Biopower and Biopolitics

This article explores the intertwining of politics and medicine by analysing how medicine has become politicized, and politics medicalized, as well as the effects of these dynamics on subjectivity, politics and the social. Rather than starting from a fixed research question or hypothesis, this work takes the form of a collaborative enquiry that “allows something to emerge” through social interaction. It unfolds through a series of encounters and reflections with renowned philosopher Roberto Esposito, whose thought has significantly influenced the social sciences and humanities and informs the core themes of this Special Issue. First, the article engages with the role of immunitary practices and metaphors in political life. Second, it enquires into the relationship between medicalized responses to political phenomena and the increasing individualization and desocialization these bring forth. Third, it explores how the protection of life is often accompanied by thanatopolitical consequences. By highlighting these issues, the dialogue seeks to transcend negative biopolitics and open new avenues for future research and the development of affirmative political life.

En el presente artículo se analiza a partir de las categorías de biopolítica y psicopolítica utilizadas por Byung-Chul Han los principales factores político-económico-sociales que permitieron la transición del nacionalismo al establecimiento del neoliberalismo como sistema económico en el norte de México en el periodo comprendido de 1988 a 2022. La aproximación comprendió la revisión de la influencia de la transicisión del estado y su nacionalismo económico-político al de estadoneoliberal con la llegada de Carlos Salinas de Gortari a la presidencia de México. Poniendo especial atención en el papel de la industria maquiladora como factor clave de tal proceso, así como también del apoyo por parte del sistema educativo que ajustó sus programas para fortalecer dicha transición, posibilitando la creación de espacios educativos enfocados en atender las demandas del sector económico.

A obra do filósofo e médico francês Georges Canguilhem (1904-1995) tem passado por um revival extraordinário. Esta redescoberta vem ocorrendo na França e para além da sua fronteira, este interesse possui um escopo interdisciplinar, na qual envolve especialistas das mais variadas áreas do conhecimento-como a biotecnologia, a ecologia, na história e filosofia da ciência, no próprio campo da medicina, a psicologia e a sociologia. Este aumento de interesse começou pouco antes de sua morte sendo confirmado pela multiplicação de colóquios sobre o seu pensamento, monografias

The investigation is about the margins of institutionality and political actions. Is a simultaneous question for the place of passion in politics delimitated by reason. Agamben and his exception idea serves us like a contribution. The interest is to show how different ways of political
participation are debtors of exclusion and its rationality. The delegative excercises are then contrasted with the political gestures of the multitude, according to Farge´s and Revel´s conception. The text evaluates these political gestures according to the judgment of the institutional order. Finally, the text interprets the period of Chilean democratic transition, which is considered as a process that establishes the framework for a type of governability and for the current political participation.

Estay (2025) links Lucretius's philosophy with Deleuze's through the notion of "simulacrum." To demonstrate this connection, it first reconstructs Lucretius's worldview of nature, emphasizing how the category of "simulacrum" acts as a linking concept with Deleuze's philosophy and with the French author's inversion of Plato's ontology, arguing that there is no identitarian correlation between the elements and diversity of nature. Instead, this reflects an infinite reproduction of its configurations, thereby preventing the assembly of these components around a singular idea of a correlated God and Universe that underpin the omnipresent role of morality for such purposes.

Δεν ξέρω πόσες από εσάς θυμούνται την ταινία Τρούμαν Σόου (1998) του Peter Weir. Τον τελευταίο καιρό την χρησιμοποιώ διαρκώς, ιδιαίτερα τις τελευταίες της σκηνές, για να εξηγήσω έναν γενικότερο προβληματισμό μου για τη σημερινή συνθήκη, που θεωρώ ότι έχει φτάσει στα όρια αυτού που ο Μαρκ Φίσερ τόσο ωραία περιέγραψε ως καπιταλιστικό ρεαλισμό. 1 Η ταινία νομίζω προέβλεψε με ακρίβεια, όχι μόνο τα 24/7 τηλεοπτικά παιχνίδια διαβίωσης/επιβίωσης (όπως το Big Brother ή το Survivor), αλλά μάλλον και τον σημερινό κόσμο της νεομεσικής αλγοριθμικής επιτήρησης. 2 O κεντρικός χαρακτήρας, Truman Burbank, ζει έγκλειστος σε ένα τεράστιο στούντιο από την πρώτη στιγμή της γέννησής του, με τη ζωή του να μεταδίδεται σε διαρκή λάιβ σύνδεση από ένα ειδικά φτιαγμένο τηλεοπτικό κανάλι. Ο σκηνοθέτης του σόου παίζει, ουσιαστικά, τον ρόλο του Θεού αλλά και του φροντιστή, του εκπαιδευτή και του πατέρα για τον Τρούμαν, που μεγαλώνει, κυριολεκτικά, κάτω από τα μάτια του. Το στούντιο, για τον Τρούμαν, είναι ο κόσμος• οι (χωρίς να το ξέρει) ηθοποιοί που τον περιτριγυρίζουν είναι η οικογένεια, οι άνθρωποί του• τα αντικείμενα που χρησιμοποιεί και τα προϊόντα που 1 Mark Fisher, Capitalist Realism, Λονδίνο, Zero Books, 2009. 2 Προσπαθώ με τον όρο να αποδώσω αυτό που περιγράφει η Shosana Zuboff στο The Age of Surveillance Capitalism, Νέα Υόρκη, Public Affairs, 2019. Πιο πρόσφατα η Stephanie Sherman πρότεινε μια ακόμα πιο εύστοχη ανάλυση για τον τρόπο με τον οποίο τα big data και η τεχνητή νοημοσύνη δημιουργούν αλληλένδετα πλέγματα «πολυοπτικής» επιτήρησης, το βασικό στοιχείο της οποίας είναι η πολλαπλή εσωτερίκευση και αναπαραγωγή της από τα υποκείμενα: 'The Polyopticon: A Diagram for Urban Artificial Intelligences', AI & Society 38 (2023), σσ.

