Sociology

This thesis compares population policy and demographic outcomes in France and Australia from 1945 taking into consideration projections to 2050. These features are analysed using a theoretical approach derived from James Q. Wilson and Gary Freeman, flagging focused benefits/costs and diffuse benefits/costs of population growth, including growth fueled by immigration. This analysis is framed by the New Ecological Paradigm developed by Dunlap and Catton.

This book by evolutionary sociologist Sheila Newman, is book one of four books developing an evolutionary and ecological sociological study of the biological basis of politics, economy and demography. It is a broad-ranging multidisciplinary approach to the study of human society which sociology has long ago abandoned for a descent into jargon, word games and empirically unsubstantiated theory. Not so for Newman who believes and demonstrates that sociology can be scientific, but only if it abandons its isolationist Durkheimian commitment to seeing social facts as sui generis.

Did fossil fuel cause capitalism or did capitalism cause the creation of the technology to use fossil fuel for industrial processes? Did population start to grow in Britain before or after industrial capitalism? Why did the industrial revolution begin in Britain? Were there any precedents? Beginning before Roman Britain, this work of evolutionary sociology also looks at how Doggerland, sea-level changes accompanying ice-ages and global warming, forestation changes, malaria and plagues may have affected population movement, along with kinship rules, inheritance laws, and access to distant and denser communities through new modes of transport. Then, departing from Roman Britain, the book examines changes to the political system, fuels, technology and demography during the Reformation, the Restoration, the Dutch capitalist revolution, and the Trade Wars, to the eve of the French Revolution, which is the subject of the next volume. Hint: The cover on this book is like a treasure map and contains the major elements of the final theory. Order Demography Territory Law2: Land-tenure and the Origins of Democracy in Britain.

This scientific submission on commercial kangaroo management was closely based on the literature from the industry, which proved to be a revelation in what it actually admitted about its manipulation of kangaroo population numbers. Basically, the very small number of scientists dominating the academic literature and the industry have stated (variously) that the industry artificially stimulates population growth rebound beyond normal numbers in targeted populations of kangaroos; that they then justify their industry and culls on the basis that the animals are too populous and a pest; that the Australian public would not allow the industry to continue if they did not swallow the line that kangaroos are a pest; that although the industry and population culls are justified in order to prevent damage to grasslands and erosion by overgrazing, this is in fact false, and the example is given of kangaroos even at 50 per square km making almost no impact on the land, whereas the sheep that the industry is purportedly saving the land for, devastate it. This is my second article on kangaroo science (see the other one here: https://candobetter.net/node/4822) and I did not go into it expecting to find such blatant snake oil passing for research among a very small cognoscenti, but here it is. I’m was surprised as you will be. Also, one final word, even if the industry is correct in saying that it artificially boosts kangaroo numbers in order to have enough kangaroos to ‘harvest’, as I say at the end, that does not apply to all populations and that does not mean that the strategy is not causing population crashes and demographic anomalies, for reasons that I raise in this article. If you think there are fewer kangaroos around, you may well be right and have a better idea than the industry itself. (This researched article by evolutionary sociologist Sheila Newman [1] was originally submitted to the South Australian Commercial Kangaroo Management Plan 2018-2022 (kmp@sa.gov.au) on behalf of the Australian Wildlife Protection Council on 7 October 2017.)

activist herself, has provided considerable assistance to this project. The collaborative paper they are submitting presents some of the ideological bases of this philosophy and describes some of its major organizational proponents. THE AVATARS OF MALTHUSIANISM In one of his fables, the French poet Jean de La Fontaine (1621-1695) contrasted the thrifty, financially secure, ant with the careless and shiftless grasshopper. 1 Liberal 2 politics has always accused the poor of being responsible for their misery and the world's problems through their lack of foresight. This lack of foresight leads them to spend every bit-and then some-of their slender resources instead of saving them, and (this is the Malthusian part) to abandon themselves to sexual pleasure without worrying about conception. It follows that Malthusianism was one of the theoretical bases of liberalism 3. It continues to be so. Under this liberal influence, particularly 1 The correct translation for this Jean de La Fontaine insect character should have been "cicada", but English speakers have for a long time become accustomed to the original mistranslation which gave the English as "grasshopper". 2 « Great Britain was the birthplace of both modern liberalism and modern conservatism. The term liberal first appeared in that country in the early 19th century. The philosophical foundations of British liberalism were laid by John Locke, while Adam Smith developed the classical laissez-faire economic theory associated with liberalism. » Encyclopaedia Britannica, 1996. 3 The only notable exception to this is that of France. There, from the 19 th century and for a long time, the propertied and influential bourgeoisie gave priority to their nationalist concerns, championing pronatlism and population growth. Other countries of migration also went through severe phases of population boostering. Australia is one example. Reaching a furore in 1904 with the Royal Commission into the Decline of the Birth Rate in New South Wales, the pronatalism and population boostering continued until recent times in the official policies of the National and Liberal (Conservative) Parties. The Labor Party, in opposition and in government, has also, with rare exceptions (notable under Prime Minister Gough Whitlam) favored both an increased birth rate and high migration. Still today, the Liberal Premier of Victoria, Jeff Kennett, leads the States in promoting Melbourne and National business associations' preference for a larger local market by frequent

