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Figure 6. Gilbert Chartrand (right) discussing a display in the Archaeology Laboratory on Mississippian trade items and their symbolic importance. (Photo: E.L. Syms) Figure 5. Gilbert Chartrand (left) discussing the diorama of the Métis bison hunt during tour of the galleries at the Manitoba Museum of Man and Nature. (Photo: E.L. Syms)

Figure 6 Gilbert Chartrand (right) discussing a display in the Archaeology Laboratory on Mississippian trade items and their symbolic importance. (Photo: E.L. Syms) Figure 5. Gilbert Chartrand (left) discussing the diorama of the Métis bison hunt during tour of the galleries at the Manitoba Museum of Man and Nature. (Photo: E.L. Syms)

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las remained. Since then, Beaumont has fallen into disrepair, and repeated vandalism has forced he Band to keep the chapel boarded and locked at all times. Damage has been caused by cars and nowmobiles driven over grave sites, the removal of historic headstones, and illegal campfires. Ir esponse to their lasting concerns about the maintenance and protection of Beaumont, the Fort ‘olly Band initiated an archaeological project with an urgent preliminary goal to find and fence he limits of the historic cemetery (Kristmanson 1993, 1994). This was where my association with he Fort Folly Band began. Figure 1. Location of Beaumont, New Brunswick.
las remained. Since then, Beaumont has fallen into disrepair, and repeated vandalism has forced he Band to keep the chapel boarded and locked at all times. Damage has been caused by cars and nowmobiles driven over grave sites, the removal of historic headstones, and illegal campfires. Ir esponse to their lasting concerns about the maintenance and protection of Beaumont, the Fort ‘olly Band initiated an archaeological project with an urgent preliminary goal to find and fence he limits of the historic cemetery (Kristmanson 1993, 1994). This was where my association with he Fort Folly Band began. Figure 1. Location of Beaumont, New Brunswick.
Figure 2. The chapel and rectory at Beaumont, New Brunswick. Date unknown. Centre d’Etudes Acadiennes, Photo Collection, PA2-1130. University of Moncton, New Bruns- wick. The project quickly began to take shape, and ran smoothly from start to finish, though natur- ally there were questionable moments during the season. Although the band administration and most, if not all, Band members were aware that we were not disturbing the cemetery, we were troubled by occasional rumours to the contrary. Most people came to the site with preconceptions about the work in progress. Many non-Natives and a few Band members visitors expressed enthusiastic curiosity about whether we were digging graves and what we might have found. Others were less impressed. For example, during the annual Feast of Sainte Anne celebrations, ] was approached by a Micmac elder, Dr. Mildred Millea, from the nearby Big Cove Reservation, who politely implored me not to dig up one of her maternal relatives. Under the circumstances, it was difficult to convey to her that we were using conductivity equipment to test the ground and
Figure 2. The chapel and rectory at Beaumont, New Brunswick. Date unknown. Centre d’Etudes Acadiennes, Photo Collection, PA2-1130. University of Moncton, New Bruns- wick. The project quickly began to take shape, and ran smoothly from start to finish, though natur- ally there were questionable moments during the season. Although the band administration and most, if not all, Band members were aware that we were not disturbing the cemetery, we were troubled by occasional rumours to the contrary. Most people came to the site with preconceptions about the work in progress. Many non-Natives and a few Band members visitors expressed enthusiastic curiosity about whether we were digging graves and what we might have found. Others were less impressed. For example, during the annual Feast of Sainte Anne celebrations, ] was approached by a Micmac elder, Dr. Mildred Millea, from the nearby Big Cove Reservation, who politely implored me not to dig up one of her maternal relatives. Under the circumstances, it was difficult to convey to her that we were using conductivity equipment to test the ground and
Figure 3. Mr. Israel Knockwood (Micmac) was a one-time resident at Beaumont, New Brunswick. Photograph was taken either at Beaumont or Dorchester, N.B. Date unknown. New Brunsick Provincial Archives: P13-13; Albert Hickman Collection.
Figure 3. Mr. Israel Knockwood (Micmac) was a one-time resident at Beaumont, New Brunswick. Photograph was taken either at Beaumont or Dorchester, N.B. Date unknown. New Brunsick Provincial Archives: P13-13; Albert Hickman Collection.