A Rede Record vem veiculando séries e telenovelas de temática bíblica desde 2010. Este artigo investiga uma economia de afetos e identificações em torno de figuras femininas associadas ao "mal" nessas narrativas, que podem ser lidas como dispositivos para uma micropolítica das emoções (Lutz; Abu-Lughod, 1990). Metodologicamente, acompanha o discurso das produções (oficiais) e sobre as produções (da parte dos seus públicos), em páginas e redes sociais, pensadas como espaços de sociabilidade escalonada (Miller et al., 2019). Percebe-se no enredo dessas produções uma afinidade com iniciativas pastorais a respeito do governo de condutas por representantes da Igreja Universal do Reino de Deus. Destaca-se na análise do material elaborado por membros da Universal sobre as produções bíblicas a justificação da matabilidade dessas figuras femininas associadas ao mal-daí a importância em refletir sobre seus efeitos como emissão pública de um discurso sobre o agir ético.

Este artículo retoma algunos ejes principales del pensamiento de San Agustín que modelaron el pensamiento político de Occidente, tales como salvación, conversión y tentación, a fin de ofrecer una reflexión filosófica acerca del ejercicio del poder y su relación con la moral, sostén de una "política de la fe" que en nombre del Poder-Bien-Salvador se convierte en responsable del sacrificio real y simbólico de los hombres a lo largo de la historia de la humanidad. La contención del poder, y, por tanto, de las pasiones (concupiscencias) que lo empujan a la arbitrariedad y el desenfreno, son temas que confirman la imposible conversión y salvación en la política, ya que el bien salvador ha de ser más fuerte y violento que el mal que combate si quiere lograr su cometido.

In Italy, it is estimated that eight out of ten women suffer from dysmenorrhea, and every year one in a thousand women is diagnosed with endometriosis, with an average diagnostic delay ranging from 6 to 12 years. One in three women has admitted feeling embarrassed to say in public that she is menstruating, and 8.2% of the total Italian population uses alternative medicine, with a higher prevalence among women than men. In this context, receiving a diagnosis of some gynecological problem can be a moment of great difficulty for many women, profoundly affecting their quality of life not only because of the physical and emotional impact of the illness, but also because many conditions are often not taken seriously from the onset of symptoms. This delay in diagnosing conditions such as adenomyosis, polycystic ovary syndrome, and ovarian cancer can further increase patients' suffering and anxiety. The aim of this study is to investigate what kinds of spaces are created within the italian spiritual milieu for women facing such diagnoses, and what narratives are adopted to support them. In doing so, we seek to answer the question: “What types of support can a spiritual path offer to people dealing with gynecological issues?” ​​

Giorgio Agamben claims that the aggressive coronavirus response in Italy turned the nation's entire population into formless bare life, which was cast out from meaningful human existence through a sovereign exception. This widely criticised argument appears to stem from Agamben's radical reinterpretation of biopolitics, a concept popularised by Michel Foucault. Although Agamben is often considered as the second most famous authority on the topic, some have begun to question whether his reinterpretation can operate within the framework set by his predecessor who defines the notion primarily through its life affirming and optimising effects. This has led to an unclear and contested definition of biopolitics, which hinders the notion's usage as an analytical tool. Agamben's statements on the pandemic must face similar scrutiny. According to him, life was not optimised during the pandemic. Therefore, Agamben's critique on the coronavirus response has little to do with the Foucauldian notion of biopolitics, which offers a much sounder way of analysing the Covid crisis.

O objetivo do artigo é ler Foucault como um filósofo político que se apropriou diretamente, e de forma inovadora, do cânone da filosofia política. O foco está na leitura que Foucault faz de O príncipe, de Maquiavel, nas aulas de Segurança, território, população. O objetivo provocativo de Foucault é virar de cabeça para baixo a interpretação comumente aceita de Maquiavel. Quando lemos Maquiavel por meio do quadro conceitual da governamentalidade, somos forçados a repensar a visão comumente aceita de que ele é o fundador da filosofia política moderna. Em contrapartida, Foucault mostra que Maquiavel pertence firmemente à era prémoderna. É justamente em contraste com o pensamento de Maquiavel que algumas das características mais marcantes do pensamento político moderno podem ser evidenciadas. O artigo conclui avaliando a abordagem de Foucault à história da filosofia como uma forma distinta de contextualismo.

