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Figure 4. Plan of east mound Level III] Beycesultan, adapted from Lloyd 1972. areas within the site, implying the substan- tial scale of the dining group. Most notably, almost half of all dining vessels were found within one of the six structures excavated, and in some of the structures no dining shapes at all were recorded (Table 2). Taken together, these two factors suggest that feasting or at least commensality was practiced in LBA Bey- cesultan. eroup affiliation at Beycesultan, especially in

Figure 4 Plan of east mound Level III] Beycesultan, adapted from Lloyd 1972. areas within the site, implying the substan- tial scale of the dining group. Most notably, almost half of all dining vessels were found within one of the six structures excavated, and in some of the structures no dining shapes at all were recorded (Table 2). Taken together, these two factors suggest that feasting or at least commensality was practiced in LBA Bey- cesultan. eroup affiliation at Beycesultan, especially in

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The precise form that such practices take necessarily varies with the needs and nature of the group in question. To promote the ideol- ogy of shared belonging, such practices must emphasise the social rationale of group iden- tity, accentuating whatever perceived commo- nality lies at its root, and elevating it above the other social factors that might otherwise work to differentiate between members of the group. Investigating group identity, then, involves a close examination of ‘practices of affiliation’. Only from these can we infer a conscious group identity, and only from these can we determine the social rationale that underpinned this identity. Adopting this approach avoids the current problem wherein group identities are unthinkingly ascribed to patterns in material culture, and where ethnicity is assumed to lie Figure 1. Map of Anatolia and the Aegean. Beycesultan and Western Anatolia LBA-EIA western Anatolia was populated by diverse, interrelated, and constantly shift- ing groups. Political groups made and broke alliances, ethnic groups expanded and con- tracted, and elite groups rose and fell. In con- temporary Hittite documents, the region is portrayed as a fluid patchwork of independent polities, engaged in complex and ever-chang- ing networks of trade, communication and diplomacy (Beckman 1996; Bryce 2003; 2006:
The precise form that such practices take necessarily varies with the needs and nature of the group in question. To promote the ideol- ogy of shared belonging, such practices must emphasise the social rationale of group iden- tity, accentuating whatever perceived commo- nality lies at its root, and elevating it above the other social factors that might otherwise work to differentiate between members of the group. Investigating group identity, then, involves a close examination of ‘practices of affiliation’. Only from these can we infer a conscious group identity, and only from these can we determine the social rationale that underpinned this identity. Adopting this approach avoids the current problem wherein group identities are unthinkingly ascribed to patterns in material culture, and where ethnicity is assumed to lie Figure 1. Map of Anatolia and the Aegean. Beycesultan and Western Anatolia LBA-EIA western Anatolia was populated by diverse, interrelated, and constantly shift- ing groups. Political groups made and broke alliances, ethnic groups expanded and con- tracted, and elite groups rose and fell. In con- temporary Hittite documents, the region is portrayed as a fluid patchwork of independent polities, engaged in complex and ever-chang- ing networks of trade, communication and diplomacy (Beckman 1996; Bryce 2003; 2006:
Figure 2. Beycesultan viewed from the south. Heinhold Kramer 1977; Hawkins 1998). The archaeological record largely supports this picture, as both material culture styles and cultural practices show dense micro-regional patterning (Basedow 2002; Bayne 2000; Mee 1998; Mountjoy 1998). Despite the conven- tional view that western Anatolia was caught between the Greek world and the Near East (see above), it seems that the politics of group identity was both complex and nuanced. ee ee Te ie ee oe ee eee range of material found rather than preserving relative quantities, and to focus primarily on the more eye-catching of the small finds and fine ware ceramics (Lloyd 1955; David and Lisa French pers. comm.). This study there- fore relies heavily on unpublished material in the form of archived documents and finds in museum storage (see acknowledgments). Fortunately, the excavators’ selection biases were constant in all phases. This permits comparison between different levels and an exploration of change over time, but not a full quantitative analysis of the assemblages. Tr qT f 11 © Tr 1 wa te qT
Figure 2. Beycesultan viewed from the south. Heinhold Kramer 1977; Hawkins 1998). The archaeological record largely supports this picture, as both material culture styles and cultural practices show dense micro-regional patterning (Basedow 2002; Bayne 2000; Mee 1998; Mountjoy 1998). Despite the conven- tional view that western Anatolia was caught between the Greek world and the Near East (see above), it seems that the politics of group identity was both complex and nuanced. ee ee Te ie ee oe ee eee range of material found rather than preserving relative quantities, and to focus primarily on the more eye-catching of the small finds and fine ware ceramics (Lloyd 1955; David and Lisa French pers. comm.). This study there- fore relies heavily on unpublished material in the form of archived documents and finds in museum storage (see acknowledgments). Fortunately, the excavators’ selection biases were constant in all phases. This permits comparison between different levels and an exploration of change over time, but not a full quantitative analysis of the assemblages. Tr qT f 11 © Tr 1 wa te qT
Table 1. Ceramic vessels by functional category. individual identities (Dietler 1990; Treherne 1995). In this case, however, it appears that group solidarity rather than differentiation was emphasised. This is suggested by the high level of homogeneity within the dining assemblage, which not only conforms to a strictly standardised set of shapes (Figure 5; Mellaart and Murray 1995) but also to a very narrow range of decorative styles. Nearly 75% of all fine wares from this phase make use of warm-coloured decorative schemes (Types Cl and C2, see Table 3). It therefore seems that in LBA Beycesultan commensality brought together groups of people and stressed a sense of collective ‘us’ through standardised and homogeneous material culture features. In this way, the differences between group members would have been played down, and a sense of cohesion between them played up.
