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TABLE 10.15 War experience of MPs of the Eleventh Parliament 1953-1958 Table 10.14 indicates that the general MP profile remained distinctly middle class in terms of schooling, education and profession. The officer corps still dominated, with only three NCOs in the group. In terms of education, 13 of the 19 had attended elite South African schools, with only one without a tertiary qualification. A third of the group were from the legal profession. English speakers (13) dominated the group, followed by Afrikaans (3) and Jewish (3) members.'”°

Table 10 15 War experience of MPs of the Eleventh Parliament 1953-1958 Table 10.14 indicates that the general MP profile remained distinctly middle class in terms of schooling, education and profession. The officer corps still dominated, with only three NCOs in the group. In terms of education, 13 of the 19 had attended elite South African schools, with only one without a tertiary qualification. A third of the group were from the legal profession. English speakers (13) dominated the group, followed by Afrikaans (3) and Jewish (3) members.'”°

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MAP 1: Principal Movements Of Arthur Bintliff During The Madagascar Campaign
MAP 1: Principal Movements Of Arthur Bintliff During The Madagascar Campaign
FIGURE 1: The Military Intelligence Directorate on 1 April 1945. The War History Section is shaded. Robinson, who had been the SAAF Recording Officer in Malta, Drummond, who joined the outfit in April 1944, Dennis Etheredge, and two WAAF shorthand typists. After the fall of Rome, they moved with Theron to Italy.'* Other recording officers, stationed with dispersed formations, included Capt Tony Delius, Lt JC Pieterse, and Lt AE Trollip, whose main responsibility was the non-divisional units, while Reg Davis joined the section in July 1944. Davis had joined the gunners after graduating; he was captured at Tobruk, escaped from Italy, and, like Axelson, responded to an advertisement for a job with Agar-Hamilton. He had been one of Axelson’s students.'° advertisement for a job with Agar-Hamilton. He had been one of Axelson’s students.’
FIGURE 1: The Military Intelligence Directorate on 1 April 1945. The War History Section is shaded. Robinson, who had been the SAAF Recording Officer in Malta, Drummond, who joined the outfit in April 1944, Dennis Etheredge, and two WAAF shorthand typists. After the fall of Rome, they moved with Theron to Italy.'* Other recording officers, stationed with dispersed formations, included Capt Tony Delius, Lt JC Pieterse, and Lt AE Trollip, whose main responsibility was the non-divisional units, while Reg Davis joined the section in July 1944. Davis had joined the gunners after graduating; he was captured at Tobruk, escaped from Italy, and, like Axelson, responded to an advertisement for a job with Agar-Hamilton. He had been one of Axelson’s students.'° advertisement for a job with Agar-Hamilton. He had been one of Axelson’s students.’
TABLE 1: Total Union Defence Force and Estimates of Foreign Nationals, 1939-1945 Sources: South Africa at War, Vol 7; Chief of the General Staff (War), Box 51 and 52; Secretary for Defence, Box 3058.
TABLE 1: Total Union Defence Force and Estimates of Foreign Nationals, 1939-1945 Sources: South Africa at War, Vol 7; Chief of the General Staff (War), Box 51 and 52; Secretary for Defence, Box 3058.
TABLE 10.1 The wartime experience of the Springbok Legion leadership The NP had emerged from the war as the dominant Afrikaner Nationalist formation The re-organised NP had marginalised the Bloed-sappe® in the rural areas and gainec control over the Afrikaner trade unions on the Witwatersrand during the war. The Springbok Legion, which was born during the East African Campaign, grew in popularity throughout the war years. By 1945 it boasted a membership of 50 000.° The leadership cadre of the Legion reflected the broad military experience of the ‘ordinary’ soldier. After the war, the Legion aggressively opposed the growth of the NI In 1945 and 1946 they disrupted the Nationalist Party meetings in Johannesburg.® Urban English-speaking ex-servicemen, still rooted in their recent war experience were also affronted by the NP’s treatment of their Afrikaans-speaking comrades wher they returned home to the platteland.° In the 1948 elections the Legion mobilisec ex-servicemen to assist the Labour Party (LP) and the United Party (UP), hoping to strengthen the voice of the liberal camp within the UP. Despite the Springbok Legion’s efforts and the tacit support of the ex-servicemen community, the UI Alliance lost the 1948 election.