Figure 3. Close-up of part of the Nelson House First Nation exhibit. (Photo: Manitoba Museum of Man and Nature)
Figure 3. Close-up of part of the Nelson House First Nation exhibit. (Photo: Manitoba Museum of Man and Nature)
Figure 2. Interpretive exhibit on burial items for Nelson House First Nation. (Photo Manitoba Museum of Man and Nature)
Figure 2. Interpretive exhibit on burial items for Nelson House First Nation. (Photo Manitoba Museum of Man and Nature)
Figure 4. View of the Manitoba Museum of Man and Nature Archaeology Laboratory with Native and Métis students processing collections of the Churchill River Archaeolo- gical Project. (Photo: Manitoba Museum of Man and Nature)
Figure 4. View of the Manitoba Museum of Man and Nature Archaeology Laboratory with Native and Métis students processing collections of the Churchill River Archaeolo- gical Project. (Photo: Manitoba Museum of Man and Nature)
Figure |. Es re tsiq-le7cw es e sxepgqenwens le tseuwet.-s le q’es te qelmeucw. “Digging around in the ground to find out the activity of the old people” (Shuswap with Englisk translation by Dwight Gardiner and Mona Jules (pers. comm. 1995). (Photo: G. Nicholas)
Figure |. Es re tsiq-le7cw es e sxepgqenwens le tseuwet.-s le q’es te qelmeucw. “Digging around in the ground to find out the activity of the old people” (Shuswap with Englisk translation by Dwight Gardiner and Mona Jules (pers. comm. 1995). (Photo: G. Nicholas)
Figure 3. Secwepemc Archaeological Heritage Park: Reconstructed pithouses. (Photo: G. Nicholas)
Figure 3. Secwepemc Archaeological Heritage Park: Reconstructed pithouses. (Photo: G. Nicholas)
Figure 4. Secwepeme Archaeological Heritage Park: Walkway around pithouse village. (Photo: G. Nicholas)
Figure 4. Secwepeme Archaeological Heritage Park: Walkway around pithouse village. (Photo: G. Nicholas)
Figure 5. SCES-SFU Archaeology Field School, 1995. As in 1993, a joint field school was offered with the University College of the Cariboo. (Photo: G. Nicholas)
Figure 5. SCES-SFU Archaeology Field School, 1995. As in 1993, a joint field school was offered with the University College of the Cariboo. (Photo: G. Nicholas)
Figure 6. Lea McNabb, Field School Teaching Assistant, explaining Munsell color chart to student Louise Harry. (Photo: G. Nicholas) In each of these areas, the potential for archaeology as a means of empowerment is apparent There are still other ways of utilizing archaeology yet to be recognized, and these will benefit all of us. Empowerment is not something that can be given, however. As archaeologists, we cannot empower anyone. What we can do is present the means of empowerment through education (Figure 6). For this reason the results of archaeological field studies and 1-search need to be dis- seminated as widely and as quickly as possible, especially to First Nations communities who have a special affinity for the past (e.g., Gotthardt and Hare 1994). If they choose to use it as such, archaeology is indeed a powerful tool of empowerment. But the choice is theirs alone.
Figure 6. Lea McNabb, Field School Teaching Assistant, explaining Munsell color chart to student Louise Harry. (Photo: G. Nicholas) In each of these areas, the potential for archaeology as a means of empowerment is apparent There are still other ways of utilizing archaeology yet to be recognized, and these will benefit all of us. Empowerment is not something that can be given, however. As archaeologists, we cannot empower anyone. What we can do is present the means of empowerment through education (Figure 6). For this reason the results of archaeological field studies and 1-search need to be dis- seminated as widely and as quickly as possible, especially to First Nations communities who have a special affinity for the past (e.g., Gotthardt and Hare 1994). If they choose to use it as such, archaeology is indeed a powerful tool of empowerment. But the choice is theirs alone.
