence on the dynamics of interstate relations. Particular emphasis is placed on preserving state
sovereignty and ensuring equal access to innovation in the digital age. The paper analyzes national
approaches to integrating AI into foreign policy, as well as examples of cooperation between tech
companies and governments. It concludes that effective governance of AI development in the crossborder
dimension requires a comprehensive approach combining technical solutions with political,
legal, and ethical mechanisms. Recommendations are proposed for building a resilient model of
international coexistence in the age of artificial intelligence.

This article aims to evaluate the information provided by New York Herald reporter George Hughes Hepworth on the Armenian Question in his work "Through Armenia on Horseback", published in 1898, based on his impressions and notes from his travels in Eastern Anatolia, starting in October 1897 and ending in early January 1898, with the permission of Sultan Abdulhamid II, to investigate the Armenian events that took place in the Ottoman Empire between 1894-1897, and to analyze it in the light of documents and sources of the period. Hepworth approached the events in his work with the fanaticism of a Christian clergyman rather than a journalist in his comments on the Armenian Question. He always gave his evaluations of the interviews he conducted on the subject in favor of the Armenians, and while he did not believe the events narrated by the Turks based on documents, he unconditionally believed almost everything that the Armenians narrated without evidence. Hepworth held the Armenian committee members and Russia and England, who encouraged them to rebel, responsible for the events, and claimed that Sultan Abdulhamid II had no intention of committing a massacre, but that some officials in the Ottoman Empire, the Hamidiye Regiments and Kurdish tribes massacred innocent Armenians. However, in the reports Hepworth submitted to the Ottoman government while still in Ottoman territory, it is seen that he blamed the Armenian committees and the states that encouraged them for the events. From this, it is possible that Hepworth transferred his own thoughts and feelings into his book rather than what he saw in Anatolia after returning to the United States, and that he distorted the facts.

Türkiye Cumhuriyeti'nin kuruluşundan itibaren dikkat ettiği siyaset alanlarından birisi, Türk kültür dairesi içerisinde yer alan topluluklarla teması korumak olmuştur. Bu bağlamda Ankara Atatürk'ün cumhurbaşkanlığı süreci içerisinde, Türkiye'deki Türkler ile "Dış Türkler" arasında sosyal ve kültürel temasların kalıcılaşmasını amaçlayan, özgün bir politika geliştirmeye çabalamıştır. Lozan Antlaşması ile egemenlik hakkı Büyük Britanya'ya bırakılan Kıbrıs adasında yaşayan Türk soyluların durumu da bu kontekst içerisinde ele alınmıştır. Bu çalışmanın konusu, Atatürk'ün uygulamaya çaba gösterdiği Türkiye'de yapılan reformların Türk kültür dairesi içerisinde yer alan topluluklara ulaşmasına dair siyasi hamlelerin, benzer bir şekilde Kıbrıs'ta da uygulandığını belirtmektir. Kıbrıs'ta uygulanan bu politika, Enosis'e karşı güç durumda olan Kıbrıslı Türklerin milli kimliklerinin oluşmasında ve bu harekete karşı koymalarında hayati bir rol oynamıştır. Bu çalışmanın en önemli iddiası Atatürk dönemindeki siyasetin bir ürünü olarak şekillenen bu kimliklenme sürecinin, daha sonra ortaya çıkacak Kıbrıs Sorunu esnasında Ankara ile Kıbrıslı Türkler arasında ortak anlayış ve hedeflerin belirlenmesinde temel teşkil edeceğidir.

This study provides an in-depth analysis of the Treaty of Lausanne (1922-1923) and its impact on the Ottoman Empire's transition into the modern Turkish Republic. It focuses on the treaty's geopolitical, social, and economic ramifications. This research employs a comprehensive methodology integrating descriptive, historical, analytical, and critical perspectives. It explores the strategic undoing of the Treaty of Sèvres through the resistance led by the Ankara government, leading to the recognition of Turkish sovereignty and territorial integrity in the Lausanne Treaty. The paper highlights the treaty's role in abolishing foreign capitulations, restoring national sovereignty, and setting the stage for Türkiye's contemporary nation-state structure. By examining the treaty's implications for international relations and minority rights, the research contributes to a deeper understanding of the post-Ottoman geopolitical landscape and the influence of the Treaty of Lausanne in shaping the modern Middle East.

LSE's Vera Spyrakou reflects on the European Commission’s 2025 State of the Union, highlighting the EU’s urgent need to address trade vulnerabilities, geopolitical pressures, and migration management as part of a broader strategy for growth and security.