TABLE 10.1 The wartime experience of the Springbok Legion leadership The NP had emerged from the war as the dominant Afrikaner Nationalist formation The re-organised NP had marginalised the Bloed-sappe® in the rural areas and gainec control over the Afrikaner trade unions on the Witwatersrand during the war. The Springbok Legion, which was born during the East African Campaign, grew in popularity throughout the war years. By 1945 it boasted a membership of 50 000.° The leadership cadre of the Legion reflected the broad military experience of the ‘ordinary’ soldier. After the war, the Legion aggressively opposed the growth of the NI In 1945 and 1946 they disrupted the Nationalist Party meetings in Johannesburg.® Urban English-speaking ex-servicemen, still rooted in their recent war experience were also affronted by the NP’s treatment of their Afrikaans-speaking comrades wher they returned home to the platteland.° In the 1948 elections the Legion mobilisec ex-servicemen to assist the Labour Party (LP) and the United Party (UP), hoping to strengthen the voice of the liberal camp within the UP. Despite the Springbok Legion’s efforts and the tacit support of the ex-servicemen community, the UI Alliance lost the 1948 election.
TABLE 10.2 Post-war occupation and qualifications of Springbok Legion members
TABLE 10.2 Post-war occupation and qualifications of Springbok Legion members
TABLE 10.3 Communist affiliation of Springbok Legion The membership of the Legion peaked during the war. However, these figures dwindled as demobilised soldiers settled into the old routines of civilian life and relied less on the Legion as their mouthpiece.” The exodus of non-politicised ex- servicemen allowed the radicals, w years, to exert more influence.” Opposition to accuse the Springbo ho had infiltrated the movement during the war However, this simultaneously allowed the political k Legion of being a communist front. Although initially denied, the rise of radical ex-servicemen to leadership positions in the Legion made these denials less plausible. Ta over half had either been members ble 10.3 illustrates that of the 32 selected leaders, of the Communist Party of South Africa (CPSA) before it was banned in 1950, or were known to have been sympathetic to the socialist agenda. Thus, by the early 1950s the Legion was a mere shell of its former self and controlled by a highly insular group of radical ex-servicemen.”” Furthermore, this shift in political agenda alienated the organisation from the broader veteran community, who were less willing to endure political suppression. Such circumstances created a vacuum that another veterans’ organisation could fill.
TABLE 10.3 Communist affiliation of Springbok Legion The membership of the Legion peaked during the war. However, these figures dwindled as demobilised soldiers settled into the old routines of civilian life and relied less on the Legion as their mouthpiece.” The exodus of non-politicised ex- servicemen allowed the radicals, w years, to exert more influence.” Opposition to accuse the Springbo ho had infiltrated the movement during the war However, this simultaneously allowed the political k Legion of being a communist front. Although initially denied, the rise of radical ex-servicemen to leadership positions in the Legion made these denials less plausible. Ta over half had either been members ble 10.3 illustrates that of the 32 selected leaders, of the Communist Party of South Africa (CPSA) before it was banned in 1950, or were known to have been sympathetic to the socialist agenda. Thus, by the early 1950s the Legion was a mere shell of its former self and controlled by a highly insular group of radical ex-servicemen.”” Furthermore, this shift in political agenda alienated the organisation from the broader veteran community, who were less willing to endure political suppression. Such circumstances created a vacuum that another veterans’ organisation could fill.
