Anthropological Film

Este documental recorre con un enfoque antropológico dos fiestas que tienen lugar en el mes de mayo en la provincia: las danzas de Lezuza y los mayos de la Casa Noguera. Su duración es de 90 minutos en versión completa y 35 en versión promocional.

El estudio complementario realiza un recorrido por aspectos como el concepto de "tradición popular", las características de los documentales antropológicos, las fiestas de mayo desde un enfoque antropológico y un estudio que contextualiza las dos fiestas estudiadas desde el plano descriptivo, histórico, musical y diacrónico.

Se puede ver un trailer de 5 minutos. El documental se puede conseguir de forma gratuita a través de la Diputación de Albacete (área de Cultura) o de su autor.

Introduction: The arts in the outskirts are potent forms of collective action into the world with enhanced capabilities potentiated by the popularization of new communication technologies. It reorganizes dialogy between different artistic production agents'. Provides inter-subjective transformations, in which while trying to change the world, the collectives and individuals also change. Objective: To analyze the creative processes of young people from the outskirts of São Paulo into the elaboration of sense in the film production and in the screen. Method: A qualitative study of analytical-descriptive based on the Anthropological Film. Research subjects: youth 14-24 years, enrolled in the public school system, participants of counter-shift activities in an NGO in Sapopemba, East Zone of São Paulo. Data from ethnographic field had been triangulated based on narratives by the film's analysis from the image bank and data generated from the display of the films in the community and in the School of Public Health of USP. Results: It was observed that the virtual has restrictions inherent territory issues and tends to resize the actual territories reworking them and producing significance. The results revealed three thematic axes: Religion-Spirituality; Leisure - Use of free time; Social mobility-Affectivity revealed overlapping contents experienced and projected on the Internet. Young people, themselves, recognized able to make the world's reading on living from the improved self-esteem. Conclusion: Living together in the virtual territory extended practical experience although both experiences could be identified in the subject. For its fluid and reticular feature, the virtual extends the experience and provides forms of sociality. The search for work associated with the creativity and the creative economy market was stimulated by the practice of film production, expanding the horizons beyond the precarious jobs.

The use of non-actors in films concerning socio-cultural realities has been a strategy increasingly utilized by filmmakers since the crisis of representation in the late 1970s. This attempt in further validating and real-izing has been especially prevalent in the depiction of street children, serving as a genre through which the lives of this marginalized group gained exposure, agency and voice. Latin America, with its deplorable human rights record and shocking wealth disparity, has yielded two of the most powerful examples of such works: Pixote (Brazil, 1981), protagonized by Fernando Ramos da Silva, and La Vendedora de Rosas (Colombia, 1998),with Leidy María Tabares Ortega cast in its principal role. Under the direction of Héctor Babenco, Fernando brought to life the character of ten-year-old Pixote, who “escapes” one of São Paulo’s abusive and deadly child reformatory institutions, to a life of crime-for-survival on the streets of Rio de Janeiro. Leidy, mirroring her own life at the time, played the role of thirteen-year-old Mónica, a Medellín street girl who sold roses to couples in the city’s “pink zone,” an area of bars and nightclubs where Victor Gaviria, the film’s director, first approached his future leading actress. Both Fernando and Leidy were street children, known as los invisibles, los desechables, the invisible ones and the disposable ones, yet found themselves in two of the most successful and critically acclaimed films in Latin American film history. Though both became symbols of the struggles and injustice faced by street children, and both experienced brief flurries of publicity soon after, both found themselves on the same streets of crime, violence and poverty in which they had been “discovered” by Babenco and Gaviria. Here I explore how these two works, Pixote and La Vendedora de Rosas, in addressing social realities, affected those represented, the individuals representing them, the media that covered them, and the audiences interpreting them.