Table 1. Ceramic vessels by functional category. individual identities (Dietler 1990; Treherne 1995). In this case, however, it appears that group solidarity rather than differentiation was emphasised. This is suggested by the high level of homogeneity within the dining assemblage, which not only conforms to a strictly standardised set of shapes (Figure 5; Mellaart and Murray 1995) but also to a very narrow range of decorative styles. Nearly 75% of all fine wares from this phase make use of warm-coloured decorative schemes (Types Cl and C2, see Table 3). It therefore seems that in LBA Beycesultan commensality brought together groups of people and stressed a sense of collective ‘us’ through standardised and homogeneous material culture features. In this way, the differences between group members would have been played down, and a sense of cohesion between them played up.
Table 2. Level III dining vessels by excavated structure. Thus we could argue that evidence exists at Beycesultan for some form of conscious group identity. Nonetheless there are also signs of social differentiation at the site, indicating that such a group identity was not open to all. A shrine building was in use during this period, which implies exclusivity in both its small size
Table 2. Level III dining vessels by excavated structure. Thus we could argue that evidence exists at Beycesultan for some form of conscious group identity. Nonetheless there are also signs of social differentiation at the site, indicating that such a group identity was not open to all. A shrine building was in use during this period, which implies exclusivity in both its small size
Figure 5. Collection of drinking vessels from Level II] Beycesultan.
Figure 5. Collection of drinking vessels from Level II] Beycesultan.
Table 3. Ceramic vessels by decorative type.
Table 3. Ceramic vessels by decorative type.
Figure 6. Map showing a reconstruction of Hittite geography.
Figure 6. Map showing a reconstruction of Hittite geography.
Figure 7. Plan of east mound Level II Beycesultan, adapted from Lloyd 1972.
Figure 7. Plan of east mound Level II Beycesultan, adapted from Lloyd 1972.
Table 4. Floor space of domestic units. schemes that so dominated the previous phases (Types Cl and C2), lustrous schemes (Types Al and A2) also became popular (Table 3). Although this does not represent an especially wide range of different styles and still implies some level of conservatism, it is nonetheless significant that elite ceramics were no longer visually homogeneous. While Level III vessels encouraged a sense of similarity and standardi- sation, this levelling factor is absent form the Level II assemblage.
Table 4. Floor space of domestic units. schemes that so dominated the previous phases (Types Cl and C2), lustrous schemes (Types Al and A2) also became popular (Table 3). Although this does not represent an especially wide range of different styles and still implies some level of conservatism, it is nonetheless significant that elite ceramics were no longer visually homogeneous. While Level III vessels encouraged a sense of similarity and standardi- sation, this levelling factor is absent form the Level II assemblage.