Despite the Legion’s working-class agenda and its strong emphasis on the ‘ordinary soldier’, the organisation’s leadership felt a strong affiliation with the middle class, as shown in Table 10.2. Just short of a third attended elite schools and half had obtained a tertiary education by the end of demobilisation.”* The leaders of the Legion all occupied occupations associated with the middle classes, such as small businessmen, trade unionists, publishers, architects, lawyers, teachers and medical professionals. This also reflects the diversity of the group.
Despite the Legion’s working-class agenda and its strong emphasis on the ‘ordinary soldier’, the organisation’s leadership felt a strong affiliation with the middle class, as shown in Table 10.2. Just short of a third attended elite schools and half had obtained a tertiary education by the end of demobilisation.”* The leaders of the Legion all occupied occupations associated with the middle classes, such as small businessmen, trade unionists, publishers, architects, lawyers, teachers and medical professionals. This also reflects the diversity of the group.
TABLE 10.4 Rank composition of the Torch Commando leadership The Torch appealed to ex-servicemen of all ranks and military experience. Prominent individuals, generals and senior officers who responded to the call to arms by the charismatic leader, Captain Sailor Malan, quickly filled the national positions. This growing membership gave the movement a sense of gravitas and legitimacy among 106 Men of lower rank, but with more political knowledge, were left ex-servicemen. to man the Action Committees and local committees.!"’ The rank distribution for 63 selected Torchmen in Table 10.4 confirms that the Torch appealed to all ranks with the officer corps providing the bulk of the Torch’s leadership cadre.
TABLE 10.4 Rank composition of the Torch Commando leadership The Torch appealed to ex-servicemen of all ranks and military experience. Prominent individuals, generals and senior officers who responded to the call to arms by the charismatic leader, Captain Sailor Malan, quickly filled the national positions. This growing membership gave the movement a sense of gravitas and legitimacy among 106 Men of lower rank, but with more political knowledge, were left ex-servicemen. to man the Action Committees and local committees.!"’ The rank distribution for 63 selected Torchmen in Table 10.4 confirms that the Torch appealed to all ranks with the officer corps providing the bulk of the Torch’s leadership cadre.
TABLE 10.5 Torch Commando leadership according to rank and political party membership
TABLE 10.5 Torch Commando leadership according to rank and political party membership
Source: Compiled by Authors." TABLE 10.6 Torch Commando leadership in UFP and Liberal Party of the UFP. A large part of the national leadership of the Torch opted to sponsor the formation of the UFP. Both parties touted a liberal race policy. However, where the LP considered nonracial membership, the UFP chose to remain solidly in white politics and bound their race policy to an anti-republican stance.
Source: Compiled by Authors." TABLE 10.6 Torch Commando leadership in UFP and Liberal Party of the UFP. A large part of the national leadership of the Torch opted to sponsor the formation of the UFP. Both parties touted a liberal race policy. However, where the LP considered nonracial membership, the UFP chose to remain solidly in white politics and bound their race policy to an anti-republican stance.
TABLE 10.7 Biographical profile of the UFP leadership Despite its genesis in the Torch, the UFP failed to capitalise on its ex-serviceman appeal. The UFP, however, adopted the Torch’s position regarding the protection of the constitution and race relations. The party opted to support the concept of the qualified franchise for all races but to protect the white minority, and this would occur only ‘over a considerable period of years ... [and] ... subject to safeguards’.'?” The survey conducted by the South African Institute of Race Relations (SAIRR) between 1953 and 1954 sums up their policy conundrum:
TABLE 10.7 Biographical profile of the UFP leadership Despite its genesis in the Torch, the UFP failed to capitalise on its ex-serviceman appeal. The UFP, however, adopted the Torch’s position regarding the protection of the constitution and race relations. The party opted to support the concept of the qualified franchise for all races but to protect the white minority, and this would occur only ‘over a considerable period of years ... [and] ... subject to safeguards’.'?” The survey conducted by the South African Institute of Race Relations (SAIRR) between 1953 and 1954 sums up their policy conundrum:
TABLE 10.8 War experience of ex-servicemen in the Liberal Party Participation in the Torch Commando had also provided insight into the politica undercurrents in opposition politics. For instance, seven of the ex-servicemen whe would form the LP were Torchmen. Growing government oppression had also made the left more insular, which meant that the natural constituencies of the radicals, liberal: and UFP often overlapped, causing inevitable entanglement among party membershit and support.'*° Furthermore, the liberals were made unwelcome in the UP, with it: Cape leader, Graaff, stating that he would ‘prefer that his UP was not perceived to be on the left of the South African political spectrum’.'*’ Despite this, there remained UF liberals who believed that the reform of the UP could occur internally.'** In May 1952 SALA met to discuss the possibility of launching a new party. To ensure its launch Leslie Rubin, vice-chair of SALA, forced the issue by announcing the formation o: the party to the media before the meeting.'””
