Political Science and Public Policy

The national question in Sri Lanka, has developed on the basis of ethnic majority and minority. What many analysts have failed to see is that class issues underlie the development of the national question. The emphasis on the class perspective in my opinion is the way forward since the Liberal and Nationalistic perspectives has failed to produce workable solutions for the Sri Lankan conflict for the past twenty five years. The national question as the current main contradiction in Sri Lanka, has been conditioned by class interests as well as related vested interests that have been at play in transforming it into war and in prolonging the war. Limiting ones self to the current political framework, the executive powers of parliament within that framework, and legislation will not allow us to appreciate the importance of national and class aspects of the national question. Drawing useful lessons from class perspective through healthy political debates can be advanced as an alternative. In class society everyone lives as a member of a class, and every kind of thinking, without exception, is stamped with the brand of a class Mao Zedong Introduction Many Third World Marxists have argued that the national struggle is a matter of class struggle. The national question in Sri Lanka which became political issue around the beginning of the twentieth century has since then developed on the basis of ethnic majority and minority. What many analysts have failed to note is that class issues underlie the development of the national question. Failure to recognise the central feature that the political forces that advanced the cause of Sinhala Buddhism were the representatives of the ruling classes with a feudal-capitalist lineage could blind one to the class relationships inherent to the national question. The class content at the core of the national question could be understood only through an analysis of the objective realities of the Sri Lankan social structure. The emphasis on the class perspective in my opinion is the way forward since the Liberal and Nationalistic perspectives has failed to produce workable solutions for the Sri Lankan conflict.

Reassessment of Sri Lanka’s international relations is said to be under way, at a time when the country is at crossroads in its understanding of international relations and seems to lack a road map for wherever it may be heading. In this backdrop Gramscian perspective provides the means to rethink international relations in terms of the reinforcement of its role as a machine for oppression of the dissenting subject classes in the interest of imperialist expansion and domination.

This article on Tamil nationalist politics makes clear that crises of legitimacy and credibility after the January 8th election is not a factor that is limited to politics in the South. Article argues, the victory of the Yahapalana coalition has unexpectedly exacerbated the gap between the priorities of the major Tamil political parties and the needs of the Tamil people in the North.

This paper seeks to examine how ‘political Buddhism’ got imbedded into the political system itself unlike in other predominantly Buddhist countries, and why it is possible for Sinhala-Buddhist nationalism to pose as a modern political response to a whole array of local social and global forces, enabled, paradoxically, by the institution of majoritarian democracy and the growing tyranny of the majority?

This paper tries to understand the differences and similarities of the peace processes in Nepal and Sri Lanka. It argues that Nepal was successful in transforming since it had a comprehensive approach. It had a different starting point and integrated the democratic struggle with the struggle for ethnic and other social rights. Sri Lanka has somehow been historically narrowed to an ethnic conflict between two groups to blind the public to other pressing and even more fundamental issues, including democratic and human rights.

This paper tries to understand the local governance in post war settings. It outlines the main findings of field studies in the North on local governance and the impact of local government bodies functioning in the Northern Province and their shortcomings. Two key recommendations emerge from the field study in the North. Firstly, strengthening local governance for peace and state building is not a quick fix and requires time, commitment and resources; Secondly, effective post war local governance interventions require careful addressing key issues

This paper tries to understand the notion of peace in the post-war Sri Lankan context. In Sri Lanka ‘peace-building’ is at a crossroads as a
theory as well as practice. Peace-building does not take place in
a vacuum, so it is important to look at the ambit of
realpolitik in order to understand peace in the post-war
Sri Lanka. The paper argues that National security is preferred to human
security in a world that seems to be moving from
prevention towards pre-emption and peace needs to be understood in this setting.

The main objective of this paper is to explore the possibility of applying the Scandinavian model of democracy to Sri Lanka. It looks into specific aspects of the Social Democratic model as the way forward to bring peace to Sri Lanka, and compares that prospect with one for a form of popular democracy or a protective state with grass roots democratic structures that emphasize egalitarian social justice. It also examines if is it possible to transfer the Scandinavian Social Democracy model, in whole or part, to Sri Lanka not as a lasting solution to its current political crisis but as a useful step towards popular democracy or a people’s state. In Sri Lanka, options for future development are narrowing to a choice between totalitarian and democratic routes. This paper is based on a preference for the democratic option such as a people-based democracy.