En este artículo se analiza la programación biopolítica de la Capital Federal durante la última dictadura cívico-militar en Argentina (1976-83). Específicamente, enfocaremos la lectura en una serie de documentos que resultan fundamentales para desentrañar la manera en que se problematizó el rediseño urbanístico de la ciudad capital bajo la intendencia de facto del Brigadier Osvaldo Cacciatore. Por lo tanto, buscaremos reconstruir cómo se problematiza el control de “lo monstruoso” en esta programación del espacio urbano. Indagaremos, entonces, la forma en que se racionaliza la práctica de gobierno del medio a través de la que se busca “depurar” la ciudad. En dicho contexto, revisaremos la constitución del mérito como carta de ciudadanía.

This essay will cover Foucault’s panopticon in relation to Jeremy Bentham’s centralized prison system as an “all seeing eye” over the human prisoner and that of postmodern surveillance as well (McHoul and Grace 1995). Moreover, I will examine the connection between biopower and discipline through the panopticon context in which society has evidently expanded this Benthamite prison system into the territorial boundaries of security and crime control over the human body. While this panopticon prison design has also entered the realm of not just security cultures but transnational capitalism too; while forming a type of “consumer control” over the human mind and acknowledged human body as argued by (Haggerty et al. 2011, p.232).

Furthermore, I will also instrument pop-culture references in relation to biopower and discipline, especially, in the form of science fiction like the movie Blade Runner (1982). In which Harrison Ford’s character Deckard, an assigned Blade Runner e.g., death squad member is sent out by a “capitalist panopticon” power structure. To then enforce the death plenty in violent law enforcement over the replicants and their four-year lifespan; throughout both a biopower and even a panopticon Hobbesian stage of hyper-security measures combined. For example, the replicants in the movie represents the citizen through labour control while they are also subjected to persistent control by the states “all seeing eye” (e.g.,) the panopticon (Sorensen, 2015, p.115.). And so, I will correspondingly link this pop-culture orientation to the technology of power over the human body in managing humans through the disciplining through the subject’s body by altering his/her behaviour into matching that’s state’s regulatory and violent laws. As, the subject under the context of security control will then act according with a large range of disciplines throughout their short lifespan. In which this is also a part of surveillance over both public and private individuals as well (Galič et al. 2016, p.2).

A metamorfose neoliberal da sociabilidade: por que repetimos o que nos destrói? Uma questão que acredito que vem inquietando muitas pessoas, inclusive eu: Porque as sociedades parecem insistir em escolhas que as prejudica, se ferem e se matam? Por que eleitores(as) apoiam líderes que destroem seus próprios direitos ou comunidades rejeitam políticas de saúde, como as vacinas, que poderiam salvá-las? Ao estudar a psicanálise em Lacan e Freud durante a reclusão na pandemia me adentrei na ideia a pulsão de morte. E, ao estudar etc. a luz de diferentes conceitos, e a partir de como os interpretei e vivencio a minha realidade percebi como essa pulsão se tornou matéria-prima para o neoliberalismo e daquilo que estou ensaiando e denomino como metamorfose neoliberal da sociabilidade.

Uma questão que acredito que vem inquietando muitas pessoas, inclusive eu: Porque as sociedades parecem insistir em escolhas que as prejudica, se ferem e se matam? Por que eleitores(as) apoiam líderes que destroem seus próprios direitos ou comunidades rejeitam políticas de saúde, como as vacinas, que poderiam salvá-las? 

Ao estudar a psicanálise em Lacan e Freud durante a reclusão na pandemia me adentrei na ideia a pulsão de morte. E, ao estudar Ailton Krenak, Byung-Chul Han, Clóvis Moura, Dardot e Laval, David Harvey, Guy Debord, Hannah Arendt, Lélia Gonzalez, Norbert Elias, Vladimir Safatle, Sérgio Amadeu etc. a luz de diferentes conceitos, e a partir de como os interpretei e vivencio a minha realidade percebi como essa pulsão se tornou matéria-prima para o neoliberalismo e daquilo que estou ensaiando e denomino como metamorfose neoliberal da sociabilidade.

This article brings to light the limits to peace that currently exist between young people in Kakuma refugee camp through a framework of social cohesion. The main drivers of conflict among the vastly diverse youth of Kakuma are examined to provide evidence of the gaps in social cohesion that endure in the camp. A framework of analysis built around notions related to social cohesion is applied to the qualitative data collected through semi-structured interviews with humanitarian professionals working in the camp. The discussion arising from the findings offers key considerations on humanitarian work with young people in contexts of protracted encampment such as Kakuma, and on how such work can more effectively address cohesion among diverse youth. Ultimately, the insights offered want to inform the trajectory of humanitarian work with encamped young people, with the view of enhancing peace, wellbeing and cohesion in camps. This is an open access article under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial License, which permits use, distribution and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited and is not used for commercial purposes.

