Indigenous Archaeology

Texto publicado pelo arqueólogo Ondemar Dias a respeito de seus trabalhos a frente do Programa Nacional de Pesquisas Arqueológicas (PRONAPA) no sul de Minas Gerais, tendo o município de Varginha como centro das operações naquela região.
Referência:
DIAS, Ondemar. Breves notas a respeito das pesquisas no sul de Minas Gerais. Publicações avulsas do Museu Paraense Emílio Goeldi, Belém, nº 15, 1971, p. 133-148.

Este trabajo trata sobre el contexto epistemolOgico y politico que regula ta organizaci6n del congreso arqueologico mundial y su historia. WAC introduj6 una serie de puntos politicos renovadores, como por ejemplo el c6digo de ~tica, la participacion de los representantes indigenas y regionales, Ilevando a la arqueologia a un nuevo contexto mundial. Como un ex secretario WAC, el autor argumenta por una democracia mils profunda en la organizacion. R~sum~: Cet article aborde le contexte epistemologique et politique qui a mene ~ I'organisation du Congr~s mondiale de I'arch~ologie et I'histoire de la discipline subs~quente. Le CMA a introduit une s&ie de positions politiques, comme un code d'~tiques, une representation r~agionale et autochtone, ainsi que I'aboutissement de I'archeologie darts une nouvelle ~tape mondiale. Comme ancien secr~taire du CMA, I'auteur plaide en faveur de I'approfondissement des aspects d~mocratiques de I'organisation.

In 2019, the Ewamian Aboriginal Corporation, together with archaeologists and community rangers, set out to challenge the idea that the Undara lava tubes of Far North Queensland, Australia were places Aboriginal people avoided in the past. Our initial motivation was for Ewamian cultural values to be included in park planning, alongside the natural values. Over 12 months, a team of archaeologists and community rangers conducted surveys in Undara Volcanic National Park and carried out a small test pit excavation at Darcy Cave. So far, we have surveyed 15 tubes, 12 containing cultural material, and found evidence of at least 1000 years of human occupation. Our research demonstrates the value and challenges of Indigenous archaeologies in an under-investigated part of northern Australia.

Este artículo explora las creencias andinas y atacameñas Lickanantay sobre sus antepasados, ancestros y la muerte con el fin de comprender las razones que tienen las comunidades atacameñas para buscar la repatriación de sus objetos y/o ancestros junto con su reentierro. Para ello se presenta una discusión de los conceptos y las maneras empleadas para referirse a los ancestros o antepasados en distintos pueblos andinos, presentes en registros etnohistóricos, arqueológicos y etnográficos. También interesan a este trabajo las creencias, ritos y ceremonias andinas relacionadas con los ancestros y el rol que ellos cumplen en sus territorios, sosteniendo y dando continuidad a concepciones sobre la muerte de los ancestros, denominados como abuelos/as o gentiles en esos pueblos.

highlighting the central role of Indigenous Peoples in these contexts. To this end, it proposes a reflection on how these policies are understood and defined based on a collaborative project aimed at studying the collecting and patrimonialization of Indigenous bodies in the Atacameño Lickanantay territory, in northern Chile. It also offers a historical overview of the community organization of the Atacameño Lickanantay people, with
an emphasis on collective action for the defense of ancestral places and bodies. It also describes the community work carried out within this project, focusing on its dynamics of socialization and awareness-raising. It also reflects on the complexities and disputes associated with local knowledge and the authorized discourse on heritage and addresses state appropriation of repatriation processes, underscoring the need to make Indigenous
agency visible. The paper concludes with a recap of the main ideas and some final reflections.

This paper considers two Indigenous-oriented approaches in contemporary archaeology that seek to increase archaeology's epistemological breadth: collaborative Indigenous archaeology and the ontological turn. One more practical, the other more theoretical, these approaches are rarely considered together. Each seeks to build new connections between archaeology and Indigenous peoples, politics, and/or perspectives. These connections increase focus on Indigenous knowledges while identifying-and correcting for-the arbitrary modernist values that undergird the discipline. Although they prioritize similar goals, these approaches take very different paths. By placing them into historical context and highlighting connections to previous anthropological and archaeological engagements with difference or "alterity," this paper emphasizes important similarities and differences between these approaches. Drawing historical parallels with relativist and feminist turns, this comparison shows important distinctions between how new practitioners and new theories help to expand archaeology's epistemological breadth.