This paper analyses the shortcomings of the pradeshiya sabhas as local democratic institutions in the Northern province. This paper locates these institutions in the context of decades of conflict and post-war challenges to local residents. It also reminds us of the sidelining of elected bodies by the unelected but far more powerful decentralised
institutions of central government at local level, the Divisional Secretariat.

ABSTRACT
This study encompasses the impact of Social Media platforms and
violence against young girls. Sexual and gender-based violence (SGBV)
is a gross violation of human rights that affects women, men, boys, and
girls globally (Butchart and Milton 2014; Dahlberg and Krug 2002). Social
media is at the forefront of digital technology. Currently, Violence against
Women and Girls (VAWG) has become a common phenomenon on social
media. The objectives of this research are to study the way use of social
media by young girls, to understand the various forms of social media
violence, and to identify youths’ perspectives of their role in making
online and social media platforms safer. This research studied how social
media impacts gender-based violence among girls in Sri Lanka. The
sample included two villages in the Kurunegala district: Sadalankawa, and
Makandura. Both in-depth interviews and structured interviews were
conducted to collect the required data. The survey was conducted from
March to April 2023 among a representative sample of 50 youth (40 girls
& 10 boys) in the age group of 18–24-year-olds and 24-30 Years old.

This study explored the discourse on water politics in the water development project in Sri Lanka. The main objectives of this research were to identify water politics, to study the politics between the government and citizens in the context of water, and to explore water-related issues in the development project, to examine whether the water policy has been fully implemented, to identify if those policies have rebuilt the relationship between citizens and the government. The Deduru Oya water development project, which is located in the Wariyapola divisional secretariat in the Kurunegala district, was selected for research. This study was based on in-depth case studies and face-to-face interviews conducted in a village covered by the Deduru Oya water development project. The fieldwork was carried out over 7 months from April to September 2023. The researcher conducted face-to-face interviews with 40 respondents using a semi-structured questionnaire and conducted 20 in-depth case studies. In focusing on the theoretical approach of this research, several existing theories (eclectic approach) are used to analyze the relationship between the government and citizens in water politics and the politics of water. For this study, the Patron-client relationship, Hydro hegemony theory, John von Neumann and Oskar Morgenstern’s game theory were used. The findings of the research showed: i)The research has uncovered a range of significant problems (Social, Economic, and Political) between government and citizen: Marginalization due to the collapse of economic power in resettlement, Landlessness and homelessness, Disruption of economic conditions due to job losses and job changes, Suppression of public protests against the development project by force, Social disintegration and alienation: The impact of resettlement, Resource conflicts after resettlement, Economic shifts and job market adjustments among resettled communities, Inadequacies in compensation for displaced families, Drinking water issues in post-resettlement areas), ii). When examining ‘water politics' between the government and citizens, it becomes apparent that a water development project spans from its initial stages to its final implementation. iii) The misuse of power by the public sector and the undermining of the water rights of the citizens are notable aspects. iv). The implementation of water development projects, intended as solutions to water-related issues, significantly impacts and transforms citizens' lives across social, economic, and political spheres. v).The absence of formal policies and the problems stemming from the lack of a formal policy framework present challenges both before and after project execution. vi). The measures taken by the public sector have often fallen short in addressing citizens' concerns. vii) Politicians misused water development projects solely to gain and retain power. The study examines the socio-economic and political challenges arising from the Deduru Oya Development Project, revealing how government-led initiatives disrupt livelihoods, displace communities, and trigger conflicts. The study also critiques the absence of a coherent policy framework, exposing power struggles and the misuse of development projects for political gain. Ultimately, it underscores the complexities of water politics, emphasizing the need for rights-based policies and better governance to mitigate adverse impacts on affected communities.

Key Words: Water Politics, Politics of Water, Water Rights, Citizen, Government, and Development Projects.

Importance in the Implementation of Sri Lanka’s Official Language Policy in the Public Sector 

Language is a means of communication among members of a society. Thereby, it can be stated that it is imperative that the manner in which language could and should be used as a communication tool is the basic right of an individual. Due to the multi-cultural and multi-ethnic diverse nature of the Sri Lankan society, there has been much debate and discussion on policy making in relation to the utilization of official languages (i.e. Sinhala and Tamil languages) in the public sector. Thereby this paper focuses on the importance of integrating and implementing laws in relation to an individual’s right to language, in order to achieve reconciliation, unity, culture, co-existence and peace within Sri Lanka.