This article analyses the Bharatiya Janata Party's (BJP) engagement with Pasmanda Muslims as a biopolitical strategy to fracture Muslim unity. While castebased demands among Muslims predate BJP rule, the party's instrumentalisation of Pasmanda identity marks a critical shift. Through legislation like the Waqf Amendment Act and rhetoric of "social justice," the BJP adapts the caste categories of Muslim identity to replace substantive equity (e.g., Scheduled Castes reservations) with symbolic concessions. Drawing on Agamben's biopolitics and inoperativity, the article argues these measures render Pasmanda identity politically inert, absorbing dissent into bureaucratic processes while preserving caste hierarchies. The BJP's "manufactured demographic crisis" exemplifies its "power to break"-redirecting systemic demands into state-controlled niches. By co-opting Pasmanda grievances, the party fragments Muslim solidarity, advancing Hindutva's vision. Unlike Congressera neglect, the BJP weaponises identity politics to expand state control over Muslim socio-political life. Despite claims of "inclusion," its silence on SC-list eligibility prioritizes Hindu Other Backward Classes (OBC)/Scheduled Castes (SC) electoral bases over cross-religious justice. Through discourse analysis of policies like Triple Talaq criminalisation, the article reveals how BJP governance sustains exclusion, relegating Pasmanda Muslims to bare life-recognized discursively but excluded politically. Ultimately, this strategy defers justice, entrenching a democratic order where identity recognition masks regulatory control, eroding Muslim political agency.

Para fundar la necesidad del Leviatán, Hobbes parte de la igualdad
entre todos los seres humanos, un concepto innovador frente a la prevalente idea de desigualdad proveniente de la Antigüedad.
Esta igualdad por naturaleza hace que ningún hombre pueda
imponerse a otro, por tanto, no hay razón para obedecer. Incluso si algún
hombre puede ser más fuerte o más inteligente que otro, la diferencia no es suficiente para generar esa relación de dominación. Y hasta el más fuerte puede descuidarse o debe dormir en algún momento y ahí el débil se impone. Ahora bien, de la igualdad procede la inseguridad, ya que “de esta igualdad de capacidades surge la igualdad de la esperanza de alcanzar nuestros fines. Y, por lo tanto, si dos hombres… desean la misma cosa, que, sin embargo, no pueden ambos gozar, devienen enemigos".

Resumen: Tomando como punto de partida el "llamado vegetal" al que Evando Nascimento presta oídos en su libro O pensamento vegetal (2021), este trabajo busca rastrear la emergencia, en el campo estético latinoamericano, de nuevas formas de la crítica que ofrecen una vía para interrogar las concepciones antropocéntricas de la estética moderna, invitándonos a establecer una relación sensible con el mundo vegetal más allá de la forma-paisaje. Junto a Nascimento, el texto de Jens Andermann: Tierras en trance (2018) y la obra colectiva Cuerpos permeables (2021), en diálogo con la práctica artística de Eulalia de Valdenebro, nos invitan a imaginar un mundo en común en el que, sobre las ruinas del extractivismo, emerjan nuevas formas de reciprocidad entre lo humano y las plantas.

Amish Tripathi's The Shiva Trilogy reimagines Hindu mythology through a socio-political lens, presenting the Nagas not as mythological monsters but as deterritorialized agents challenging the hegemonic Somras-Industrial Complex. This paper employs Deleuze and Guattari's concept of nomadology to analyze how the Nagas-ostracized, mobile, and resistant-disrupt the centralized systems of power that control the Somras (the elixir of immortality). By examining their role in exposing exploitation, redistributing knowledge, and ultimately dismantling institutionalized oppression, this study argues that the Nagas embody a postcolonial critique of empire, industrialization, and bio-political control. Through close textual analysis, mythological parallels, and theoretical frameworks, this paper positions the Nagas as revolutionary figures who redefine sovereignty, belonging, and resistance in Tripathi's narrative universe.

Pagina 2 di 16 -politica-contemporanea-entrevista-especial-com-sandro-chignola entendidos como expulsos dela ou como meros descartes. A direita simplesmente acredita que, quando a competição se torna uma questão de vida ou morte, a eliminação do concorrente ou a defesa radical dos próprios privilégios é uma opção válida em si mesma", observa Chignola. E acrescenta: "A dimensão pós-representativa da política contemporânea -sem equilíbrio democrático, sem reconhecimento das razões do adversário, sem compromisso, para usar as palavras de Schmitt -aguça essa tendência a considerar a eleição uma mera investidura. Parece-me que o novo autoritarismo expressa essas características pós-políticas e governamentais".

Resumo: O conceito de ritornelo não pode ser pensado sem o contraponto entre a terra, o território e o cosmo. Pretendemos nesse artigo investigar de que forma, em Deleuze e Guattari, o ritornelo funciona como um operador do acontecimento, agenciando as forças do caos, forças terrestres e forças cósmicas e de que forma essas forças atravessam meios diversos que as expressam. A partir daí, veremos como esse agenciamento de forças se dá nas experiências de Fernand Deligny com as crianças autistas em Cévennes e de como cada encontro ali eram verdadeiros acontecimentos que estavam para além de qualquer lugar do sujeito e da consciência. Retomamos neste artigo o texto de nossa tese de doutorado em sua unidade intitulada Corpos em relação, o espírito e o campo intensivo.