How do individual leaders react to major political crises shaking their decision-making authority and challenging their political survival? What do political leaders learn from formative events transpiring on their watch? Riddled with protracted and multidimensional conflicts, the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) is a geographical unit where political learning, or the lack thereof, has been more crucial than ever. This study utilizes an actor-specific approach, i.e., operational code analysis, to examine the profiles and learning patterns of three Arab national leaders who have experienced different forms and magnitudes of political crisis in the post-2011 Arab Uprisings: 1) King Abdullah II bin al-Hussein of Jordan; 2) President Bashar al-Assad of Syria; and 3) Emir Sabah Al-Ahmad Al-Sabah of Kuwait. The case selection comports, by and large, with most different systems design (MDSD) where an individual leader's operational code type functions as the independent variable while learning (or unlearning) is the dependent variable. This study's temporal domain is three-pronged as I compartmentalize leaders' political beliefs as follows: 1) each leader's general operational code profile (aggregated) 2) before the Arab Uprisings (starting with the year each studied Arab leader came to power); 3) after the Arab Uprisings (2011-2018). I employ an original Arabic coding scheme for leadership analysis to study a group of understudied MENA leaders in their native language. This study lends to state-of-the-art leadership studies within foreign policy analysis and the broader International Relations discipline. It also carries policy relevance concerning regional and world powers' foreign policy and military strategies toward the MENA region.

This paper focuses on foreign policy processes of states as social entities, which are made manifest as the "psychology of the state" and specified as learning effects due to external causes (object appraisal); steering effects due to internal causes (ego defense); and social interaction effects from learning and steering processes (self-other mediation).The cases under investigation are the manifest psychology of the state of Israel across three individual Israeli leaders: Prime Ministers Ariel Sharon, Ehud Olmert, and Benjamin Netanyahu. The dependent variables are their beliefs about the nature of the political universe (friendly/hostile), the most effective strategies for exercising power (cooperation/conflict), and historical control (low/high). The independent variables are the personality processes of object appraisal (terrorist attacks and fatalities), ego defense (mistrust and self-confidence), and mediation of self-other relations (task v. process orientation and belief in ability to control events. They are analyzed within the context of game theory models of complex adaptive systems.

Critical Review on the Publications and Archive Sources and Reconstruction of the Aprilov’s Genealogy

Boris Stanimirov

Vassil E. Aprilov (1789-1847) is an illustrious intellectual of the Bulgarian National Revival and contributor
to the foundation of the modern Bulgarian education. His works and heritage have been published and
analyzed in various publications, however, the data concerning his family and genealogy is so far
contradictory and inaccurate, being of subordinate importance for the major works, dedicated to
Aprilov. The author resumes the publications, concerning Aprilov’s life and family, juxtaposes the
genealogical data inside and analyzes its credibility in search of the correct family links. Besides the
publications on Aprilov, the author reveals unpublished family tree of the Aprilovs, composed by
Gabrovo’s local historian Iliya Gabrovski in the 70-es ot XX century, stored in the State Archive –
Gabrovo. Based on the analysis, the article offers a possible reconstruction of the Aprilovs’ genealogical
tree.

This is a preface to the collection of papers "Serbia and the Balkans: Three Centuries of Embrace with Europe". It analyses the impact of European cultural transfer and Europeanisation(s) on the Balkans. The collection includes 18 papers covering the fields of Balkanology, impact of the Enlightenment, Imageology, Nationalism Studies, History of Feminism, Literary History, Cultural History, and European Studies.

Don Juan Nepomuceno Toscano, como muchos jóvenes de su generación, pensó abrazar las ordenes sacerdotales. En 1802, a los 15 años, realizó gestiones para su ingreso, en Pamplona; intento al que volvió diez años después, sin conocerse las razones de su final desistimiento. Tal vez el llamado de la actividad política y el fragor de las discusiones constitucionales y republicanas fueron más poderosas, dada su formación jurídica.

This study examines England's attitude toward German aggression against Czechoslovakia (1933-1939) and its impact on Anglo-Romanian relations. British foreign policy was heavily influenced by its ties with Hitler's Germany, adopting a permissive and reactive approach, never seizing the initiative from Berlin-except for the attempted "Stresa Front". England continually adjusted its stance toward Romania, France, and the USSR based on Anglo-German dynamics, which dictated European politics until the outbreak of war. To understand Britain's policy toward Romania, one must analyze Anglo-German relations, as these influenced London's decisions more than Romania's own actions. Under King Carol II, Romania's foreign policy aligned with passivity and accommodation of German revisionism. While England, as a major power, could afford to explore political options (some flawed), Romania, far more vulnerable, lacked the same flexibility. The study highlights how international power dynamics shaped Romania's precarious position in pre-WWII Europe.

