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Table 3.4: Class affiliations of learners and instructors. Table 3.3: Structure of the Korean language program.

Table 3 4: Class affiliations of learners and instructors. Table 3.3: Structure of the Korean language program.

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Figure 2.1: A typology of the different possible bilingual systems of voiceless stops, based on Laeufer (1996:329). Coexistent systems are schematized in 2.la, merged systems of Type I-III in 2.1b—2.1d, and super-subordinate systems of Type I-III in 2.le-2.1g. Slashes denote the phonological (phonemic) level; brackets, the phonetic (allophonic) level; and braces, the realizational (motoric) level. Capitals denote a mixed, non-language-specific representation, while italics indicate that the phonetic norm of the given language is not reached.
Figure 2.1: A typology of the different possible bilingual systems of voiceless stops, based on Laeufer (1996:329). Coexistent systems are schematized in 2.la, merged systems of Type I-III in 2.1b—2.1d, and super-subordinate systems of Type I-III in 2.le-2.1g. Slashes denote the phonological (phonemic) level; brackets, the phonetic (allophonic) level; and braces, the realizational (motoric) level. Capitals denote a mixed, non-language-specific representation, while italics indicate that the phonetic norm of the given language is not reached.
Table 3.1: Demographic data, L2 learners of Korean.
Table 3.1: Demographic data, L2 learners of Korean.
Table 3.2: Demographic data, native speakers of Korean.
Table 3.2: Demographic data, native speakers of Korean.
Figure 3.1: Experimental environment for Experiments 1K and 2E.
Figure 3.1: Experimental environment for Experiments 1K and 2E.
Table 3.5: Korean and English stimuli used in Experiments 1K and 2E
Table 3.5: Korean and English stimuli used in Experiments 1K and 2E
Figure 3.2: Marking of negative VOT in an initial prevoiced plosive (got, Token 2, LM13, Week 3). voicing onset was taken to be the first point at which a voicing bar with clear glottal striations appeared in the spectrogram. In unclear cases, this point was marked early (i.e., at the leftmost point of an ambiguous interval in the spectrogram such as breathy phonation, which often showed a voicing bar similar to modal phonation). striations appeared in the spectrogram. In unclear cases, this point was marked early
Figure 3.2: Marking of negative VOT in an initial prevoiced plosive (got, Token 2, LM13, Week 3). voicing onset was taken to be the first point at which a voicing bar with clear glottal striations appeared in the spectrogram. In unclear cases, this point was marked early (i.e., at the leftmost point of an ambiguous interval in the spectrogram such as breathy phonation, which often showed a voicing bar similar to modal phonation). striations appeared in the spectrogram. In unclear cases, this point was marked early
was more than 33% longer or shorter than the following period. In unclear cases, the beginning of the interval was marked early (i.e., a slightly irregular initial period was included in the interval) so as to obtain a measurement as close to the onset of the vowel as possible. No fp measurement included in the final data set resulted from a three-period interval that skipped over more than five periods; if a token being analyzed was such that the earliest interval of three regular periods occurred more than five periods into the vowel (i.e., the vowel started off with an extended interval of creaky or irregular phonation), the token was discarded.’ Figure 3.4 shows an ex- ample of a three-period interval marked right at the beginning of a vowel with regular phonation from onset, while Figure 3.5 shows a three-period interval marked a few periods into the vowel so as to skip over the initial irregular periods. T. = f=. fe, gf SMe OP ee Oe se ie ts
was more than 33% longer or shorter than the following period. In unclear cases, the beginning of the interval was marked early (i.e., a slightly irregular initial period was included in the interval) so as to obtain a measurement as close to the onset of the vowel as possible. No fp measurement included in the final data set resulted from a three-period interval that skipped over more than five periods; if a token being analyzed was such that the earliest interval of three regular periods occurred more than five periods into the vowel (i.e., the vowel started off with an extended interval of creaky or irregular phonation), the token was discarded.’ Figure 3.4 shows an ex- ample of a three-period interval marked right at the beginning of a vowel with regular phonation from onset, while Figure 3.5 shows a three-period interval marked a few periods into the vowel so as to skip over the initial irregular periods. T. = f=. fe, gf SMe OP ee Oe se ie ts
Figure 3.4: Marking of a three-period interval at the beginning of a vowel with regular phonation (got, Token 1, LM13, Week 3).