As indicated in the Third Chapter of the 1978 Constitution of Sri Lanka under the topic of Equality, Article 12 (2) states that ‘No citizen shall be discriminated against on the grounds of race, religion, language, caste, sex, political opinion, place of birth or any one of such grounds.’     
Furthermore, Article 4 of the 1978 Constitution states that the official language of the country is Sinhala, whilst the 13th Amendment designates that the Tamil language as an official language, along with the Sinhala language.
According to the Sri Lankan Constitution, while Sinhala language and Tamil language are designated as official languages, English language is designated as the link language. However, it is uncertain whether these official language policies function within ministries in practice. Furthermore, it has been observed that there exist many concerns in implementing the Language Policy. 

Thereby, the objective of this research was to find issues which hinder the implementation of the said policy effectively within governmental institutions in Sri Lanka. 
Two main objectives of this research were to,
1. Evaluate the manner in which the Official Language Policy is currently implemented within governmental ministries in Sri Lanka. 
2. Identify the current challenges faced in implementing the Official Language Policy within governmental ministries in Sri Lanka. 
The research was based on the following questions:
1. Is the language policy implemented in all government ministries in Sri Lanka? 
2. What are the challenges faced within government ministries in implementing the language policy in Sri Lanka?
3. What are the human and physical resources needed for the implementation of the official language policy in government ministries in Sri Lanka?
In order to gather data to find solutions to the above questions, this research explored four main sections of the Guide Toolkit created by the Ministry of National Co-existence Dialogue and Official Languages. They are as follows;
1. Visibility of the Implementation of the Official Language Policy
2. Administration and Documentation
3. Providing Services
4. Institutional Contribution and Support Mechanism   
Qualitative and quantitative methods of research were used to gather information and data relevant to the study. Primary research was done via a survey which was conducted using a structured questionnaire which was administered within 50 ministries. Ministers’ Secretaries, Additional Secretaries, Assistant Secretaries, Directors and Development Officers were included in the interviews. Individual data were collected from every division of ministries. The Guild Toolkit of the Ministry of National Co-existence Dialogue and Official Languages, Circulars, Amendments were used to gather secondary data for this research. 
Under the key topic of “Visibility of the Implementation of the Official Language Policy,” the usage of the official language in Ministry Name boards, receptionist services, telephone call operating systems and public announcements was assessed. Although according to the official language policy, name boards of the ministries needed to be displayed in all three languages, the research proved the contrary. Many ministries’ receptionist services, telephone calls operating systems and public address systems did not adhere to the Official Language Policy. 
Under the key topic of “Administration and documenting” this research focused on the utilization of the two languages in creating documents, numbers of translators and the nature of human and physical resources who work on documentations. Under those key topics it was evident that there was a lack of translators in the ministries and that documents are not documented according to the Official Languages Policy. Most of the documents are done in Sinhala and English languages. All 50 ministries more than half ministries having vacancies for translators.
Under the topic of “providing service” this research aimed to assess the efficiency of the ministries in communicating with visitors in all three languages (as required) in accordance with the Official Language Policy, the capacity the ministries had in responding to letters in two languages (i.e. Sinhalese and Tamil), the level of knowledge on the official languages that the officials at relevant ministries possessed to work with the public, as well as the extent to which the websites of relevant ministries adhered to the Official Language Policy.  One of the main challenges faced in relation to this section was that there is a great quantity of letters/ correspondence that are received on a day to day basis for which there exists a scarcity of officers who are capable of responding to them as a result of the lack of proficiency in Sinhalese, Tamil or English.
Under the section titled “Institutional Contribution and Support Mechanism,” this research assessed the manner in which ministries established language planning and its current situation, seminars and workshops to improve language skills of the officers, appointed to proficiency staff for the suitable positions, and a language allowance is given to the staff who have passed the second language examination and a report on that allowance is being maintained accordingly, what was evident is that 47 ministries have not designed a language plan, and that only one ministry has a proper language plan. Only 15 ministries have conducted language improvement skills workshops. The above-mentioned report is maintained by a few numbers of ministries only Furthermore, the lack of the Tamil language in most websites is very common.
Although it is imperative and according to the language policy clause in the constitution of Sri Lanka, it is evident that the policy’s implementation is lagging behind even after 40 years of its enactment. As such, it is vital that the challenges faced in implementing the policy are addressed in order to achieve reconciliation and unity within a multi- cultural, multi-ethnic and democratic Sri Lanka.