British control of Ottoman Egypt in 1906 and its aggressive push eastward into the Sinai Peninsula resulted in the “Aqaba Incident” that established a new border with Ottoman Palestine to England’s liking.  At the time, Ottoman expatriots in Cairo lambasted Sultan Abdülhamid II for caving in to England and, in a larger sense, for debilitating the Ottoman Army to preserve his throne against the threats he perceived.  Three 1906 articles in the Cairo newspaper “İctihad” by disillusioned Ottomans reflected this sentiment – translated here into English in PART II below.
Many events transpired in Palestine after 1906 that pitted the English against the Ottomans, culminating in 1918 when the British overpowered the Ottoman forces there toward the end of WWI and took complete control.  Fast-forward to 1932, when the Turkish Consul in Jerusalem, Hasan Rûşeni (Barkın), sent a report to Ankara that summarized the British-Jewish-Arab/Moslem dynamic there.  The report, along with Turkish General Staff Chief Fevzi Çakmak Paşa’s notes, was transcribed and published in 2003 by Nilüfer Hatemi of Yeditepe University – this is the English translation (PART I below).  Rûşeni’s very thorough report reads like a scene-setter for today’s situation in Israel-Palestine.

This article examines the relations between the two South Slavic
states during their accession to the Tripartite Pact in March 1941.
The first part begins by overviewing their relations from the signing
of the Yugoslav-Bulgarian Perpetual Friendship Pact until the start
of the Second World War. The turbulent relations between the two
countries in the early years of the war is also the subject of interest.
The central analysis explores key events that led Yugoslavia and
Bulgaria to opposing sides in this conflict, with particular emphasis
on German influence in both countries. The epilogue traces the
breakdown of Yugoslav-Bulgarian relations, including the Bulgarian
occupation of parts of Yugoslavia. The article is based on archival
material from Serbia and Bulgaria and selected periodicals.

Zionism, since the last decades of 19 th century, was/is a worldwide Jewish organization aimed to build a national home/Jewish Nation state in Palestine. Nevertheless at the beginning, Jews as a whole were not supporting Zionism. Bearing this case in mind, in this paper the denotations "Zionism/Zionists" and "Jews" have selectively been used. Because the Palestine Question is a global problem and never lacks mass interest, there are a large English and Turkish literature on Balfour Declaration and Lloyd George Government's support to Zionists. Even ordinary political history books tackle with the problem and give some information. Notwithstanding there is no any specifi c work inspecting the texting of Balfour Declaration. To understand the logic and texting of the Declaration, British archive documents must carefully be examined and a new light should be shed on the aim of Lloyd George Government's hidden objectives inserted and hided among complex cycle of facts while the text was being typed. Basic problematic of this essay focused on the structural meaning and messages of the Balfour Declaration. The most considerable fi nding of the paper is that: the concept of "national home" which was put forward with an innocent/intentional editing is the basis of later developments. The concept actually from the very beginning was targeting a Jewish State, both Lloyd George and Zionists were very well aware of that fact. The other signifi cant reality the archive documents brings out is that, Sheriff Hussein and his son Faisal who collaborating with British, betrayed Ottoman Empire and caused its defeat at Palestine-Hejaz Front also were very well aware what "national home" would mean after British occupation. Both, for their selfi sh interests preferred not to oppose Zionist plans.

ODTÜ Kuzey Kıbrıs Kampüsü Atatürkçü Düşünce Topluluğu, Birleşik Krallık'ta Kıbrıslı Türkler tarafından Waltham Forest Belediyesi'ne yönelik Council of Turkish Cypriots Associations - UK (CTCA UK) öncülüğünde gerçekleştirilen protestoları mercek altına aldı.

The UK government is expected to publish a draft bill on 28 May outlining a framework for the country's referendum on EU membership. Andrew Glencross writes that UK politics is now increasingly defined by two different kinds of 'exceptionalism': a push within the UK for selfgovernment outside of the EU, and Scottish demands for self-government within the UK. He argues that while neither the breakup of the UK nor a Brexit is inevitable, if they do occur it will be because of misplaced belief in the nostrum of self-government. David Cameron's unexpected triumph in the 2015 UK General Election means that British citizens will be asked to vote on whether to remain in the EU. On the surface, this referendum appears to be just another manifestation of Britain's prolonged equivocations over European integration.