Este artículo busca contribuir al debate sobre las políticas de retorno y repatriación, destacando el rol protagónico de los Pueblos Indígenas en estos contextos. Para ello se propone una reflexión sobre cómo se comprenden y definen esas políticas a partir de un proyecto colaborativo orientado a estudiar el coleccionismo y la patrimonialización de
cuerpos indígenas en el territorio Atacameño Lickanantay, al norte de Chile. También se ofrece una mirada histórica sobre la organización comunitaria del Pueblo Atacameño Lickanantay, con énfasis en la acción colectiva para la defensa de los lugares y cuerpos de los ancestros, y se describe el trabajo comunitario desarrollado en el marco de este proyecto, poniendo atención en sus dinámicas de socialización y sensibilización. Además,
se plantea una reflexión sobre las complejidades y disputas asociadas al saber local y el discurso autorizado del patrimonio y se aborda la apropiación estatal de los procesos de repatriación, subrayando la necesidad de visibilizar la agencia indígena. El artículo con
cluye con una recapitulación de las ideas principales y algunas reflexiones finales.

In 2006, Washington's Nooksack Tribe and British Columbia's Stó:lō Nation collaborated to repatriate to Canada a United States-held stone figure. The figure's homecoming was heralded on both sides of the border after being missing for more than a century. This article investigates one process through which this collaboration occurred, namely, the reframing of the cultural and political geography of the region. By reframing their history as transnational, the Coast Salish are erasing the international border and challenging the settler colonial state(s) and the primacy of the nation-state system. This reframing-as-transnational approach has numerous implications for the Coast Salish as they overcome their divided status under two separate legal and political regimes. Additionally, changing our frame of reference away from the nation-state advances Coast Salish studies and anthropology itself, as we too have been divided by political borders in our research with First Nati...

La repatriación de bienes culturales, arqueológicos y restos
humanos de ancestros, es un tema muy presente en la
actualidad, sobre todo cuando no ha sido resuelto el problema,
y este patrimonio sigue fuera de sus países de origen (es el
caso de Bolivia), esto ante la falta de acción de los Estados,
y considerando la posibilidad que se abre de repatriar este
patrimonio, de los museos federales de Estados Unidos de
América, por la Ley NAGPRA. Sin embargo, el desconocimiento
por parte de abogados, y la falta de especialidad en derecho
cultural, limita una defensa jurídico-legal efectiva hacia el
patrimonio cultural, arqueológico y de los pueblos indígenas.
Esta Ley, es un avance en el reconocimiento a los derechos y
la propiedad de los pueblos nativos-americanos e indígenas,
sobre sus bienes culturales arqueológicos y los restos
humanos de sus ancestros, y se constituye en un primer paso
para poder lograr una restitución y repatriación de nuestro
patrimonio cultural, aunque también tiene sus limitaciones y
candados legales.

This paper presents the results of archaeological fieldwork conducted at the request of elders from Barunga, a remote Aboriginal community in the Northern Territory, Australia. The aim of the project was to use archaeological methods to help people from the community relocate and identify each person buried in the Barunga Graveyard and to develop a system where this information would not be forgotten. In the past, the location of burials and the identities of the buried have been known only through memory, as well as repeat visits to the graveyard. Overcrowding within the graveyard has made this practice difficult. To add to this problem, the vast majority of graves of Aboriginal people in remote Northern Territory communities are not recorded in any register. While there is a legislative requirement for a burial register to be kept in non-Aboriginal communities, this has not been a requirement for those within Aboriginal communities. Instead, families must rely on the memories of those in attendance at the burial, and in time the remembering generation also dies and the identities of people in these graves become more and more blurred. This makes it difficult to mourn properly, or to care for that person by caring for their grave. During our fieldwork, we located 175 graves, and we identified 85 individuals. Of those that could be identified, 29 were identified by an associated plaque or headstone, and 56 were identified through oral histories that were recorded during several field visits with elders from the community. Beyond the archaeological results of this research, we found there is an opportunity to build sustainable development in this community that would see local people employed to locate and identify currently unidentified burials. Drawing on comparative cases from other countries such as India, this study addresses the challenge identified by UNESCO (United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organisation (UNESCO) (2015) introducing cultural heritage into the sustainable development agenda. Retrieved February 19, 2020, from u-congress/introducing-cultural-heritage-into-the-sustainable-development-a genda/), to identify the concrete actions needed to integrate cultural heritage conservation and promotion into the sustainable development debate. Re ´sume ´: Cet article pre ´sente les re ´sultats de recherches arche ´ologiques de terrain ayant e ´te ´conduites a `la demande des Anciens de Barunga, une communaute ´aborige `ne recule ´e du Territoire du Nord en Australie. Le projet avait pour but d'utiliser les me ´thodes de l'arche ´ologie afin d'aider les