Figure 3.4: Marking of a three-period interval at the beginning of a vowel with regular phonation (got, Token 1, LM13, Week 3).
Figure 3.5: Marking of a three-period interval at the beginning of a vowel with some irregular phonation ( ‘bot, Token 3, LF05, Week 3).
Figure 3.5: Marking of a three-period interval at the beginning of a vowel with some irregular phonation ( ‘bot, Token 3, LF05, Week 3).
Figure 3.6: Marking of vowel onset and offset in a consonant-final word (hut, Token 1, LM13, Week 3).
Figure 3.6: Marking of vowel onset and offset in a consonant-final word (hut, Token 1, LM13, Week 3).
Figure 3.7: Marking of vowel onset and offset in a vowel-final word (@] /ha/, Token 1, LM13, Week 3).
Figure 3.7: Marking of vowel onset and offset in a vowel-final word (@] /ha/, Token 1, LM13, Week 3).
Table 4.1: Native VOT norms (in ms) for plosives in Korean and English. Korean figures are averaged over the nine native speaker participants, English figures are from Lisker and Abramson (1964:394). and Horrocks 2002; Cho, Jun, and Ladefoged 2002; Kim 2004; Silva 2006a; Kang and Guion 2008), while fo onset has been shown to increase going from lenis to fortis to aspirated stops (Han and Weitzman 1970; Hardcastle 1973; Kagaya 1974; Han 1996; Ahn 1999; Lee and Jung 2000; Kim et al. 2002; Cho et al. 2002; Kim 2004; Silva 2006a; Kang and Guion 2008). The phonetic implementation of the Korean contrast, however, has been undergoing a change in the language, with younger speakers in- creasingly relying on fp to distinguish categories that used to be more distinguishable on the basis of VOT alone (Silva 2006a,b; Kang and Guion 2008). In each of these dimensions there is now considerable overlap between categories, such that VOT and fo are both necessary cues for making a full three-way contrast, schematized in Figure 4.1 on the basis of the perception and production data of Kim (2004). The stop pro- duction of the native Korean participants in the current study is consistent with this general phonetic space, as shown in Figure 4.2. Thus, in the Korean speech to which learner participants had the most exposure, the Korean laryngeal categories can be assumed to be realized as follows: fortis stops, with short-lag VOT and relatively high fp onset; lenis stops, with medium- to long-lag VOT and relatively low fo onset; and aspirated stops, with the longest VOT and the highest fp onset. Tn contrast to the necessarv use of VOT and fain making a full three-wav contrast
Table 4.1: Native VOT norms (in ms) for plosives in Korean and English. Korean figures are averaged over the nine native speaker participants, English figures are from Lisker and Abramson (1964:394). and Horrocks 2002; Cho, Jun, and Ladefoged 2002; Kim 2004; Silva 2006a; Kang and Guion 2008), while fo onset has been shown to increase going from lenis to fortis to aspirated stops (Han and Weitzman 1970; Hardcastle 1973; Kagaya 1974; Han 1996; Ahn 1999; Lee and Jung 2000; Kim et al. 2002; Cho et al. 2002; Kim 2004; Silva 2006a; Kang and Guion 2008). The phonetic implementation of the Korean contrast, however, has been undergoing a change in the language, with younger speakers in- creasingly relying on fp to distinguish categories that used to be more distinguishable on the basis of VOT alone (Silva 2006a,b; Kang and Guion 2008). In each of these dimensions there is now considerable overlap between categories, such that VOT and fo are both necessary cues for making a full three-way contrast, schematized in Figure 4.1 on the basis of the perception and production data of Kim (2004). The stop pro- duction of the native Korean participants in the current study is consistent with this general phonetic space, as shown in Figure 4.2. Thus, in the Korean speech to which learner participants had the most exposure, the Korean laryngeal categories can be assumed to be realized as follows: fortis stops, with short-lag VOT and relatively high fp onset; lenis stops, with medium- to long-lag VOT and relatively low fo onset; and aspirated stops, with the longest VOT and the highest fp onset. Tn contrast to the necessarv use of VOT and fain making a full three-wav contrast
Table 4.2: Predictions for rapid assimilatory phonetic drift in English voiced and voiceless stop consonants, based on the hypotheses presented in Chapter 2. Summa- rized for both VOT and fo onset are: (a) whether drift is predicted, (b) the direction of drift predicted, and (c) the L2 Korean property predicted to trigger the drift.