Building upon the existing scholarship on Russia's departure from liberalism, this paper analyzes the Kremlin's recent use of digital technologies to curb political dissent, constrain civil society, and control the media. Investigating both historical precedents and contemporary strategies, the study reveals two key trends. Firstly, it uncovers a convergence of traditional and digital repression, challenging simplistic views of the regime. Secondly, it highlights the remarkable effectiveness of covert physical coercion, deeply rooted in the collective memory of the Soviet era, as a means to deter antigovernment sentiments. The paper also elucidates the prioritization of specific digital repression tools, drawing connections between efficacy, historical memory, and cost considerations.

Рекомендовано до друку Вченою радою факультету права та міжнародних відносин (Протокол № 3 від 12 травня 2025 р.) Сучасні міжнародні відносини: актуальні проблеми теорії і практики: матеріали міжнародної науково-практичної конференції / Факультет права та міжнародних відносин, Державний університет «Київський авіаційний інститут»; за загальною редакцією Я.М.Жукорської, М.В.Стригуль -Київ: ДУ «КАІ», 2025. -766 с. Редакційна колегія Жукорська Я.М., декан факультету права та міжнародних відносин, кандидат юридичних наук, доцент; Стригуль М.В., заступник декана факультету права та міжнародних відносин, кандидат соціологічних наук, доцент; Ржевська Н.Ф., завідувач кафедри міжнародних відносин та стратегічних студій, доктор політичних наук, професор; Побоченко Л.М., завідувач кафедри міжнародних економічних відносин, бізнесу та туризму, кандидат економічних наук, доцент; Нуруллаєв І.С.о., професор кафедри міжнародного та європейського права, доктор юридичних наук, професор; Скирда Т.С., в.о.завідувача кафедри іноземних мов та перекладу, кандидат педагогічних наук, доцент. У виданні представлено матеріали міжнародної науково-прктичної конференції «Сучасні міжнародні відносини: актуальні проблеми теорії і практики -2025», згруповані відповідно до напрямів розгортання дискусії: трансформація міжнародних відносин в умовах війни та шляхи повоєнного розвитку; глобальні виклики міжнародного права в умовах забезпечення національних інтересів України; міжнародні економічні відносини в умовах глобальних трансформацій; міжкультурна іншомовна комунікація у глобальному цифровому діалозі. Роботи опубліковані в авторській редакції.

The techniques of drone warfare and the use of camcorders for targeted attacks have been increasing nowadays, and many incidents involving camcorder IEDs have been reported, which are replacing suicide attacks, especially by terrorists in Pakistan. This calls for a counterstrategy to prevent its rapid expansion to sensitive installations and targeting of security forces. Currently, there are no by-laws in place for the registration of camcorders or drone camera sellers, and anyone can easily purchase and operate them, which are sometimes used by terrorists and now even by drug traffickers. Security supervision at crowded events, especially during special religious festivals, has become vulnerable due to the use of this technology by anti-state elements.

An encouraging move had improved Mozambique's chances in 1961, when the Kennedy Administration, ignoring the objections of Portugal, France, West Germany, and Britain, and reversing the Eisenhower policy, voted against Portugal, a member of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), in defense of the eventual independence of Africans under Portuguese rule. 2 The vote, coming from a superpower that previously had opposed African independence in the Portuguese colonies, particularly if violence had to be used, galvanized momentarily nationalist leaders and heightened their hopes for an end to Portuguese colonialism. In fact, Kennedy went so far as to instruct the CIA to send arms and money to the Popular Union of Angola, the most important of the Angolan liberation movements at that time. 3 No sooner had the Kennedy administration taken this unprecedented step, however, than Congressional opposition and Portuguese threats to disallow American air bases at Azores forced the White House to reverse itself and even provide the Portuguese colonial state with clandestine assistance to stop colonial nationalism and independence. 4 As the Americans turned their attention to the Vietnam War, the Johnson Administration relegated the issue of Mozambique independence to the backburner. What would complicate future relations between Mozambique and the United States was the fact that the latter, from 1969 to 1974, maintained a policy of not having contact with FRELJMO (and other liberation movements in the Portuguese colonies). 3 Thus, Portugal continued to enjoy Congressional, military, and popular support in America as a defender of Western civilization in Africa and an ally who deserved unconditional support notwithstanding the arms embargo of 1961 imposed on the use of NATO weapons in the colonies. The rest of the Western world shared the same attitude, while the Eastern bloc, particularly the Soviet Union, escalated its military aid and humanitarian assistance to the liberation movements.