See all papers at: https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/collections/1d0b664f-6db5-4ee3-bae4-7e10ea19e790

As the first of its kind, volume 39.2 of the Archaeological Review from Cambridge brings together Indigenous and non-Indigenous archaeologists, a bioarchaeologist, a museum curator and a community leader from Argentina, Australia, Brazil, Canada, South Africa and the USA to discuss the multiple forms of Indigenous Archaeology. From reconnecting with Ancestors, to conceptualising Indigenous relational archaeology, applying Indigenous ontologies, and approaching Cultural Resource Management Archaeology through anti-colonial lenses, Indigenous Archaeologies highlights the work that has been and needs to be done to centre Indigenous communities in archaeological research about their Ancestors.

una publicación fundada en 1984 y editada por la Sociedad Chilena de Arqueología. Desde el año 2022 es de tiraje bianual y tiene como propósito la difusión de avances, resultados, reflexiones y discusiones relativas a la investigación arqueológica nacional y de zonas aledañas. Las opiniones vertidas en este Boletín son de exclusiva responsabilidad de quienes las emiten y no representan necesariamente el pensamiento

En este texto desplegamos una serie de tesis hacia una crítica materialista del patrimonio cultural, mediante una constelación de argumentos que a) parten de la tesis de que una crítica a la categoría del patrimonio cultural debe analizar su papel en el proceso de la acumulación capitalista; b) vinculan las prácticas asociadas al patrimonio cultural con el proceso reproductivo del capital, y c) como consecuencia, derivan la forma del patrimonio cultural a partir de las relaciones sociales de la sociedad mercantil. Desde esta perspectiva, encontramos un proceso al que nombramos cercamiento monumental y que está constituido por dos mecanismos estrechamente vinculados: primero, la desaparición de la dominación de clase bajo el ámbito inocente de la memoria y, segundo, la pérdida de la vida cotidiana tanto por la valoración jerárquica del pasado sobre el presente como por la escisión del espacio vinculado con el pasado y su transformación en mercancía.

Abstract. In this text we discuss a series of
theses towards a materialist critique of cultural
heritage, forming a constellation of arguments
that a) begin from the position that we must
analyse cultural heritage as part of the process
of capitalist accumulation, highlighting its role
in the reproductive process of capital b) relate
the practices of cultural heritage to the expansion
of capital and c) as a consequence, derive
the form of cultural heritage from the social
relations of capital. Based on this position, we
identify a process, which we call monumental
enclosure, constituted by a twofold mechanism:
First, the disappearance of class domination
under the «innocent» realm of memory.
Second, the elimination of «everyday life» both
through the hierarchical prioritisation of the past
over the present, and through the segregation
of spaces linked to the past and their transformation
into a commodity.

Laburpena. Testu honetan, ondare kulturalaren
kritika materialista egiteko zenbait tesi azaltzen
ditugu. Horretarako erabili ditugun argudioek
honako ezaugarri hauek dituzte: a) ondare kulturalaren
kategoriari kritika egiteko, ondasunen
pilatze kapitalistaren prozesuan ondareak nolako
eginkizuna duen aztertu behar dela dioen
tesitik abiatzen dira; b) ondare kulturalarekin
zerikusia duten jardunbideak kapitalaren erreprodukzio
prozesuarekin lotzen dituzte; eta c)
horren guztiaren ondorioz, ondare kulturalaren
forma eratortzeko, gizarte merkantilaren erlazio
sozialetan oinarritzen dira. Ikuspegi horretatik,
hesitze monumental izendatu dugun prozesu
bat gertatzen da, eta lotura estua duten honako
bi mekanismo hauez dago osatua: batetik, klase
menderakuntza desagertu egiten da memoriaren
esparru inozentearen azpian; bestetik,
eguneroko bizitza galdu egiten da iraganari orainaren
gaineko balorazio hierarkikoa egiten zaiolako,
eta iraganarekin lotutako espazioa zatitu
eta merkantzia bihurtzen delako.