El cine, y en particular el cine NIC, han sido herramientas clave en la educación y la socialización de la infancia, proporcionando experiencias lúdicas, creativas y formativas. A lo largo de la historia, su uso ha estado marcado por tensiones entre educación y adoctrinamiento, libertad y censura, placer y trabajo. Esta compleja trayectoria sigue vigente en la actualidad, donde la imagen en movimiento continúa siendo un poderoso medio para educar, conmover y generar debate sobre los valores y límites sociales.

Across eleven varied and lively chapters, Technoscientific Globalisation from Below provides fresh perspectives on how global asymmetries in wealth and resources stimulate technological innovation across the Global South. Readers with an interest in STS, globalisation and development studies will be inspired by these essays that demonstrate how the imaginative reappropriation of technologies to suit local conditions is challenging the assumed hegemony of big tech.

In the green tide feminist movement in Argentina, spiritual elements are integrated into feminist politics through the figure of the Witch. By analysing the green tide feminist knowledge production, the paper examines the discursive strategies that constitute the Witch as the green tide's spirituality. The Witch is produced as a figure of radical alterity to colonial modernity able to 're-enchant the world'. However, I argue that the green tide discourse of a feminist spirituality with anticolonial potential is possible through unacknowledged racial/colonial tropes of Indigeneity that risk leaving unaddressed the racial colonial history of Indigenous People in Argentina and their contemporary struggles.

A manual for consciously tackling the challenges of the present, the Lexicon of Biopolitics serves as a kind of critical and analytical compass, offering useful points of reference for all. Through the terms War, Terrorism, and Citizenship, I provide a historical overview of the social, ethical, and political implications of the various forms of biopower that assert themselves in the governance of people and conflicts. *** Véritable manuel permettant d'affronter sciemment les défis du présent, le Lexique de biopolitique constitue une sorte de boussole critique et analytique, offrant des points de repère utiles à tous. A travers les termes de Guerre, Terrorisme et Citoyenneté Je dresse un bilan historique des implications sociales, éthiques et politiques des différentes formes de biopouvoir qui s'affirment dans le gouvernement des hommes et des conflicts

The aim of this article is to explore the different demands and priorities of the intersex community as displayed in various Internet sites. It focuses on common and divergent viewpoints and strategies associated with the social, medical and legal regulations affecting intersex persons. It also demonstrates how online-based policy-making can lead to real actions and change, by allowing to provide information and support for intersex people, their families and supporters. This is oriented to reduce, if not eliminate, the shame and secrecy surrounding the topic, as well as inform and educate physicians and professionals specialized in intersex issues.

A lenha e o carvão vegetal representam a base do sistema energético haitiano. Calcula-se que 70% da demanda por energia no país é suprida por esses combustíveis. Sobre esse tema, predominam discussões que retratam a produção de carvão como irracional e responsável por um desmatamento supostamente descontrolado no país. A cadeia do carvão é, contudo, mediada por técnicas e afetos que envolvem processos vitais, diferentes regimes de propriedade e herança, cálculos econômicos e ecológicos além da agência de espíritos que habitam a paisagem. A proposta deste ensaio é deslocar o nosso olhar sobre o carvão com o objetivo de trazer à tona outras dimensões da vida nos montes haitianos, particularmente o par regeneração e toxicidade. Para tanto, discutirei alguns elementos dessa cadeia produtiva, enfatizando a economia de sobras e excessos que resultam dessa atividade.

Todos los derechos reservados. Ninguna parte de este libro, incluida su portada, puede ser reproducida, almacenada o transmitida de forma alguna sin el consentimiento escrito de Faro UDD, salvo en el caso de citas breves incluidas en artículos y reseñas críticas.

This article fleshes out the concept of ecodependence, situating it in discussions about more-than-human relationality and biopolitics. In ecofeminist discourses, ecodependence emphasizes human dependency on natural resources, whereas the notion of interdependence focuses on interpersonal relationships. The article critiques a distinction between these types of dependency and opposes the related tendency to romanticize more-than-human relationality. In contrast, it develops an understanding of ecodependence that foregrounds the ambivalent and destructive qualities of relationality. Through an analysis of Maria Mies' ecofeminist framework, the article identifies two dimensions of ecodependence: one structural and one ontological. Ecofeminist accounts incline toward idealizing dependency in the latter sense. By engaging with the works of Donna Haraway and Jacques Derrida, the article proposes a conceptualization of ecodependence that acknowledges the destructive character of relationality not only structurally but also on an ontological level. It points out the intrinsic connection between living and killing, leading to a perspective of affirmative thanatopolitics.