Table 4.2: Predictions for rapid assimilatory phonetic drift in English voiced and voiceless stop consonants, based on the hypotheses presented in Chapter 2. Summa- rized for both VOT and fo onset are: (a) whether drift is predicted, (b) the direction of drift predicted, and (c) the L2 Korean property predicted to trigger the drift.
Figure 4.5: Mean VOT (a) and mean fp onset (b) in English voiced plosives over time, by voicing type. Prevoiced productions are plotted in circles, short-lag productions in triangles. Error bars indicate 95% confidence intervals.
Figure 4.5: Mean VOT (a) and mean fp onset (b) in English voiced plosives over time, by voicing type. Prevoiced productions are plotted in circles, short-lag productions in triangles. Error bars indicate 95% confidence intervals.
Time (weeks into language program)
Time (weeks into language program)
Table 4.3: Transliteration of Korean stop consonants in the Yale, McCune-Reischauer. and Revised Romanization systems. nakes them similar to English voiced stops. Furthermore, in medial position Korea enis stops are usually more similar in VOT to English voiced stops, with voicin luring closure or a short-lag VOT (Silva 1992, among others). It could be that—wit <orean fortis stops linked to English voiced stops and Korean aspirated stops linke o English voiceless stops—Korean lenis stops are the odd category out, constitutin . “new” L2 category in the framework of the Speech Learning Model (Flege 1995 Towever, the findings of Schmidt (2007), which show that English speakers perceiv <orean lenis stops as more similar to English voiceless stops than to English voice tops, but as less close to English voiceless stops than Korean aspirated stops a1 yerceived as being, suggest that, to L1 English learners of Korean, Korean lenis stor nore likely constitute a marked version of English voiceless stops than a “new” sto ype—in the framework of the Perceptual Assimilation Model (Best 1995), assimilabl o an Ll category via Category-Goodness Difference type assimilation, rather tha imply being Non-Assimilable. Nevertheless, it is not clear that Korean lenis stor ire linked to English voiceless stops, at least in the same way that Korean aspirate tops seem to be. By showing only modest changes in VOT and fo limited to short ag productions, Korean lenis stops in this study do not pattern quite like Englis voiceless stops (which show substantial changes in both VOT and fo) or like Englis yoiced stops (which show a significant change in fp, but not VOT). Thus, it appeat hat Korean lenis stops either escape linkage with an English category or are s nconsistently classified by learners that no clear group pattern emerges. Future wor should attempt to distinguish between these two possibilities. As the first study to document early phonetic drift in adult L2 learners, the cu
Table 4.3: Transliteration of Korean stop consonants in the Yale, McCune-Reischauer. and Revised Romanization systems. nakes them similar to English voiced stops. Furthermore, in medial position Korea enis stops are usually more similar in VOT to English voiced stops, with voicin luring closure or a short-lag VOT (Silva 1992, among others). It could be that—wit <orean fortis stops linked to English voiced stops and Korean aspirated stops linke o English voiceless stops—Korean lenis stops are the odd category out, constitutin . “new” L2 category in the framework of the Speech Learning Model (Flege 1995 Towever, the findings of Schmidt (2007), which show that English speakers perceiv <orean lenis stops as more similar to English voiceless stops than to English voice tops, but as less close to English voiceless stops than Korean aspirated stops a1 yerceived as being, suggest that, to L1 English learners of Korean, Korean lenis stor nore likely constitute a marked version of English voiceless stops than a “new” sto ype—in the framework of the Perceptual Assimilation Model (Best 1995), assimilabl o an Ll category via Category-Goodness Difference type assimilation, rather tha imply being Non-Assimilable. Nevertheless, it is not clear that Korean lenis stor ire linked to English voiceless stops, at least in the same way that Korean aspirate tops seem to be. By showing only modest changes in VOT and fo limited to short ag productions, Korean lenis stops in this study do not pattern quite like Englis voiceless stops (which show substantial changes in both VOT and fo) or like Englis yoiced stops (which show a significant change in fp, but not VOT). Thus, it appeat hat Korean lenis stops either escape linkage with an English category or are s nconsistently classified by learners that no clear group pattern emerges. Future wor should attempt to distinguish between these two possibilities. As the first study to document early phonetic drift in adult L2 learners, the cu
Table 5.1: Native F, and Fy norms for Korean vowels. Figures (in Hz) are means over the seven female and two male native Korean speaker participants. Standarc deviations are presented in parentheses alongside the means.