This essay situates this thematic issue on Indigenous archaeology in the larger context of its development over the past three decades. I provide historical points of reference and then address four questions concerning its contributions to theory, methodology, reconciliation and decolonisation. I also identify seven themes that will likely figure prominently in the future of Indigenous archaeology: 1) different epistemological regimes; 2) contradictory results; 3) defining “evidence;” 4) quality of research; 5) a racialized archaeology?; 6) critical self-awareness; and 7) the influence of gender. As Indigenous archaeology is often a strongly personal endeavour, I predicate my words on personal experiences and lessons learned through working with and for Indigenous colleagues and communities since the 1980s.

Since the Environmental Impact
Assessment Regulation - Clean Environment
Act came into force in 1987 and the
subsequent development of an archaeology
industry pertaining to environmental impact
assessment–related work, there has been a
dramatic shift in the character of research conducted
in archaeology in the province. A discipline
that was once dominated by academic
and problem-oriented research, archaeology
in New Brunswick has become overshadowed
by industry and the rise of cultural resource
management (CRM) archaeology. The role of
government archaeologists in the province has
also shifted from coastal salvage and problemoriented
archaeology towards oversight of
a growing CRM industry—an industry
the New Brunswick government now both
participates in and regulates. We use available
archaeological permit data to track the
volume of archaeological fieldwork conducted
in the province over a 35-year period in an
attempt to describe the

una publicación fundada en 1984 y editada por la Sociedad Chilena de Arqueología. Desde el año 2022 es de tiraje bianual y tiene como propósito la difusión de avances, resultados, reflexiones y discusiones relativas a la investigación arqueológica nacional y de zonas aledañas. Las opiniones vertidas en este Boletín son de exclusiva responsabilidad de quienes las emiten y no representan necesariamente el pensamiento

While ethnography has held an essential place in the study of Indigenous rock imagery (i.e., petroglyphs and pictographs) in the United States for the past century and a half, rarely are Tribes and other descendant communities involved throughout the entire research program—from conception to publication. This contrasts with recent developments within more traditional “dirt” archaeology, where over the past 30 years Tribes have assumed greater roles in decision-making, fieldwork, artifact curation, data management, interpretation of results, and repatriation of ancestral belongings. In concert with these changes, Indigenous archaeology has emerged as a domain of theory and practice wherein archaeological research and cultural heritage management center the voices and interests of Indigenous communities. Collaboration among researchers and Indigenous communities has proven to be an effective means of practicing Indigenous archaeology and advancing its goals, but research into rock imagery all too often still limits Indigenous engagement and knowledge to interpretation of the imagery. This article highlights a case study in Tribal collaboration from the North American Southwest in the interest of advancing an Indigenous archaeology of rock imagery.

How can archaeologists do archaeology in an anti-colonial way within Cultural Resource Management (CRM)? We explore this theme by first explaining why decolonial theory and practice is not enough, and then defining what we mean by anti-colonial practice, specifically within in CRM in British Columbia, Canada. All practitioners of archaeology must acknowledge many elements of Western archaeological practice which perpetuate harm to Indigenous communities. It is not enough to be intentionally decolonial in our approaches. Instead, we advocate for an anti-colonial practice: a mix of both seen and unseen work that archaeologists, whether Indigenous or not, can do to centre Indigenous heritage, the Ancestors and descendant communities. This practice requires a conscious effort and commitment to consistently critique our innate colonial bias present in day-today CRM. This paper proffers tangible constructive advice for archaeologists with the hope of engendering new, daily practices.

Europeans in Northern Sonora or Southern Arizona, Sixteenth-Century Documentary Evidence. There has been recent reporting of the discovery of what appear to be traces of sixteenth-century European presence in extreme south-central Arizona. As a result, claims have been made that those traces are indications of an outpost of the Coronado expedition called Suya in the surviving documentary record and San Gerónimo III by many modern scholars. Re-examination of the sixteenth-century records, however, shows that identification of that particular archaeological site as Suya is far from the only possibility, and arguably not the most likely one.

En el pueblo de Alfarcito, ubicado en la Puna jujeña (Argentina), los pobladores comentan de forma recurrente sobre "la fuerza" de los lugares. Se trata de algunos sectores del paisaje local que están cargados de vida y poseen capacidades para afectar a los humanos. Con estos es preciso establecer relaciones específicas, normalmente de respeto, permisos y cuidados, si lo que se quiere es pasar por allí sin problemas.