Denmark took over the rotating Presidency of the Council of the European Union on 1 July. Vera Spyrakou writes that at a time when Europe faces mounting challenges, Denmark’s presidency must aim to bridge divides between the EU’s member states.

From 1 July to 31 December, Denmark will hold the Presidency of the Council of the European Union. The Danish presidency comes at a pivotal moment for the European project – a time when unity, resilience and shared responsibility are more necessary than ever.

Аннотация. В условиях современного увеличения международной напряженности, на фоне нарастающей конфронтации России с коллективным Западом, актуализируется исследовательский интерес к термину «Большая игра» и подразумевающемуся под ним международно-политическому явлению, а также сопутствующим проявлениям русофобии в ее англосаксонском варианте. Особо дискуссионными представляются вопросы регионального измерения классического образца «Большой игры» в контексте ее происхождения, этапов развития и окончания, корреляции с укреплением и распространением антироссийских настроений в западном обществе. В качестве источников исследования были использованы ко нвенции, межгосударственные соглашения, письма МИД, мемуары, записки действующих офицеров и политических деятелей. Уточнены причины, контекст и особенности формирования ареала российско-британского геополитического соперничества в Центральной и Южной Азии во второй половине XIX — начале XX вв. Охарактеризован завершающий этап трансформации географических границ классической версии «Большой игры». Проведенное исследование позволяет выделить ядро (основное пространство) и периферию (периодически активизирующиеся «очаги») российско-британского геополитического соперничества. В рассматриваемый период практически параллельно существовало два ареала интенсивных действий: в Западном и Восточном Туркестане. После присоединения большей части туркменских земель к России и введения российских войск в Илийскую долину фронтиры соперничества расширяются в восточном направлении, а британские позиции в регионе ослабевают. В 1890—1895 гг. активизируются действия империй в границах Памира, после соглашения о разделе которого «очаг» конкуренции смещается на Тибет, где он фиксируется до 1907 г. Развитие геополитического противостояния империй находит соотношение с проявлениями англосаксонской русофобии как идеологического инструмента для нивелирования соперника в «Большой игре».
Ключевые слова: геополитическое соперничество России и Великобритании, русофобия, «Большая игра», Центральная Азия, Южная Азия, международные отношения
Abstract. In the conditions of the current increase in international tension, against the backdrop of the growing confrontation between Russia and the collective West, research interest in the term “The Great Game” and the international-political phenomenon implied by it is becoming more urgent and the accompanying manifestations of Russophobia in its Anglo-Saxon version. Issues of the regional dimension of the classic example of the “The Great Game” in the context of its origin, stages of development and completion seem particularly debatable, correlation with the strengthening and spread of anti-Russian sentiments in Western society. The conventions, interstate agreements, letters from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, memoirs and notes of active officers and politicians have been used as research sources. The reasons, context and features of the formation of the area of Russian-British geopolitical rivalry in Central and South Asia in the second half of the 19th — early 20th centuries have been clarified. The final stage of transformation of the geographical boundaries of the classic version of the “The Great Game” has been characterized. The conducted research makes it possible to single out the core (main space) and the periphery (periodically activated “foci”) of the Russian-British geopolitical rivalry. During the period under review, two areas of intense action existed almost simultaneously: in Western and Eastern Turkestan. After the annexation of most of the Turkmen lands to Russia and the introduction of Russian troops into the Ili Valley, the frontiers of rivalry expanded eastward, and British positions in the region weakened. In 1890—1895, the actions of empires intensified within the borders of the Pamirs, after the agreement on the division of which the “center” of competition shifted to Tibet, where it was fixed until 1907. The development of geopolitical confrontation between empires is correlated with the manifestation of Anglo-Saxon Russophobia as an ideological tool for neutralizing the opponent in the “The Great Game”.
Keywords: geopolitical rivalry between Russia and Great Britain, Russophobia, “The Great Game”, Central Asia, South Asia, international relations

Minutes are an important primary source, particularly for historians of institutions and decisionmaking. Minutes are the written record of meetings that take place between individuals and representatives of groups, organisations, or institutions. They provide clear evidence of agendas, discussions, and decisions. This means that, for example, subsequent events or consequences may be compared with what had been intended. Minutes provide a means of accountability as well as a record. Minutes may be political, in the broadest sense of that term, in that they seek to influence, both at the time of their creation and subsequently. It is important to be critical when