Table 5.1: Native F, and Fy norms for Korean vowels. Figures (in Hz) are means over the seven female and two male native Korean speaker participants. Standarc deviations are presented in parentheses alongside the means.
Table 5.4: Overall F, and Fy levels of the Korean vowel space and the American English vowel space. Figures (in Hz) are averages over norms for the seven Korean monophthongs as produced by the native Korean speaker participants, and for the eleven English monophthongs as produced by talkers from the Mid-Atlantic (MidA), northern Midwest (NMidW), South and Southwest (S&SW), and southern California (SoCal). and the lower (i.e., non-high) region. With regard to the front region, the English vowel space contains five front vowels, compared to two front vowels in Korean. With regard to the lower region, the English vowel space includes a rather centralized /1/, /e/, /x/, and, for many speakers, /o/—-vowels that are all absent from the Korean inventory. Moreover, several vowels that the two languages have in common (in that they are either standardly transcribed with the same IPA symbol or are phonetically close) are located at different points in the vowel space, with the Korean vowel being realized as higher (and, often, as more back). Korean /o/, /a/, and /i/ are each higher than English /o/, /a/, and /u/, respectively; /o/ and /a/, moreover, are further back in Korean than in English. These comparisons suggest that the Korean vowel space is probably higher and more back overall than the English vowel space, and this conclusion is consistent with overall F, and F» levels in the two languages (Table 5.4). When the norms for the individual vowels in each system are averaged to calculate grand means for F and F over the entire vowel space, overall F and Fy levels are consistently found to be lower for the Korean vowel space.* In other words, the Korean vowel space as a whole is indeed higher and more back than the English vowel space, and this cross-linguistic difference is true of Korean in comparison to all four of the Enelish dialects examined here.
Table 5.4: Overall F, and Fy levels of the Korean vowel space and the American English vowel space. Figures (in Hz) are averages over norms for the seven Korean monophthongs as produced by the native Korean speaker participants, and for the eleven English monophthongs as produced by talkers from the Mid-Atlantic (MidA), northern Midwest (NMidW), South and Southwest (S&SW), and southern California (SoCal). and the lower (i.e., non-high) region. With regard to the front region, the English vowel space contains five front vowels, compared to two front vowels in Korean. With regard to the lower region, the English vowel space includes a rather centralized /1/, /e/, /x/, and, for many speakers, /o/—-vowels that are all absent from the Korean inventory. Moreover, several vowels that the two languages have in common (in that they are either standardly transcribed with the same IPA symbol or are phonetically close) are located at different points in the vowel space, with the Korean vowel being realized as higher (and, often, as more back). Korean /o/, /a/, and /i/ are each higher than English /o/, /a/, and /u/, respectively; /o/ and /a/, moreover, are further back in Korean than in English. These comparisons suggest that the Korean vowel space is probably higher and more back overall than the English vowel space, and this conclusion is consistent with overall F, and F» levels in the two languages (Table 5.4). When the norms for the individual vowels in each system are averaged to calculate grand means for F and F over the entire vowel space, overall F and Fy levels are consistently found to be lower for the Korean vowel space.* In other words, the Korean vowel space as a whole is indeed higher and more back than the English vowel space, and this cross-linguistic difference is true of Korean in comparison to all four of the Enelish dialects examined here.