Indigenous American archaeology has, from its inception, been fraught with unbalanced ethics, biased settler-colonial interpretations, and a lack of critical theorizing. This paper explores the complex questions and novel epistemological and ontological schemes that arose in the last century of archaeological scholarship to produce a set of questions that can guide future research.

The presence of urban Indian communities and American Indian tribal nations in and near metropolitan areas creates tremendous potential for expanding campuscommunity collaborations regarding teaching, research, and service. However, many challenges must be addressed, including acknowledging the colonial context of relations between indigenous and non-indigenous peoples in general as well as the specific role that education has played in the ongoing marginalization of American Indians. Rather than simply serving American Indian communities, academic engagement must be premised on self-scrutiny and intercultural respect that will unsettle taken-for-granted academic perspectives, logics, and procedures. Such efforts can generate deeply rewarding and valuable outcomes.

Research that purposefully redistributes authority can have more ethical and innovative results than standard hierarchical research models. This paper summarizes the results of two projects "with, by, and for" (sensu Atalay 2012) Native American communities who had more authority in decision-making than standard projects typically do. First, the Stewart Indian School project studied the forced assimilation of Native American children into mainstream society in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. The project distributed authority among settler academics and tribal members in heritage negotiations. Some of the same participants later initiated the "Our Ancestors' Walk of Sorrow" project to study the forced removal of Indigenous POWs from their homelands in the nineteenth century. The later project represents a shift from shared authority to primarily tribal authorities. This paper explores the primary author's increasing efforts to relinquish control from the academic ivory tower, including challenges, consequences, and benefits for different groups.

Se dan a conocer las experiencias y reflexiones que surgen en el marco de los trabajos desarrollados en el Museo Arqueológico y Etnográfico Parque El Loa, en relación con la participación que les cabe a las comunidades locales en materias vinculadas con la identificación, apropiación y valorización del patrimonio arqueológico comunal. Si bien es cierto, el proyecto fue planteado inicialmente como un trabajo esencialmente técnico, prontamente se desarrollan algunas iniciativas orientadas a difundir sus alcances y logros. Tales iniciativas, materializadas a través de los medios de comunicación local y en la realización de las llamadas "tertulias patrimoniales", provocaron un creciente interés de la comunidad hacia los diversos problemas y desafíos que plantea lo patrimonial, estimulando un proceso reflexivo y de cuestionamiento que abordó tanto situaciones originadas al interior de la propia comunidad como aquellas que eran producto de la participación de profesionales externos. Se destacan, por ejemplo, aspectos relacionados con la jurisprudencia de los bienes, con la escasa o nula permanencia de los restos materiales en la región y con las implicancias éticas y socioculturales que tiene la excavación de cementerios y la posterior exhibición de cuerpos humanos en los museos.

Between 23 and 25 October 2024, about 80 scholars from five continents gathered at the McDonald Institute for Archaeological Research at the University of Cambridge in the UK for the ‘Envisioning Decolonial Futures Through Archaeology’ conference (Figure 1). The conference facilitated interaction between a great variety of perspectives on what it means to decolonise archaeology and how our discipline can help shape decolonial futures. Based on our experience organising this conference, in this Guest Editorial we discuss what we think decolonising archaeology entails, some of its many challenges and the necessity to create spaces for interaction to take place so that guidance on ‘decolonial thinking’ can emerge. Here, we reflect on the critical themes of disambiguation, interaction, indigeneity, memory, practice and imagination for envisioning decolonial futures through archaeology.

This chapter examines the intersections and distinctions between the elds of critical race studies and critical Indigenous studies regarding the study of Shakespeare's works. In recent decades critics have become increasingly aware of the issue of race within Shakespeare studies and have also explored the place of colonialism within the same context, but what has come to be known as critical Indigenous studies has only recently become part of the broader discourse in early modern literary studies. 'Race' in the early modern era depended largely on descent and culture (i.e. language and religion), whereas 'Indigeneity', as we use the term now, did not exist. Its closest intellectual cognate would have been 'native inhabitant'. With the rise of early modern imperialism came the establishment of settler colonialism, and I argue that a racialized notion of monstrosity was deployed to abrogate Indigenous sovereignty and dispossess them of their territories. Caliban, like other Indigenous gures, must rst be rendered monstrous in order to legitimize European conquest and rule.

una publicación fundada en 1984 y editada por la Sociedad Chilena de Arqueología. Desde el año 2022 es de tiraje bianual y tiene como propósito la difusión de avances, resultados, reflexiones y discusiones relativas a la investigación arqueológica nacional y de zonas aledañas. Las opiniones vertidas en este Boletín son de exclusiva responsabilidad de quienes las emiten y no representan necesariamente el pensamiento