elementos para uma reflexão sobre o problema do racismo de Estado a partir da crítica da razão governamental de Michel Foucault Dissertação apresentada ao Programa de Pós-Graduação em Filosofia da Universidade Federal de Pernambuco como requisito parcial à obtenção do grau de Mestre -Área de concentração: Ética e Filosofia Política. Orientação: Professor Doutor FERNANDO JADER DE MAGALHÃES MELO RECIFE Março de 2005 Bernardes, Célia Regina Ody Mors tua vita mea : elementos para uma reflexão sobre o problema do racismo de Estado a partir da crítica da razão governamental de Michel Foucault / Célia Regina Ody Bernardes. -Recife : O Autor, 2005. 142 folhas. Dissertação (mestrado) -Universidade Federal de Pernambuco. CFCH. Filosofia, 2005. Inclui bibliografia. 1. Ontologia histórica do presente. 2. Crítica da razão governamental. 3. Racismo de Estado. 4. Resistência -Biopoder. I. Título. 111 CDU (2.ed.) UFPE 111 CDD (22.ed.) BC2006-061 Certa de que se ainda estivesse por aqui, muitos equívocos e mal-traçados caminhos teriam sido evitados, dedico este estudo a meu pai, Acácio Bernardes, que desde pequenininha me ensinou -sobretudo por seu exemplo -a amar os livros e as idéias. Também por ter me mostrado o valor da coragem, perseverança e disciplina, tão necessários para concretizar sonhos. Mas, mais do que tudo, por ter me ensinado que somos enquanto sonhamos nossos sonhos, certos ou errados -não importa tanto -, quando os sonhamos bem, e especialmente, ao sonharmos juntos. É difícil nomear todos aqueles que contribuíram, de uma forma ou de outra, para que esta etapa chegasse ao fim. E mais ainda é conseguir exprimir em palavras todo o imenso sentimento que nutro, em suas mais variadas formas, por cada um deles. Não posso deixar de agradecer, em primeiríssimo lugar, à minha mãe, Maria Célia Ody Bernardes, simplesmente por existir. E especialmente por ter dedicado toda sua existência adulta à família, a mim e a meus irmãos. Aos meus colegas de graduação e a meus professores da Faculdade de Direito da Universidade Regional de Blumenau, a quem agradeço pelo germinar de minhas indagações no âmbito jusfilosófico e pelo companheirismo em minhas primeiras lutas políticas. Aos meus colegas de mestrado, com os quais tanto aprendi e, sobretudo, a Anderson de Alencar Menezes, pelo modelo de seriedade intelectual e pela confiança em mim depositada. Aos meus primeiros alunos, do mini-curso ministrado em abril de 2004 no Instituto Salesiano de Filosofia (INSAF), que com seu espírito curioso provocaram uma considerável expansão de meus próprios questionamentos, por sua compreensão, gentileza e beleza de espírito. Agradeço também a Evandro da Fonseca Costa e a Nélio Vieira de Melo, por me confiarem tão honrosa tarefa.

In Sri Lanka, the Malaiyaha (Upcountry) Tamils are a community facing continuous erasure of their experiences. As descendants of Indian Tamil laborers brought to Ceylon under the kangani system, Malaiyaha women in particular have long formed the invisible backbone of the plantation economy, sustaining it through their productive and reproductive labour. This paper foregrounds poetry and labour songs as a vital archive of resistance, memory, and identity for Malaiyaha (Upcountry) Tamil women. Often reduced to picturesque emblems of the highlands in colonial photography or as dispensable domestic workers in neoliberal urban discourses, Malaiyaha women have nevertheless etched their histories through oral and written traditions of poetry and song. The article pays attention to a feminist archive rooted in the "bardic heritage" of the community. It highlights the role of labour activist Meenatchi Ammal's labour songs in mobilizing collective consciousness and examines contemporary poetic and political interventions by Malaiyaha women activists in contemporary mobilizations. Drawing on poems from a contemporary anthology written by Malaiyaha women dedicated to Tamil labour activist Meenakshi Ammal, the paper explores how laboring women articulate the tensions of place, identity, and labour across generations. In doing so, it redefines the contours of the political agency of women in one of South Asia's most enduring postcolonial labour formations.

Modern medicine is a Social medicine, recognized as one of medical specialties in many countries since ancient period. However, social medicine has never been formally come out in many countries until mid nineteenth centuries, presumably because the term and its principles were not accepted for some years in the past in biomedicine, which has strongly influenced Greek medicine, characterized as collective or social. This paper describes the origins and evolution of social medicine and briefly discusses contemporary trends social medicine. Social medicine was initiated in France and Germany in 1848. Since then, it has expanded globally and developed in diverse ways. Included in core principles of social medicine is that social and economic conditions have important effects on health and disease, and that these relationships must be subjected to scientific investigation. Upon which systematic development of social medicine can be based social regulation framework .It is often remarked...