Figure 5.5: Mean F; and mean F% of the English vowel space over time, by formant and talker gender: (a) mean F\, female learners; (b) mean F, female learners; (c) mean F,, male learners; (d) mean F), male learners. Error bars indicate 95% confidence intervals.
Figure 5.5: Mean F; and mean F% of the English vowel space over time, by formant and talker gender: (a) mean F\, female learners; (b) mean F, female learners; (c) mean F,, male learners; (d) mean F), male learners. Error bars indicate 95% confidence intervals.
Table 5.5: Results of repeated-measures analyses of variance testing for the effect of time on F; and Fy, by vowel and talker gender. Table 5.6: Results of Tukey’s HSD test examining differences in F, between weeks for female L2 learners, by vowel. Units are Hertz. Positive differences indicate an increase from the first week to the following week, negative differences a decrease.
Table 5.5: Results of repeated-measures analyses of variance testing for the effect of time on F; and Fy, by vowel and talker gender. Table 5.6: Results of Tukey’s HSD test examining differences in F, between weeks for female L2 learners, by vowel. Units are Hertz. Positive differences indicate an increase from the first week to the following week, negative differences a decrease.
Figure 5.6: Cases of significant phonetic drift in individual English vowels: (a) mean F, female learners’ /a/; (b) mean F>, male learners’ /u/. Error bars indicate 95% confidence intervals.
Figure 5.6: Cases of significant phonetic drift in individual English vowels: (a) mean F, female learners’ /a/; (b) mean F>, male learners’ /u/. Error bars indicate 95% confidence intervals.
Figure 5.7: Mean F{ of female L2 learners’ English vowels over time, by vowel. Plots are labeled with the standard IPA transcriptions of the vowels. Error bars indicate 95% confidence intervals.
Figure 5.7: Mean F{ of female L2 learners’ English vowels over time, by vowel. Plots are labeled with the standard IPA transcriptions of the vowels. Error bars indicate 95% confidence intervals.
in Figure 5.5: female learners showed a significant decline in Ff over time, whereas male learners showed a small, non-significant increase.
in Figure 5.5: female learners showed a significant decline in Ff over time, whereas male learners showed a small, non-significant increase.
Figure 5.9: Mean F, by mean Fy of English /a/ over time in female learners, by dialect group: (a) the non-fronting dialects of the Mid-Atlantic, South/Southwest, Eastern New England, and Pacific Northwest; (b) the fronting dialects of the Inland North and North Midland. The scale of both axes is logarithmic. Means are plotted with numerical symbols corresponding to the week in the language program. Error bars indicate +1 standard error about the mean.
Figure 5.9: Mean F, by mean Fy of English /a/ over time in female learners, by dialect group: (a) the non-fronting dialects of the Mid-Atlantic, South/Southwest, Eastern New England, and Pacific Northwest; (b) the fronting dialects of the Inland North and North Midland. The scale of both axes is logarithmic. Means are plotted with numerical symbols corresponding to the week in the language program. Error bars indicate +1 standard error about the mean.
Figure 5.10: Mean F by mean F5 of English vowels over time as produced by talkers from the Mid-Atlantic. The scale of both axes is logarithmic. Week 1 means are represented with squares connected by solid gray lines; Week 3 means, with circles connected by dotted gray lines; and Week 5 means, with triangles connected by solid black lines. Error bars indicate +1 standard error about the mean.
Figure 5.10: Mean F by mean F5 of English vowels over time as produced by talkers from the Mid-Atlantic. The scale of both axes is logarithmic. Week 1 means are represented with squares connected by solid gray lines; Week 3 means, with circles connected by dotted gray lines; and Week 5 means, with triangles connected by solid black lines. Error bars indicate +1 standard error about the mean.