By focusing on these examples of apparent disjuncture, it will be shown that a dialogu between these two sources of knowledge, involving a reaching out for broader contextual infor mation, is possible, and may result in at least a partial resolution of interpretive problems. Th two examples demonstrate that there is a great deal of specific historical information encode within Cree oral tradition, and that, at least in some cases, it is possible to establish convincin parallels between events constructed on the basis of archival records, archaeology, and oral trad tions. While such sifting and searching for congruence between diverse data sets may indee remove narratives from their cultural context and subject them to external assessment and con parison, it is shown that this process can be a very enriching one for archaeology. On the othe hand, the gulf between those sources of knowledge may sometimes be so wide as to raise que: tions regarding the possibility or appropriateness of interpretative integration.
By focusing on these examples of apparent disjuncture, it will be shown that a dialogu between these two sources of knowledge, involving a reaching out for broader contextual infor mation, is possible, and may result in at least a partial resolution of interpretive problems. Th two examples demonstrate that there is a great deal of specific historical information encode within Cree oral tradition, and that, at least in some cases, it is possible to establish convincin parallels between events constructed on the basis of archival records, archaeology, and oral trad tions. While such sifting and searching for congruence between diverse data sets may indee remove narratives from their cultural context and subject them to external assessment and con parison, it is shown that this process can be a very enriching one for archaeology. On the othe hand, the gulf between those sources of knowledge may sometimes be so wide as to raise que: tions regarding the possibility or appropriateness of interpretative integration.
Figure 2. Elma Moses and the late Leonard Visitor are shown with a two meter high boulder feature thought to be the “pinnacle of stones” erected as a monument by mem- bers of the Knight expedition in 1693. (Photo: D. Denton)
Figure 2. Elma Moses and the late Leonard Visitor are shown with a two meter high boulder feature thought to be the “pinnacle of stones” erected as a monument by mem- bers of the Knight expedition in 1693. (Photo: D. Denton)
Figure 3. Tools and building hardware from Frenchman's Island. (Photo: R. Lueger}
Figure 3. Tools and building hardware from Frenchman's Island. (Photo: R. Lueger}
Figure 4. Glass and ceramics from the Frenchman's Island site. (Photo: Richard Lueger) Figure 5. Clay pipes from the Frenchman's Island site. (Photo: Richard Lueger)
Figure 4. Glass and ceramics from the Frenchman's Island site. (Photo: Richard Lueger) Figure 5. Clay pipes from the Frenchman's Island site. (Photo: Richard Lueger)
Figure 6. Frankie Asquabaneskum at the site of Chisawaamistikushiiu's first house at Anaataaukaashit, in the Maatuskaaw (Poplar River) area. (Photo: D. Denton) Denton—Frenchman’s Island and the Naatuwaau Bones
Figure 6. Frankie Asquabaneskum at the site of Chisawaamistikushiiu's first house at Anaataaukaashit, in the Maatuskaaw (Poplar River) area. (Photo: D. Denton) Denton—Frenchman’s Island and the Naatuwaau Bones
Figure 1. The community of Tsiigehtchic, located at the confluence of the Arctic Red mentions Vik’ ooyendik [no translation—the hill with the Roman Catholic church and Flats" (shore in front of the community). Alestine Andre standing in foreground.
Figure 1. The community of Tsiigehtchic, located at the confluence of the Arctic Red mentions Vik’ ooyendik [no translation—the hill with the Roman Catholic church and Flats" (shore in front of the community). Alestine Andre standing in foreground.
(foreground) and Mackenzie Rivers (background). Location for the Crow Story, whict and mission ), Deetrin’ ehchii k'it (“Crow's bed”) - hollows below the church, and “The (Photo: Ingrid Kritsch)
(foreground) and Mackenzie Rivers (background). Location for the Crow Story, whict and mission ), Deetrin’ ehchii k'it (“Crow's bed”) - hollows below the church, and “The (Photo: Ingrid Kritsch)
Figure 4. Lud]qj) [also called “The Forks”], where the Cranswick River (right) and right side of the photo. (Photo: I. Kritsch) In the summers of 1994 and 1995, the Gwich’in Social and Cultural Institute worked with the community of Tsiigehtchic on a community-based ethnoarchaeological project along Tsiigehnjik [“iron river”’—the Arctic Red River]. Tsiigehnjik was designated a Canadian Heritage River in 1993, and the community and Institute were interested in using this designation to continue the inventory of heritage resources along the river for land management purposes to provide informa- tion for the local school curriculum, and to develop interpretive material for tourists. Traditional place names, data on harvesting areas, camp locations, graves, and trails were used in developing an archaeological fieldwork strategy for work along the Arctic Red River. This approach parallels an ethnoarchaeological study carried out by Hanks and Winter (1983: 49) that used Slavey place names to better understand the relationship between behaviour and archaeological remains along the Mackenzie River, and by Andrews and Zoe (Ch. 10) for the Dogrib area. Gwich’in elders par- ticipated as full partners in the research and Gwich’in youth were directly involved in document- ing and visually recording their own heritage along with Institute staff and professional archaeo- logists.