The idea of “being Indigenous archaeologist” triggers a correspondence between a professional or disciplinary identity that dictates or establishes modes of being and a collective identity of an ethnic community, people or nation where one is born being from the idea of a primordial origin. As a possibility of being an affirmation, in this case of an identity (being archaeologists, being Indigenous, being Indigenous archaeologists, etc.), it is a denial of that very thing that is affirmed. “The denial then conflicts with what is affirmed and also requires a totalization” (Kusch 2000: 642) that deserves to be explored, problematized, turned into crisis. In this chapter I offer an autobiographical account of my experiences, research and contributions as a Warpe archaeologist, trying to problematize the stabilizations and totalizations that this affirmation of a professional and ethnic identity has entailed to me and the tensions inherent to Indigenous activism on the margins of archaeology.

At the beginning of the twentieth century, the Royal Dutch Geographical Society commissioned three expeditions to Suriname with the aim of mapping the territory and promoting the collection of minerals, plants, and animals there. These were the Gonini (1903), the Tapanahoni (1904), and the Toemoekhoemak expeditions (1907). Through the analysis of official reports, diaries penned by expedition members, correspondence, photographs, and the ethnographic, botanical, geological, and zoological collections kept at the Wereldmuseum, Leiden University, and the Naturalis Biodiversity Center, this article seeks to rectify the marginalization of the contributions of Indige-de ruiter et al. 10.1163/22134360-bja10038 | New West Indian Guide (2025) 1-38 nous and Maroon laborers to the success of these expeditions in Suriname, challenging traditional narratives of exploration and "discovery." Our research illustrates how local communities were instrumental in curating the collections currently housed at the Wereldmuseum and the Naturalis Biodiversity Center in the Netherlands, underscoring the significance of acknowledging the invaluable contributions of non-European individuals in the annals of Western science.

At the beginning of the twentieth century, the Royal Dutch Geographical Society commissioned three expeditions to Suriname with the aim of mapping the territory and promoting the collection of minerals, plants, and animals there. These were the Gonini (1903), the Tapanahoni (1904), and the Toemoekhoemak expeditions (1907). Through the analysis of official reports, diaries penned by expedition members, correspondence, photographs, and the ethnographic, botanical, geological, and zoological collections kept at the Wereldmuseum, Leiden University, and the Naturalis Biodiversity Center, this article seeks to rectify the marginalization of the contributions of Indige-de ruiter et al. 10.1163/22134360-bja10038 | New West Indian Guide (2025) 1-38 nous and Maroon laborers to the success of these expeditions in Suriname, challenging traditional narratives of exploration and "discovery." Our research illustrates how local communities were instrumental in curating the collections currently housed at the Wereldmuseum and the Naturalis Biodiversity Center in the Netherlands, underscoring the significance of acknowledging the invaluable contributions of non-European individuals in the annals of Western science.

una publicación fundada en 1984 y editada por la Sociedad Chilena de Arqueología. Desde el año 2022 es de tiraje bianual y tiene como propósito la difusión de avances, resultados, reflexiones y discusiones relativas a la investigación arqueológica nacional y de zonas aledañas. Las opiniones vertidas en este Boletín son de exclusiva responsabilidad de quienes las emiten y no representan necesariamente el pensamiento

Potentially representative of either the town of Cofitachequi or Talimeco, site 38KE12 consists of a multi-mound complex in the Wateree River Valley in central South Carolina. The site consists of a Native American occupation from approximately AD 1225 – 1562. This zooarchaeological thesis documents animal-use at 38KE12 to determine the types of species present, evaluate how animals were used in terms of body regions and taphonomic modifications, interpret whether any of the 38KE12 contexts represent ritual events or behaviors, and establish a dialogue with Indigenous descendant groups to ensure a respectful and transparent analysis of the remains.

Site 38KE12 inhabitants relied heavily on deer, turkey, and turtles, indicated by two faunal assemblages from Mound B and the Mound Precinct. Ritual traits of faunal deposits, including high quantities of food remains, large percentages of high-quality body parts, low species diversity, signs of roasting whole animals, high percentages of large animals, large percentages of symbolic animals, signs of atypical methods of disposal, and the presence of rare, dangerous, large, or otherwise unusual animals characterize potential ritual feasting deposits associated with the Mound B summit and a midden deposit within the Mound Precinct area. Animals typically considered “common” in archaeological deposits are scrutinized for their symbolic significance to help identify potential ritual activities associated with the mounds at 38KE12. The Mound B assemblage is identified as a ritual feasting deposit, potentially associated with ritual activities atop the mound summit. The Mound Precinct midden assemblage potentially represents animals processed for feasting events, but lacks enough evidence to characterize ritual behavior.