TABLE 10.8 War experience of ex-servicemen in the Liberal Party Participation in the Torch Commando had also provided insight into the politica undercurrents in opposition politics. For instance, seven of the ex-servicemen whe would form the LP were Torchmen. Growing government oppression had also made the left more insular, which meant that the natural constituencies of the radicals, liberal: and UFP often overlapped, causing inevitable entanglement among party membershit and support.'*° Furthermore, the liberals were made unwelcome in the UP, with it: Cape leader, Graaff, stating that he would ‘prefer that his UP was not perceived to be on the left of the South African political spectrum’.'*’ Despite this, there remained UF liberals who believed that the reform of the UP could occur internally.'** In May 1952 SALA met to discuss the possibility of launching a new party. To ensure its launch Leslie Rubin, vice-chair of SALA, forced the issue by announcing the formation o: the party to the media before the meeting.'””
TABLE 10.9 Generational cohorts of ex-servicemen in the Liberal Party. The differences in age and rank of the ex-servicemen reflect the cleavage between the two liberal camps: the Cape Liberals and the more radical liberals from Natal and Johannesburg. The four AES officers, which includ Marquard (1897), Leo Kuper (1908), Gerald Gord ed two academics and two lawyers — on (1909), and Leslie Rubin (1909) — were the oldest of the group. Their age and involvement within the AES gave the Liberal Party a continuity that linked it to an ear. ier liberal tradition. The association of the Dean of the University of Natal and founder of the AES, Malherbe, with the younger University of Natal Academics in the Li of continuity. '* beral Party provided a further sense
TABLE 10.9 Generational cohorts of ex-servicemen in the Liberal Party. The differences in age and rank of the ex-servicemen reflect the cleavage between the two liberal camps: the Cape Liberals and the more radical liberals from Natal and Johannesburg. The four AES officers, which includ Marquard (1897), Leo Kuper (1908), Gerald Gord ed two academics and two lawyers — on (1909), and Leslie Rubin (1909) — were the oldest of the group. Their age and involvement within the AES gave the Liberal Party a continuity that linked it to an ear. ier liberal tradition. The association of the Dean of the University of Natal and founder of the AES, Malherbe, with the younger University of Natal Academics in the Li of continuity. '* beral Party provided a further sense
TABLE 10.10 Ex-serviceman Parliamentarians 1948-1960 The political activism of ex-servicemen was not restricted to veteran organisations but extended to parliamentary politics, as indicated in Table 10.10. After the war the UP, in alliance with the LP, attracted many ex-servicemen as supporters and members, both out of wartime loyalty but also because of the UP-LP alliance which provided the main thrust against the rising NP. Many UP ex-servicemen came from a long linage of bloedsappe.'** Furthermore, the UP saw itself as the natural home for ex-servicemen and believed that ‘It is traditionally a soldier’s privilege to grumble, but equally it is traditional to know where his duty lies’.'* For those ex-servicemen entering post-war parliamentary politics, their war-service enhanced their social capital and following family politics was a continuation of their duty.