Figure 8. Plan of east mound Level Ib Beycesultan, adapted from Lloyd 1972. as two circular pits have been found which Hierarchy also seems to be absent from the non-domestic built environment. Signifi- cantly, in Level Ib there are no obvious public or central structures such as the shrine build- ings or the stable complex, suggesting less cen- tralisation and a less rigidly structured social organisation. Rather a large open area to the east of the domestic buildings was plastered over with a thick layer of white gypsum and appears to have been used for ritual purposes. The large-scale slaughter of animals seems to have been a feature of this ritual activity, as two circular pits have been found which
Figure 8. Plan of east mound Level Ib Beycesultan, adapted from Lloyd 1972. as two circular pits have been found which Hierarchy also seems to be absent from the non-domestic built environment. Signifi- cantly, in Level Ib there are no obvious public or central structures such as the shrine build- ings or the stable complex, suggesting less cen- tralisation and a less rigidly structured social organisation. Rather a large open area to the east of the domestic buildings was plastered over with a thick layer of white gypsum and appears to have been used for ritual purposes. The large-scale slaughter of animals seems to have been a feature of this ritual activity, as two circular pits have been found which
Table 5. Small finds by functional category. There is a new emphasis on jewellery and bodily adornment in Level Ib, suggesting a greater focus on the body and personal status of the individual when compared to previous phases (Table 5). Not only can a greater pro- Status competition is also indicated in the ceramic record, as there is a sudden diversifi- cation of the decorative types in use (Table 3). Level Ib exhibits the greatest breadth in the ceramic repertoire of all the phases considered here. There seems to have been no established or dominant elite style; instead the wide variety of aesthetic schemes supports the idea of competitive display. The previously popu- lar lustrous and warm-coloured decorative schemes are joined in this phase by greater numbers of linear painted vessels (Types Bl of the individual when compared to previous
Table 5. Small finds by functional category. There is a new emphasis on jewellery and bodily adornment in Level Ib, suggesting a greater focus on the body and personal status of the individual when compared to previous phases (Table 5). Not only can a greater pro- Status competition is also indicated in the ceramic record, as there is a sudden diversifi- cation of the decorative types in use (Table 3). Level Ib exhibits the greatest breadth in the ceramic repertoire of all the phases considered here. There seems to have been no established or dominant elite style; instead the wide variety of aesthetic schemes supports the idea of competitive display. The previously popu- lar lustrous and warm-coloured decorative schemes are joined in this phase by greater numbers of linear painted vessels (Types Bl of the individual when compared to previous
»9. Jewellery items from the Level Ib houses (Mellaart and Murray 1995, reproduced with the kind permis- sion of the BIAA).
»9. Jewellery items from the Level Ib houses (Mellaart and Murray 1995, reproduced with the kind permis- sion of the BIAA).
Figure 10. Plan of Level Ia Beycesultan, adapted from Lloyd 1972. to the west and a large circular baking oven to the east (Figure 10). The excavators suggested that the population had shrunk to very small proportions, perhaps consisting of only one extended family (Lloyd 1972: 6). This level, however, was severely disturbed by later build- ing and quarrying activity, and traces of other domestic remains may have been completely destroyed. The population of Level Ia may therefore have been considerably larger than suggested by the surviving remains. Indeed, the forms of both the megaron house and the baking oven suggest that this was so, and both hint at the return of a sense of group identity or collective ‘us’ which had been absent from Levels II and Ib Beycesultan. 1 7 af & 1 lon om | 1 PS i i 1 71 had there been one it seems unlikely that it would have been informed by ethnicity. Starkly contrasting with the localised prefer- ences of Level III, the Level Ib assemblage embraced a broad range of different exter- nal influences, readily incorporating imported goods and exotica from across the eastern Mediterranean. Foreign styles and imported items therefore seem to have been seen less as indicators of ethnic affinity, and more as tools in the competitive discourse of status negotia- tion.
Figure 10. Plan of Level Ia Beycesultan, adapted from Lloyd 1972. to the west and a large circular baking oven to the east (Figure 10). The excavators suggested that the population had shrunk to very small proportions, perhaps consisting of only one extended family (Lloyd 1972: 6). This level, however, was severely disturbed by later build- ing and quarrying activity, and traces of other domestic remains may have been completely destroyed. The population of Level Ia may therefore have been considerably larger than suggested by the surviving remains. Indeed, the forms of both the megaron house and the baking oven suggest that this was so, and both hint at the return of a sense of group identity or collective ‘us’ which had been absent from Levels II and Ib Beycesultan. 1 7 af & 1 lon om | 1 PS i i 1 71 had there been one it seems unlikely that it would have been informed by ethnicity. Starkly contrasting with the localised prefer- ences of Level III, the Level Ib assemblage embraced a broad range of different exter- nal influences, readily incorporating imported goods and exotica from across the eastern Mediterranean. Foreign styles and imported items therefore seem to have been seen less as indicators of ethnic affinity, and more as tools in the competitive discourse of status negotia- tion.
Related topics:
Anatolian ArchaeologyIdentity (Culture)Archaeological Method & TheorySocial ArchaeologyArchaeology of ethnicityArchaeological TheoryArchaeology of Identity
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