When, in 1897, W.E.B. Du Bois was conducting research-eventually published as The Philadelphia Negro-on the Black condition in the emerging "ghetto," he witnessed firsthand a proliferation of cultural, social, sexual, and political practices facing condemnation, which Du Bois himself sometimes seconded, as criminal or deviant. The verdict was racially predetermined instead of registering violations, even implicit, of legal or societal norms. Black existence was indeed intellectually and sensuously efflorescent, he concluded. Yet, impeded by ever-present dereliction and the non-negotiable gratuitousness of antiblack violence, "life is elsewhere. " Saidiya Hartman quotes Du Bois 1 to signal the disorientation, recurring in his autobiographical work from that period, felt by the sympathetic and progressively engaged sociological observer in the encounter with Black women's insouciance, impoliteness, and refusal of the immediate, suffocating constraints of respectability and work ethic. Radical Black thought has dwelled in that chasm, seeking, rather than resolution, seemingly paradoxical ways of expressing it-like "the social life of social death" 2thereby trying to amplify an underlying critical potential in overt defiance of activist political discourse. In South Africa, Black radical thought-for instance Athinangamso Nkopo's engagement with the antiblackness of liberation politics, Unathi Slasha's counter-narratives of African spirituality, or Tumi Mogorosi's sounds of rebellion against rainbow-national selfhood-has also tended to pry open the social and mental lacerations of a "fatal way of being alive, " 3 rather than assuming that position as a cry for mundane salvation. Sharad Chari's Apartheid Remains also aims at a liberatory "elsewhere" from the grotesquely disfigured modalities in which South African regimes of white supremacy imagined formatting Black life as something governable. The book invokes "political blackness" as its lodestar, a light pointing at redemptive horizons that, in the argument's chronological structure as well as its impressively vast and uniquely detailed archival and ethnographic work, acquire distinctively eventful and

Presentation at the ECPR 2025 General Conference (section: Biopolitics, panel: Innovations in Biopolitical Theory), Aristotle University of Thessaloniki, August 28, 2025.

In Martin Heidegger’s account of the history of Western metaphysics, philosophical modernity since Descartes is dominated by a metaphysics of subjectivity in which the conscious and self-conscious ego, the subject of consciousness, becomes the fundamental subject of reality as a whole, the metaphysical reference point to which all beings are referred as objects of consciousness. This modern metaphysics finally culminates in the late modern Nietzschean metaphysics of life as will to power. Here, subjectivity is no longer understood as an individual ego-subject but is “biologized” into life as an impersonal, vitalistic process fundamentally driven by the will to power, a self-referential drive to self-preservation and self-enhancement. The will to power does not aim at transcendent ideal ends or a stable “objective” reality but rather posits its own “values” and concepts as temporary constructs orienting and articulating specific junctures of power-interests. Reality “in itself” becomes mere adaptable and inherently meaningless raw material that is ceaselessly configured and reconfigured by the meaning-producing activity of the will to power. This vitalism can be seen as the metaphysical footing and backdrop of the “positive biopolitics” involved in Nietzsche’s concept of the overman, Foucault’s late ethics of subjectivation and “aesthetics of existence,” Deleuze and Guattari’s concepts of schizoanalysis and the war machine, and Hardt and Negri’s concept of multitude, all of them focused on the emancipation and autonomy of subjectivity as meaning-producing life from external governance and outside forces that seek to channel life’s energies into pre-established normative patterns.

This paper looks at this late modern vitalist metaphysics and its biopolitical manifestations from the perspective of the conceptual history of creativity, arguing that the metaphysics of life as will to power can be seen as a metaphysics of creativity. The roots of the concept of creativity lie in the Judeo-Christian theology of creation and its radical doctrine of creatio ex nihilo. In Renaissance modernity, creation, which up to then was seen as an exclusively divine activity, began to be attributed to human activities, notably technical invention and “artistic creation” in the modern sense. Creativity began to be attributed to the creative “genius,” understood as a natural force acting through individuals, a innate capacity to produce novel objects without a pregiven model or rule and without conscious control; the subsequent Romantic “cult of the genius” is thus based on an inherently naturalistic or even biological understanding of creativity. I suggest that Darwin’s theory of evolution, in which life itself is seen as constantly generating new species by adapting to natural circumstances, gives the model for a “biologized” metaphysics of creativity, consolidated by Nietzsche and Bergson, in which life itself is seen as force that sustains itself by creating novel forms. Finally, I show in what sense Foucault’s, Deleuze and Guattari’s. and Hardt and Negri’s positive, emancipatory biopolitics can be interpreted as manifestations of a late modern metaphysics of creativity.

La astrotanatología surge como una transdisciplina que combina astrología, tanatología y terapia, manifiesta una resistencia filosófica y práctica ante la alienación provocada por la digitalización y el capitalismo tardío. No solo busca aliviar síntomas como el cansancio y la ansiedad, sino que también reconfigura la relación con la muerte y el cosmos, integrándolos en la experiencia humana.