Marsella, Risaralda, es un territorio relativamente desconocido dentro del panorama arqueológico regional. Esta aparente inexistencia de información contrasta con la variedad de evidencias arqueológicas y de dinámicas sociales manifiestas en su territorio. Allí, objetos y sitios arqueológicos han protagonizado relaciones emergentes donde sus habitantes los apropian. Estas apropiaciones que van del guaqueo y el coleccionismo hasta construcciones de identidad, presentan una oportunidad especial de observar dinámicas construidas y otras inacabadas entre sitios, objetos arqueológicos, relatos y habitantes en los pueblos surgidos de la colonización antioqueña. Este trabajo de investigación presenta los resultados obtenidos del análisis de dinámicas culturales históricas y contemporáneas en Marsella, con relación a elementos considerados hoy como arqueológicos o patrimoniales. El objetivo principal de esta investigación, concebida como un estudio exploratorio, consistió en analizar las relaciones y significaciones, actuales e históricas, de los habitantes respecto a los objetos y sitios arqueológicos del territorio. Reconstruyendo las diferentes dinámicas sobre las cuales estos elementos han sido apropiados y significados por los Marselleses. Para ello hubo un rastreo documental de materialidades y sitios arqueológicos del territorio y una reconstrucción histórica que identificara las dinámicas locales valorando la tradición oral. Esto implico el uso de entrevistas, descripciones y trabajo etnográfico, para comprender practicas territoriales como la guaquería, que acompañan construcciones de identidad locales. Esta investigación pretendió analizar y comprender las transformaciones que estas prácticas han tenido en el tiempo, así como contextualizar, describir y analizar dinámicas culturales contemporáneas del municipio relacionadas con los elementos arqueológicos.

Microbotanical starch analysis is currently underutilized in U.S. Southwestern archaeological research. The general resilience of starch granules embedded in groundstone tools and ceramic vessels makes this approach ideal for investigating the dynamics of ancestral Southwestern foodways in a minimally invasive manner in line with the tenets of the Indigenous archaeology movement. This paper reports the results of a starch-focused analysis of ceramic sherds and groundstone tools recovered from the surface of a Gobernador Phase (c.1625-1760 CE) Diné (Navajo) habitation site in northwest New Mexico. Microremains evidence for a variety of early Navajo food preparation techniques is discussed in conjunction with ethnohistoric studies of Diné foodways and the ongoing food sovereignty movement in Indigenous communities.

In this paper we present part of the results from the research carried out in the Illegal Detention Centre 'El Pozo', which was active during the last military dictatorship in Rosario, Argentina (1976-1983). The research carried out aimed, first, to preserve the material traces left by people who were detenidos-desaparecidos there as well as to record the testimonial accounts of them. Both kinds of recordings were then shared and submitted to dialogue with the different views and memoirs of people who participated in workshops that took place in the Detention Center. It was this dialogic interaction with diverse narratives that enabled us to approach the limits of the act of recording and its communicability, from the edge of archaeological practice.

This article was originally published in Encyclopedia of Archaeology, 2nd Edition (ARC2), published by Elsevier, and the attached copy is provided by Elsevier for the author's benefit and for the benefit of the author's institution, for non-commercial research and educational use including without limitation use in instruction at your institution, sending it to specific colleagues who you know, and providing a copy to your institution's administrator.

This article was originally published in Encyclopedia of Archaeology, 2nd Edition (ARC2), published by Elsevier, and the attached copy is provided by Elsevier for the author's benefit and for the benefit of the author's institution, for non-commercial research and educational use including without limitation use in instruction at your institution, sending it to specific colleagues who you know, and providing a copy to your institution's administrator.

En este artículo presentamos una introducción al dossier dedicado a la memoria de Victoria Castro Rojas (1944-2022), destacando su legado en el contexto de las discusiones nacionales e internacionales sobre el aporte de las mujeres al desarrollo científico, especialmente de la arqueología y la antropología chilenas y latinoamericanas. Destacamos la figura de Vicky en su inmensa contribución desde una perspectiva biográfica, así como los aportes que examinan su impacto en la promoción de diversos campos de estudio tanto a nivel disciplinar como conceptual.