This thesis compares population policy and demographic outcomes in France and Australia from 1945 taking into consideration projections to 2050. These features are analysed using a theoretical approach derived from James Q. Wilson and Gary Freeman, flagging focused benefits/costs and diffuse benefits/costs of population growth, including growth fueled by immigration. This analysis is framed by the New Ecological Paradigm developed by Dunlap and Catton. The oil shock of 1973 is identified as a major turning point where French and Australian policy directions and demographic trends diverge, notably on immigration. It is established that in both countries there was a will for population stabilisation and energy conservation, which succeeded in France. In Australia, however, a strong, organised growth lobby over-rode this Malthusian tendency. A major force for growth lay in the speculative property development and housing industries. The specific qualities of the Australian land develop...

Comparing France, Britain, Ireland, and French Canada, and their reactions to the French Revolution, this book theorises that population viscosity promotes political self-determination and population number stability, as an aspect of political selfdetermination. It has relevance for 'developed' countries where governments engineer population-growth through mass migration, as well for as 'undeveloped countries' without access to birth-control.

In 1945 France and Australia started out with high immigration policies that set out to supply workers for industrial expansion and to build up the populations of their nations for defence purposes. Both also began with strong public housing policies. France continued to house a large proportion of its lower socioeconomic strata through public housing, but in Australia in the 1950s the Menzies Government withdrew support from the public housing program, giving private developers and builders almost exclusive domain over the provision of housing in Australia. According to the Australian Bureau of Statistics (ABS), Australia was on course in 1995 to increase its population by about 50% by the year 2050, when it would still be growing. This course has not varied much since then. 1 But France is on a course to stabilise and then decline over the same period, according to the Institut National des Statistiques et Etudes Economiques (INSEE) and Eurostat. 2 The UN has suggested that France (and the rest of Western Europe) replace its population loss and maintain its age to youth ratio through a massive immigration program. 3 A number of prominent Australians think that Australia should do the same. 4 But for the French such a proposition has little relevance since population stabilisation and decline are well accepted prospects there. 5 France and Australia began on a similar path. How is it that they have finished up with such different demographic philosophies? Much of the answer may lie in their different approaches to land development planning and housing. World Population, International Migration and Economic Policies: Emerging Differences A situation has arisen where growing inequalities between the 'developing countries' and the 'developed countries' have contributed to strong emigration "push factors" from

This is a very interesting piece. Nevertheless, it does highlight the fact that 'kinship' is simply not a clearly definable thing. Taking my former colleagues at Edinburgh as examples, we have Janet Carsten at one end of a spectrum and perhaps Anthony Good at the other. It is not that they disagree about what 'kinship' is; they have different understandings of what we as anthropologists are investigating. In this, I suppose I am on the Anthony Good side. But the crunch comes in the way we do these investigations. It really depends on what interests us. Are we interested in culture (Carsten) or structure (Good)? We cannot really be interested in both equally. It seems Read and El Guindi have my interests too, and this should be recognized as a fundamental divide. Maybe we are talking about two different kinships? Perhaps even a few more?

Le livre dont le chapitre ci-dessous est extrait pose la question : Pourquoi la France at -elle connu une révolution démocratique et démographique, mais pas la Grande-Bretagne ? Mes recherches originales ont révélé des liens clés entre démographie, politique et autodétermination, mais la connexion entre ces idées est évitée dans les discussions politiques officielles. En publiant ces conclusions et un glossaire de termes de mon récent livre, je souhaite clarifier ces connexions et aider les gens à comprendre comment les dynamiques de population façonnent nos processus démocratiques. Des tabous similaires à ceux qui ont été imposés sur la contraception au XVIIIe siècle sont aujourd'hui imposés à la discussion sur l'immigration, qui est le mécanisme par lequel les populations sont incitées à croître en Occident. J'espère que ce travail informera et inspirera un dialogue plus large sur l'avenir des régimes de planification et de l'autodétermination.