Every state has an inherent right to defend itself from unlawful aggression or attack by another state or non-state actors. The concept of self-defence underwent a significant change after the 9/11 attack, where its application extended to terrorist attacks or non-state actors. Though this right is inherent, it has certain limitations that must be considered by the state exercising such self-defence, i.e. the Principles of Necessity and Proportionality. Only when the attack or aggression is of a high degree or the survival of the state is in jeopardy and there exist no other peaceful means to stop the threat and only when there exists a grave necessity, self-defence can be used. The use of force must be only to the extent of neutralizing the attack and must not cause excessive injury or damage than that was needed to repel the threat or armed attack. War cannot be prohibited and the death of civilians in war is inevitable. Due to the changing nature of conflicts and threats, it is of predominant importance that self-defence has to be studied with the presentday scenarios to analyze its legality and to what extent it can be used. This research analyzes the status and usage of self-defence in modern-day conflicts with specific reference to Non-State Actors and Cyber-attacks and it interprets the notion of limits fixed by international law on self-defence, and analyses whether such limitations be violated to protect the state's own interest, its citizens, and territorial integrity.

Years of 2005-24 in the Gove family as seen by Sarah Vine, Michael's wife, and the two children
Relations with the Cameron family and David Cameron's wife Samantha
Cameron's view of his friends  - master serf relationship, and loyalty towards the chief - by extension at that time the Conservative Party
Brexit - the bitterness against Gove during the Referendum and after                                Attitude of media towards Gove
Principle cause of everything: politics
Criticism of directors and editors of newspapers contravening privacy laws

How did Britons view China in 2020, at the height of the Covid-19 pandemic? This paper presents new, detailed evidence of the negative and worsening perceptions of China in the UK across three domains: public opinion (based on survey data collected in autumn 2020), political elites in parliament, and the media. The worsening of perceptions of China emerged in the context of a changing and more contested China policy from the UK government and a greater level of public debate about China, partly a consequence of the onset of the Covid-19 pandemic. The paper places analysis of these perceptions in the context of the development of relations between the UK and China. Together with deteriorating Chinese views of the UK's China policy and controversy over a number of developments in China, widespread negative views about China among the British public and in political circles will constrain UK-China relations from developing in a more positive direction.

Bill de Ropp's work in Germany with Rosenberg  - Growth of Luftwaffe - Preparations for Munich Agreement September 1938  - British Foreign Office v Air Ministry view - Knowledge of Molotov -Ribbentrop before August 1939
Bill's wife Jimmy's intelligence
Zinoviev Letter 1924 and Labour Party -  Harold Wilson -
Help for Jews up to 1939

The article examines the political positions and influence of prominent leader of the Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organization (IMRO) Todor Aleksandrov between 9 June 1923 (the Military coup against the Bulgarian Agrarian National Union – BANU) and 31 August 1924 (the murder of Todor Aleksandrov). After the signing of the May Manifesto between the IMRO and the Comintern on 6 May 1924, which marks the breaking point in the political positions of Todor Aleksandrov, they quickly deteriorated and led to his demise in Pirin. The article traces the dynamics between Aleksandrov and his peers and subordinates in the IMRO, the legal Macedono-Bulgarian organizations, the governing factors in Sofia and the Comintern, and outlines the mechanisms set in motion by these factors once the May Manifesto was signed.

The article examines the crisis situation on the Iran-USSR border during the period of forced industrialization and collectivization in the Soviet Union. During this historical period, the number of Soviet citizens who began to move to Iran increased significantly. Many of them had the Azerbaijan SSR or Turkmen SSR as their starting point. The analytical documents of the British diplomatic mission reflect quantitative data on refugees, as well as their professional status and other parameters. Based on this data, information on migration in two directions, to the region of Iranian Azerbaijan and Khorasan, was analysed. Basically, people left the USSR due to deteriorating living conditions both in cities and in rural areas. A separate group consisted of nomadic Turkmen tribes. For certain categories of those who found themselves in Iran, this country was a transit point on their route to other countries. A conclusion is made about the difference in the treatment of immigrants from the USSR in different Iranian provinces. The general trend was their resettlement to the interior of the country or deportation. As the economic situation in the USSR improved and the state border regime strengthened, the flow of refugees began to decline.