Figure 5.11: Mean F\ by mean F5 of English vowels over time as produced by talkers from the South/Southwest. The scale of both axes is logarithmic. Week 1 means are represented with squares connected by solid gray lines; Week 3 means, with circles connected by dotted gray lines; and Week 5 means, with triangles connected by solid black lines. Error bars indicate +1 standard error about the mean.
Figure 5.11: Mean F\ by mean F5 of English vowels over time as produced by talkers from the South/Southwest. The scale of both axes is logarithmic. Week 1 means are represented with squares connected by solid gray lines; Week 3 means, with circles connected by dotted gray lines; and Week 5 means, with triangles connected by solid black lines. Error bars indicate +1 standard error about the mean.
Figure 5.12: Mean F\ by mean F5 of English vowels over time as produced by talkers from the Inland North. The scale of both axes is logarithmic. Week 1 means are represented with squares connected by solid gray lines; Week 3 means, with circles connected by dotted gray lines; and Week 5 means, with triangles connected by solid black lines. Error bars indicate +1 standard error about the mean.
Figure 5.12: Mean F\ by mean F5 of English vowels over time as produced by talkers from the Inland North. The scale of both axes is logarithmic. Week 1 means are represented with squares connected by solid gray lines; Week 3 means, with circles connected by dotted gray lines; and Week 5 means, with triangles connected by solid black lines. Error bars indicate +1 standard error about the mean.
Figure 5.13: Mean F\ by mean F5 of English vowels over time as produced by talkers from the North Midland. The scale of both axes is logarithmic. Week 1 means are represented with squares connected by solid gray lines; Week 3 means, with circles connected by dotted gray lines; and Week 5 means, with triangles connected by solid black lines. Error bars indicate +1 standard error about the mean.
Figure 5.13: Mean F\ by mean F5 of English vowels over time as produced by talkers from the North Midland. The scale of both axes is logarithmic. Week 1 means are represented with squares connected by solid gray lines; Week 3 means, with circles connected by dotted gray lines; and Week 5 means, with triangles connected by solid black lines. Error bars indicate +1 standard error about the mean.
Figure 5.14: Mean F\ by mean F5 of English vowels over time as produced by talkers from Eastern New England. The scale of both axes is logarithmic. Week 1 means are represented with squares connected by solid gray lines; Week 3 means, with circles connected by dotted gray lines; and Week 5 means, with triangles connected by solid black lines. Error bars indicate +1 standard error about the mean.
Figure 5.14: Mean F\ by mean F5 of English vowels over time as produced by talkers from Eastern New England. The scale of both axes is logarithmic. Week 1 means are represented with squares connected by solid gray lines; Week 3 means, with circles connected by dotted gray lines; and Week 5 means, with triangles connected by solid black lines. Error bars indicate +1 standard error about the mean.
Figure 5.15: Mean F\ by mean F5 of English vowels over time as produced by talkers from the Pacific Northwest. The scale of both axes is logarithmic. Week 1 means are represented with squares connected by solid gray lines; Week 3 means, with circles connected by dotted gray lines; and Week 5 means, with triangles connected by solid black lines. Error bars indicate +1 standard error about the mean.
Figure 5.15: Mean F\ by mean F5 of English vowels over time as produced by talkers from the Pacific Northwest. The scale of both axes is logarithmic. Week 1 means are represented with squares connected by solid gray lines; Week 3 means, with circles connected by dotted gray lines; and Week 5 means, with triangles connected by solid black lines. Error bars indicate +1 standard error about the mean.
Figure 5.21: Mean spacing between model (native female) Korean vowels and English vowels over time, by talker gender: (a) female L2 learners; (b) male L2 learners. Error bars indicate 95% confidence intervals.
Figure 5.21: Mean spacing between model (native female) Korean vowels and English vowels over time, by talker gender: (a) female L2 learners; (b) male L2 learners. Error bars indicate 95% confidence intervals.
If there are more people than will fit in the table, please describe in free pros how they contributed to your exposure to Korean.
If there are more people than will fit in the table, please describe in free pros how they contributed to your exposure to Korean.
Related topics:
PhonologyPhoneticsSpeech ProductionLanguage Acquisition and DevelopmentFirst Language AttritionBilingualism and cognitionKorean language
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