Figure 4. Lud]qj) [also called “The Forks”], where the Cranswick River (right) and right side of the photo. (Photo: I. Kritsch) In the summers of 1994 and 1995, the Gwich’in Social and Cultural Institute worked with the community of Tsiigehtchic on a community-based ethnoarchaeological project along Tsiigehnjik [“iron river”’—the Arctic Red River]. Tsiigehnjik was designated a Canadian Heritage River in 1993, and the community and Institute were interested in using this designation to continue the inventory of heritage resources along the river for land management purposes to provide informa- tion for the local school curriculum, and to develop interpretive material for tourists. Traditional place names, data on harvesting areas, camp locations, graves, and trails were used in developing an archaeological fieldwork strategy for work along the Arctic Red River. This approach parallels an ethnoarchaeological study carried out by Hanks and Winter (1983: 49) that used Slavey place names to better understand the relationship between behaviour and archaeological remains along the Mackenzie River, and by Andrews and Zoe (Ch. 10) for the Dogrib area. Gwich’in elders par- ticipated as full partners in the research and Gwich’in youth were directly involved in document- ing and visually recording their own heritage along with Institute staff and professional archaeo- logists.
In 1995, we carried out our second year of ethnoarchaeological work along the Arctic Red River with a ten-day archaeological survey based on oral history work conducted the previous winter with Tsiigehtchic elders, and a 14 day ethnoarchaeological field school at Martin zheh.
In 1995, we carried out our second year of ethnoarchaeological work along the Arctic Red River with a ten-day archaeological survey based on oral history work conducted the previous winter with Tsiigehtchic elders, and a 14 day ethnoarchaeological field school at Martin zheh.
In 1995, the Institute also coordinated a 14-day ethnoarchaeological field school in the Martin zheh area. Twenty-four people participated in the field school including elders, high school stu- dents, archaeologists, GSCI staff, a cook, camp attendants, a camera-man, boat drivers, and two young children. This area proved to be an ideal location for a field school. The Martin zheh area has a rich oral history in that elders from the community of Tsiigehtchic used this area intensively until the mid-20th century. This area also has a rich visible history in that a number of sites ran- ging in age from possibly 400 years old to the present, extends over a two kilometer stretch along the left bank of the river. Figure 5. Elders Annie and Nap Norbert visit with students during excavation of MeTp-4 at the Martin zheh Field School 1995. Students from left to right: Yvonne Andre, Celina Jerome, Brenda Kendo (sitting), and Jenny Andre (sitting with back towards camera). Photo: E. Damkjar)
In 1995, the Institute also coordinated a 14-day ethnoarchaeological field school in the Martin zheh area. Twenty-four people participated in the field school including elders, high school stu- dents, archaeologists, GSCI staff, a cook, camp attendants, a camera-man, boat drivers, and two young children. This area proved to be an ideal location for a field school. The Martin zheh area has a rich oral history in that elders from the community of Tsiigehtchic used this area intensively until the mid-20th century. This area also has a rich visible history in that a number of sites ran- ging in age from possibly 400 years old to the present, extends over a two kilometer stretch along the left bank of the river. Figure 5. Elders Annie and Nap Norbert visit with students during excavation of MeTp-4 at the Martin zheh Field School 1995. Students from left to right: Yvonne Andre, Celina Jerome, Brenda Kendo (sitting), and Jenny Andre (sitting with back towards camera). Photo: E. Damkjar)
Figure 6. Eric Damkjar shows Yvonne Andre how to flintknap while Erika Kritsch looks on during the Martin zheh Field School 1995. (Photo: I. Kritsch)
Figure 6. Eric Damkjar shows Yvonne Andre how to flintknap while Erika Kritsch looks on during the Martin zheh Field School 1995. (Photo: I. Kritsch)