This article explores the global phenomenon of Labubu, a designer toy character by Pop Mart, as a legal-cultural case study in algorithmic consumerism and emotional IP manipulation. Drawing on discourse analysis of social media content, neuroeconomic theory, and critical algorithm studies, I examine how AI-powered recommendation systems exploit neurological reward pathways through "emotional IP"-the commodification of affective attachment to intellectual property. Building on Deleuze & Guattari's concept of "desiring machines," Sara Ahmed's "affective economies," and Lauren Berlant's "cruel optimism," I theorize how algorithms construct not merely targeted advertising but emotional narratives that discipline consumer desire. Our analysis reveals how the "blind box" sales model operates as a form of biopower (Foucault), creating compulsive consumption patterns particularly harmful to children and neurodivergent populations. Furthermore, I investigate emergent criminal ecosystems around Labubu fandom-from sophisticated bot-driven scalping networks to cross-border IP infringement-that exploit regulatory gaps between consumer law, media law, and criminal law. Through comparative legal analysis across EU, Chinese, and Japanese jurisdictions, I propose a framework for addressing emotional manipulation and illicit activity within AI-augmented consumer ecosystems, advocating for recognition of "emotional manipulation" as a distinct legal phenomenon requiring interdisciplinary regulatory responses.

Eu vejo o futuro repetir o passado. Eu vejo um museu de grandes novidades. O tempo não para. (Cazuza) O gabinete da antropóloga (imagem de Boris Moreno). Introdução No momento em que escrevo este texto completam-se cinco meses desde que fui a campo, em Bagé, cidade do interior do Rio Grande do Sul. Naquele tempo as pessoas ainda se abraçavam e não cobriam suas bocas e narizes com uma máscara. Foi a primeira vez que estive na região da Campanha gaúcha. Interessada em pesquisar as pragas agrícolas da região, fui à propriedade de Cora 1 , a seu convite, para uma assembleia da associação de moradores da região. Seria uma boa oportunidade para conhecer e conversar com os moradores dali a fim de compreender, um pouco melhor, como os seres denominados de pragas atuavam na 1 Optei por utilizar pseudônimos e não detalhar a localidade a fim de preservar a identidade de meus interlocutores.

This article interprets the ongoing genocidal campaign against the Palestinian population of Gaza through the metaphor of autoimmune disease. In biology, autoimmunity arises when the immune system, meant to defend the organism, malfunctions and attacks its own tissues, mistaking healthy cells for foreign threats. In the political sphere, states and societies may display analogous behaviors: under the pretext of security, a power apparatus targets part of its own social body as an enemy to be eliminated. The case of Gaza reveals the collapse of defense into destruction, a pathology of political immunity that corrodes both victims and perpetrators, as well as the credibility of the international order. Drawing on immunological scholarship and the political philosophy of Roberto Esposito, this study argues that the logic of absolute immunization leads to autoimmunity, undermining the very principles it seeks to protect.

Communitas and Immunitas. Biopolitics and biopower. Impersonal and Third Person. A conversation between Roberto Ciccarelli and Roberto Esposito based on the latter's main concepts. A trajectory in contemporary philosophy thought addressed through free indirect discourse. What matters is the problem from which a thought and its categories arise. A moment to take stock and trace the line in 21st-century political thought.


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Communitas e Immunitas. Biopolitica e biopotere. Impersonale e Terza Persona. Una conversazione tra Roberto Ciccarelli e Roberto Esposito a partire dai principali concetti di quest'ultimo. Una traiettoria nella filosofia contemporanea affrontata con il discorso libero indiretto. Ciò che conta è il problema a partire dai quali si pone un pensiero e le sue categorie. Un momento per fare il punto e tracciare la linea nel pensiero politico del XXI secolo

Nesta pesquisa eu analiso os processos que mencionam termos ligados à condição análoga
à escravidão do Tribunal Regional do Trabalho da 12ª Região, referentes ao estado de
Santa Catarina. Busco compreender como os sujeitos envolvidos nos processos
trabalhistas tentaram definir o conceito de “escravidão contemporânea” a partir das
condições de trabalho dos trabalhadores. A análise dos dados para esta pesquisa
demonstrou que as decisões recentes das varas do TRT-12 tenderam a não caracterizar a
“escravidão” por supostamente não estarem explícitas todas as condições de degradação
do trabalhador, tais como jornadas exaustivas de trabalho, servidão por dívida e restrição
de liberdade. Os magistrados e advogados parecem operar com uma visão cristalizada das
características da escravidão africana ocorrida até o final do século XIX no Brasil e, por
este motivo, pouco suscetíveis a considerar os casos recentes como “escravidão
contemporânea”, a despeito da existência das categorizações legais.

This article analyzes the technology of memory as truth, fundamental in the work conducted by the Commission for the Clarification of Truth, Coexistence, and Non-Repetition, created in Colombia within the framework of the Peace Agreements signed by the government and the FARC-EP guerrillas in 2016. Such technology utilizes the confessional dispositif proposed by Michel Foucault in the 1970s and 1980s. This study of confession and testimony is developed in three stages: 1. An analysis of the mechanism for collecting testimonies in the volume Cuando los pájaros no cantaban. 2. A review of Foucault's studies on confession and truth. 3. An articulation between memory and history based on testimonies. The article concludes with references to historical memory from the proposal of a testimonial technology, proposed from the confessional dispositif.