In the seventeen years after Indian and Pakistani independence in 1947, these new nations usually remained, according to many analysts, on the periphery for the United States. Although Pakistan became a military ally in the Southeast Asian Treaty Organization and the Central Treaty Organization and India became a recipient of significant amounts of economic aid, Europe and East and even Southeast Asia were more important to American policy-makers. 1 Nonetheless, Americans had been at least somewhat involved with India since the late eighteenth century, and cultural stereotypes had been developed by Americans (in collaboration with other Westerners, especially British), which Harold Isaacs beautifully analyzed in his 1950s work, Scratches on Our Minds: American Views of China and India. In Comrades at Odds, Andrew J. Rotter, author of a valuable study of the American descent into Vietnam in the period just after World War II, 3 has tried to study American stereotypes and images of India and Indian images of America to help decipher American diplomatic relations with India during the Jawaharlal Nehru years, 1947 to 1964. The book is organized topically, rather than chronologically. Starting with an extended discussion of the importance of cultural factors in shaping diplomacy, Rotter deals in his introduction with the views Americans have had and presently have of Indians and the conceptions that Indians have had and presently have of Americans. His main argument is 611

praktyka t e o r e t y c z n a 1(51)/2024 JULIA DYBCZYŃSKA Francuski atom a kapitał symboliczny Bourdieu Artykuł jest propozycją odczytania procesu nuklearyzacji Francji w latach 1945-1980 przez pryzmat pojęcia kapitału symbolicznego Pierre'a Bourdieu. Pierwsza część tekstu opisuje genezę francuskiego projektu atomowego i tłumaczy jego prestiżowy charakter. Podkreśla podwójne, militarne i cywilne, zastosowanie technologii jądrowej, a także jej związek z kolonialnym porządkiem politycznym. W drugiej części zidentyfikowane i zanalizowane zostają dyskursywne strategie przyczyniające się do legitymizacji kapitału symbolicznego nuklearnych projektów. Tekst wskazuje poznawcze schematy, które budują uznanie branży jądrowej. W kolejnym kroku zestawienie wyników badań Martina Denoun z teorią Bourdieu pozwala na wytłumaczenie związku między wizjami przyszłości a procesem uprawomocniania działania przemysłu nuklearnego. Podsumowanie zaproponowane w ostatniej części artykułu pozwala na skomentowanie samej teorii Bourdieu.

Mustafa Kemal, later Paşa and Atatürk, wrote a letter to his longtime friend Nuri (Conker) in 1914 from Sofia, Bulgaria, where he was then the military attaché.  The letter was subsequently published in Istanbul in 1918 – the delay attributed by Mustafa Kemal to unspecified “restrictions”.  The letter focused primarily on the essence and virtues required for soldiering in the Ottoman Army and, in particular, on the need to espouse “initiative” at all rank levels.
At the end of the letter, Mustafa Kemal quoted from notes he took during battles with the Italian Army at Derne, Libya, during the Ottoman Army’s 1911-1912 guerrilla campaign with local Bedouin fighters against the Italians.  This is the last entry Mustafa Kemal included in the letter: “I was wounded by a bullet in my right arm.  Yet, even though I have been losing a great deal of blood, I will not withdraw from the battlefield so as not to adversely affect the troops’ morale.  If I die, Remzi Efendi is here with me and he will manage my troops in my stead.”
This is the English translation of Mustafa Kemal’s letter to Mehmet Nuri (Conker).

It is now half a century since Tony Crosland wrote his magnum opus The Future of Socialism ) and 30 years since he died suddenly while serving as foreign secretary in 1977. Moreover, it is more than nine years since New Labour was first elected. However, the debate over the nature of British social democracy and the extent to which New Labour has broken with 'Croslandism' continues unabated. It is within this context that Stephen Meredith has made an interesting contribution to the debate . He argues, contra Roy Hattersley and others, that it is the underlying continuity between Croslandite and New Labour versions of social democracy that stands out. The debate rests largely on what is conceived by the term 'equality' and Meredith argues that there are strong similarities between Crosland's conception of equality and the meaning attached to that concept by New Labour, as outlined most clearly in Gordon Brown 's Crosland Memorial Lecture in 1997. The reason why this has often been overlooked, Meredith argues, is that New Labour has concealed its social democratic commitment in order to build and then maintain an electoral coalition capable of sustaining it in power for longer than one term. Meredith's article is written in an accessible and stimulating manner, but ultimately fails to convince me. No doubt this may be because I am an old-fashioned social democrat and New Labour critic and therefore am not capable of being convinced! However, it may also be the case that there is a need for greater clarity than is provided, especially in terms of the conception of equality and the relationship between ends (values) and means (policies) that is central to debates within social democracy. The aims of this reply are therefore to point to the main issues on which I disagree with Meredith and to suggest why it is still the essential discontinuity that stands out between Crosland and New Labour in these areas. 1 The first issue in need of greater clarification is that of ends and means. The simple formulation of this position is to state that social democracy is committed to the realisation of given values (ends) which require governments to implement specific policies (means). This distinction between ends and means was formulated by Labour party revisionists, notably in theoretical terms by Crosland and Douglas Jay , in order to reject the fundamentalist position of the Labour left, who continued to argue that public ownership was essential for the realisation of socialism. The early sections of Crosland's The Future of Socialism set out to reject such a fundamentalist position. The nature of economic activity had changed radically since Marxist doctrine had been formulated. Crosland identified four changes in particular. First, there had been a growth in the size, responsibilities and powers of the central state, not only through public ownership under the Attlee