Figure 7. Annie Norbert scraping a beaver skin using her chu deedhoh (stone scraper) during the Martin zheh Field School 1995. (Photo: T. Andrews)
Figure 7. Annie Norbert scraping a beaver skin using her chu deedhoh (stone scraper) during the Martin zheh Field School 1995. (Photo: T. Andrews)
Figure 8. Hyacinthe Andre (left) and Noel Andre sitting on Vik'ooyendik during the film- ing of Tsiigehnjik: Life along the Arctic Red River in 1994. Ghost Lake, “The Flats,” and the Mackenzie River are in the background. (Photo: I Kritsch)
Figure 8. Hyacinthe Andre (left) and Noel Andre sitting on Vik'ooyendik during the film- ing of Tsiigehnjik: Life along the Arctic Red River in 1994. Ghost Lake, “The Flats,” and the Mackenzie River are in the background. (Photo: I Kritsch)
Figure 10. Talking Map: Photo and text for place name number 51. (Figure Courtesy Gwich’in Geographics Ltd.)
Figure 10. Talking Map: Photo and text for place name number 51. (Figure Courtesy Gwich’in Geographics Ltd.)
Figure 3. John B. Zoe leaving an offering at Kwezehdoo . (Photo: T. Andrews)
Figure 3. John B. Zoe leaving an offering at Kwezehdoo . (Photo: T. Andrews)
Figure 2. Bear Rock and Mackenzie River.
Figure 2. Bear Rock and Mackenzie River.
Figure 4. Logo of the Dene Nation. 4 The Bear Lake Athapaskans are a mix of K'achogot'ine (Hare) and Ts‘igot'ine (Dogrib) (Rushforth 1984: 1-10). Asa result, Blondin’s rendition of the Yamoria story is blend of those two traditions. According to Tom Andrews (1993: pers. comm. 1993), in the Fort Rae Dogrib version, Yamoria is born along the Camsell River trail. He eventually encounters the giant beavers near Great Slave Lake and then pursues them down the Mackenzie River. aida aii ii a i a a AN "OS EE EEE IE ; a a ae Published versions of the ‘Slavey ‘story from Fort Simpson (Williamson 1955) and the Bea Lake4 narrative from Fort Franklin (Blondin 1990) provide a sample of how the Dene relate the creation of the New World (Andrews 1990; Paul Wright, pers. comm. 1992). The stories of Pau: Wright and Madeleine Mouse (Robert Williamson 1955: 123, pers. comm. 1993; Alison Jumbo yers. comm. 1993) reflect the Dene view that the old world dominated by giant animals changec and a new world safe for people was created through the actions of mythical culture-heros. Thi: heme of death and rebirth of the world repeats itself at least one more time with the events sur- ‘ounding the eruption of the White River Volcano in 1250 B.P. (Hanks 1994). The concepts o death and rebirth are also central to the process by which an individual acquires power withir Dene shamanistic beliefs; its extension to the occasional restructuring of the “world” is thus quite -onsistent with their traditions.
Figure 4. Logo of the Dene Nation. 4 The Bear Lake Athapaskans are a mix of K'achogot'ine (Hare) and Ts‘igot'ine (Dogrib) (Rushforth 1984: 1-10). Asa result, Blondin’s rendition of the Yamoria story is blend of those two traditions. According to Tom Andrews (1993: pers. comm. 1993), in the Fort Rae Dogrib version, Yamoria is born along the Camsell River trail. He eventually encounters the giant beavers near Great Slave Lake and then pursues them down the Mackenzie River. aida aii ii a i a a AN "OS EE EEE IE ; a a ae Published versions of the ‘Slavey ‘story from Fort Simpson (Williamson 1955) and the Bea Lake4 narrative from Fort Franklin (Blondin 1990) provide a sample of how the Dene relate the creation of the New World (Andrews 1990; Paul Wright, pers. comm. 1992). The stories of Pau: Wright and Madeleine Mouse (Robert Williamson 1955: 123, pers. comm. 1993; Alison Jumbo yers. comm. 1993) reflect the Dene view that the old world dominated by giant animals changec and a new world safe for people was created through the actions of mythical culture-heros. Thi: heme of death and rebirth of the world repeats itself at least one more time with the events sur- ‘ounding the eruption of the White River Volcano in 1250 B.P. (Hanks 1994). The concepts o death and rebirth are also central to the process by which an individual acquires power withir Dene shamanistic beliefs; its extension to the occasional restructuring of the “world” is thus quite -onsistent with their traditions.