En este artículo ofrezco una reflexión sobre el giro etnográfico en arqueología y su aporte en la vinculación con los Pueblos Indígenas a través del desarrollo de las arqueologías pública, colaborativa e indígena. Este trabajo no pretende ser exhaustivo, más bien busca presentar la discusión contemporánea sobre esta temática, partiendo de lo global y terminando en un caso local.

El proceso de emergencia étnica que se desarrolla en el continente americano desde finales del siglo XX no sólo ha tenido repercusiones sociales, políticas y económicas, sino también repercusiones en el ámbito arqueológico. En Chile, desde la década de los noventa se vive un proceso de reivindicación indígena en el cual los discursos sobre el pasado y la noción de patrimonio ocupan un lugar importante. En este artículo se presenta una discusión referida a como y por qué los discursos patrimonial y arqueológico nutren el discurso étnico atacameño y se reflexionará acerca de la trama de relaciones existentes entre los actores involucrados.

El texto presenta una entrevista realizada a Victoria Castro Rojas en el contexto del primer podcast dedicado a la antropología en Chile, A campo traviesa. Luego de una introducción en donde se remarcan dos aspectos del quehacer de Castro Rojas-la superación pertinente del esquema monodisciplinar de investigación y el uso de un tono ad hoc para influir en audiencias no académicas-, se da paso a la referida entrevista. Entrelazando dimensiones personales y profesionales, tres son las secciones en que esta se despliega. La primera aborda sus inicios en el mundo académico y el impacto de la Dictadura; la segunda trata sus investigaciones, centradas en áreas del norte de Chile; finalmente, son considerados aspectos de docencia, coyuntura, y su trabajo presente y aquel que proyectaba, interrumpidos por su fallecimiento en junio de 2022.

L'archipel de Saint-Pierre-et-Miquelon se compose de trois îles principales situées à environ vingt kilomètres au sud de l'île de Terre-Neuve au Canada. Malgré son éloignement de la métropole, sa petite superficie et le faible nombre d'habitants par rapport à d'autres territoires d'outre-mer, il serait erroné de le considérer comme un cul-desac. Les notions de centralité et de périphérie prennent tout leur sens dans un contexte relationnel, et en l'occurrence, cet archipel est constamment connecté à l'île de Terre-Neuve, voire au Labrador à la période précoloniale, ainsi qu'à toutes les côtes atlantiques au cours des périodes moderne et contemporaine. Les réseaux et la saisonnalité sont au coeur de l'existence des populations de Saint-Pierre-et-Miquelon depuis son peuplement initial, avec des motivations et des moyens techniques variés selon les groupes et les époques. Cet article a un double objectif. D'une part, il vise à dresser un bilan des données archéologiques récemment acquises dans l'archipel de Saint-Pierre-et-Miquelon, au cours d'une période marquée par une intensification notable de la recherche. D'autre part, il s'attache à analyser les réseaux et la saisonnalité, qui sont des concepts essentiels pour comprendre les occupations de l'archipel au cours des cinq derniers millénaires.

Political archaeology and archaeology of liberation are two of several different aspects of the relationship between archaeology and politics. In this note, I will examine political archaeology from the aspect of its negative effects, and I will examine archaeology of liberation from the aspect of its positive effects, although each may have other benefits and harms. This means I do not intend to praise one and blame the other. Rather, I will express the most common methods that can strengthen the negative and positive aspects. For example, just as political archaeology has a negative aspect, it is possible that liberating archaeology may also show negative aspects in case of inaccuracy. Political archaeology, the intersection of politics and archaeological research, reveals how political motives can shape historical interpretations. By examining the subjective nature of historical understanding and how human perception influences our understanding of the past, we can recognize how archaeology can be manipulated by various individuals, including politicians, for political gain. Archaeology of liberation, a related field, offers a potential solution to the challenges posed by political archaeology. By centreing the voices and experiences of marginalized communities, archaeology of liberation can help to counter the biased narratives often perpetuated by political agendas. By working collaboratively with these communities, archaeologists can develop more inclusive and equitable interpretations of the past. By understanding both political archaeology and archaeology of liberation, we can gain a more comprehensive understanding of how archaeology can be used to both uphold and challenge power structures. Through a critical examination of political archaeology and a commitment to the principles of liberation archaeology, we can work towards a more just and equitable future.