Where does Brexit leave Central and Eastern Europe? On the one hand, it pulls the centre of EU gravity eastwards, further away from the Atlantic. On the other, it leaves the region vulnerable on its eastern frontier. Alina Bârgăoanu (Harvard) explains why these states feel abandoned and fear domination by Germany.

Pagina principale di riferimento: Fonti per la storia del brigantaggio preunitario e postunitario in Terra di Lavoro (1750-1870), a cura di Armando Pepe. NOTA DEL CURATORE Il fenomeno del brigantaggio preunitario a Monte San Biagio e nei territori circostanti costituisce una chiave di lettura fondamentale per comprendere le tensioni sociali, economiche e politiche che attraversarono il Regno di Napoli nei decenni precedenti l'unificazione italiana. In quest'area di confine tra Stato pontificio e Regno borbonico, caratterizzata da aspri rilievi, fitte boscaglie e vie di comunicazione strategiche, il brigantaggio assunse forme peculiari, alimentate tanto dalla marginalità sociale quanto dalle ambiguità del potere centrale e dalle complicità locali. Più che semplici atti di delinquenza, le imprese dei briganti riflettono l'irrisolta questione della giustizia e della rappresentanza nelle campagne del Mezzogiorno, intrecciandosi con pratiche clientelari, rivalità tra fazioni, istanze di autonomia e reazioni violente alle riforme istituzionali e fiscali del periodo napoleonico e della Restaurazione.

A comparative examination of the traditions of παιδεία and humanitas alongside the scribal tradition of the Ancient Near East reveals not only some expected dissimilarities, but also intriguing parallels in pedagogical methods, educational objectives, and societal roles of the educated elite. It is undeniable that the scribal education which was going on in the bit tuppi was a kind of παιδεία that corresponds to the Greek one, at least in a technical, if not in a social context. Although the specific methods, content, and cultural contexts of the Near Eastern, Greek and Roman educational systems varied, they all shared the common goal of making the elite members of society effective administrators, scribes, and leaders. Moreover, a comparison between the Sumerian concept of nam.lú.ùlu and the Roman concept of humanitas reveals two distinct, but overlapping understandings of what it meant to be human and urban in the context of their respective cultures. While both nam.lú.ùlu and humanitas offer frameworks for understanding humanity, they reflect the different values and priorities of their respective cultures: the former was rooted in a communal, religious view of humanity that focuses on collective responsibility and divine order, while the latter emphasized individual moral development, cultural refinement, and civic responsibility within a more secular framework.

In this blog post, Joachim Blatter (University of Lucerne) explains why Britain cannot and should not imitate the Swiss model of sectoral bilateralism. He also outlines where the British and the Swiss could join forces for re-inventing transnational governance and democracy in Europe after Brexit. Britain cannot imitate the Swiss model of sectoral bilateralism In Switzerland, direct forms of democracy are ...

Orlando organizza gli avvenimenti in un racconto accattivante e suggestivo, mette in evidenza luci e ombre della storia e tiene insieme con un sottile filo narrativo migrazioni, banditismo, rivolte e lotta di classe, fenomeni di ogni luogo e ogni tempo.

Con uno sguardo particolare rivolto al Mezzogiorno d’Italia e a quel Mediterraneo che Fernand Braudel definisce «non un paesaggio, ma innumerevoli paesaggi; non un mare, ma un susseguirsi di mari; non una civiltà, ma una serie di civiltà accatastate le une sulle altre…».

Il risultato è un affresco di lunga durata, uno studio frutto di passione e di una minuziosa ricostruzione storiografica, utile anche per osservare il nostro tempo, anni che l’autore segnala come l’inizio di un cambiamento epocale che coinvolge l’esistenza delle persone, le strutture politiche e sociali delle nazioni e che impone la ricerca di una visione nuova, di un progetto che possa far proseguire il cammino dell’umanità.