Figure 1. Hagwilget Canyon. Although the archaeological evidence has demonstrated only 5,000 years of human habitation at Hagwilget Canyon, the oral histories of the Gitk- san indicate that their ancestors resided there at least 10,000 years. (Photo: H. Harris)
Figure 1. Hagwilget Canyon. Although the archaeological evidence has demonstrated only 5,000 years of human habitation at Hagwilget Canyon, the oral histories of the Gitk- san indicate that their ancestors resided there at least 10,000 years. (Photo: H. Harris)
Figure 2. The mountain, Stekyoodenhl, where an enormous landslide took place around 6,000 B.P. The Gitksan say it was caused by the Mountain Goat People taking revenge for abuses they suffered at the hands of people. (Photo: H. Harris)
Figure 2. The mountain, Stekyoodenhl, where an enormous landslide took place around 6,000 B.P. The Gitksan say it was caused by the Mountain Goat People taking revenge for abuses they suffered at the hands of people. (Photo: H. Harris)
Figure 2. The main Tunnillarvik or offering cairn. (Photo: L. Henderson)
Figure 2. The main Tunnillarvik or offering cairn. (Photo: L. Henderson)
Figure 3. The stone used to place offerings after contamination of the main cairn. (Photo L. Henderson)
Figure 3. The stone used to place offerings after contamination of the main cairn. (Photo L. Henderson)
Figure 4. Shaman’s healing cairn. (Photo: L. Henderson)
Figure 4. Shaman’s healing cairn. (Photo: L. Henderson)
Figure 5. Kibvakaatait—Weight Lifting Stones. (Photo: L. Henderson)
Figure 5. Kibvakaatait—Weight Lifting Stones. (Photo: L. Henderson)
Figure 6. Qillalugaujarvik —Beluga-Kayak Game. (Photo: L. Henderson)
Figure 6. Qillalugaujarvik —Beluga-Kayak Game. (Photo: L. Henderson)
Figure 2. Close-up of Eva Linklater’s temporary exhibit showing the two panels that show the cultural chronology and oral history chronology. (Photo: E.L. Syms) Figure 1. Eva Linklater in front of her temporary exhibit, showing overall display. (Photo: E.L. Syms)
Figure 2. Close-up of Eva Linklater’s temporary exhibit showing the two panels that show the cultural chronology and oral history chronology. (Photo: E.L. Syms) Figure 1. Eva Linklater in front of her temporary exhibit, showing overall display. (Photo: E.L. Syms)
Syms - Archaeological Native Internships
Syms - Archaeological Native Internships
Figures 3 and 4. Cultural chronology for northern Manitoba based on archaeology (left) and cultural chronology based on Cree oral history (right) from the original internship poster (Linklater 1994:11). (Photo: E.L. Syms)
Figures 3 and 4. Cultural chronology for northern Manitoba based on archaeology (left) and cultural chronology based on Cree oral history (right) from the original internship poster (Linklater 1994:11). (Photo: E.L. Syms)
Figure 1. Northwest Territories and Yukon Land Claim Settlement Regions.
Figure 1. Northwest Territories and Yukon Land Claim Settlement Regions.
Related topics:
Native American StudiesArchaeologyIndigenous StudiesIndigenous or Aboriginal StudiesIndigenous EducationNorth American archaeologyIndigenous ArchaeologyFirst Nations of CanadaCommunity-Based Participatory ResearchFirst Nations
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