TABLE 10.10 Ex-serviceman Parliamentarians 1948-1960 The political activism of ex-servicemen was not restricted to veteran organisations but extended to parliamentary politics, as indicated in Table 10.10. After the war the UP, in alliance with the LP, attracted many ex-servicemen as supporters and members, both out of wartime loyalty but also because of the UP-LP alliance which provided the main thrust against the rising NP. Many UP ex-servicemen came from a long linage of bloedsappe.'** Furthermore, the UP saw itself as the natural home for ex-servicemen and believed that ‘It is traditionally a soldier’s privilege to grumble, but equally it is traditional to know where his duty lies’.'* For those ex-servicemen entering post-war parliamentary politics, their war-service enhanced their social capital and following family politics was a continuation of their duty.
Source: Compiled by Authors. '°° TABLE 10.11 Education and sector of ex-servicemen in the UP The UB, as the largest opposition party, was the end result of numerous coalitions sinc 1910. The party compromised on principles in favour of personality-driven policy formulation.'*’ As a result, the UP often failed to provide clear opposition to the NI causing Afrikaner support for the UP to drift away. The UP was left dependent on th« urban-based English-speaking voter for support, and mining and business capital fo funding.'** Over half of the identified ex-servicemen (79 of 153) were members o the UP. As seen in Table 10.11, most had attended elite schools in South Africa anc the majority held post-matric qualifications with careers in Law (21), agriculture (20) business (10), medicine (5) and academia (4).'°’ The UP reflected the interests of th ‘South Africanist’ agenda and attracted like-minded ex-servicemen.
Source: Compiled by Authors. '°° TABLE 10.11 Education and sector of ex-servicemen in the UP The UB, as the largest opposition party, was the end result of numerous coalitions sinc 1910. The party compromised on principles in favour of personality-driven policy formulation.'*’ As a result, the UP often failed to provide clear opposition to the NI causing Afrikaner support for the UP to drift away. The UP was left dependent on th« urban-based English-speaking voter for support, and mining and business capital fo funding.'** Over half of the identified ex-servicemen (79 of 153) were members o the UP. As seen in Table 10.11, most had attended elite schools in South Africa anc the majority held post-matric qualifications with careers in Law (21), agriculture (20) business (10), medicine (5) and academia (4).'°’ The UP reflected the interests of th ‘South Africanist’ agenda and attracted like-minded ex-servicemen.
TABLE 10.12 Education and sector of ex-serviceman MPs of the Tenth Parliament 1948-1953 The UP that fought the 1948 elections depended on their traditional support base. This shows in the background of the ex-servicemen that were sent to parliament. Of the 11 ex-servicemen who became Members of Parliament after the 1948 elections, five were returning to parliament. The six new members included, three were sons of politicians, namely H Oppenheimer, Graaff and Albert Robinson. The other three were hardened UP members with previous experience in provincial politics. This group included Noel MacMillan, Thomas Grey Hughes and Bertram Henwood. Their middle-class credentials were reflected in the elite South African schools which they had attended (H Oppenheimer was educated in England), as well as their tertiary education (see Table 10.12). Three were in the medical profession, four were in the egal profession, two were involved in agriculture, one in education and one was a 162 businessman.'®! The four ex-servicemen who won by-elections’ came from similar backgrounds, all had received elite schooling and were graduates, with two in the legal 163 profession, one in education and one in business.
TABLE 10.12 Education and sector of ex-serviceman MPs of the Tenth Parliament 1948-1953 The UP that fought the 1948 elections depended on their traditional support base. This shows in the background of the ex-servicemen that were sent to parliament. Of the 11 ex-servicemen who became Members of Parliament after the 1948 elections, five were returning to parliament. The six new members included, three were sons of politicians, namely H Oppenheimer, Graaff and Albert Robinson. The other three were hardened UP members with previous experience in provincial politics. This group included Noel MacMillan, Thomas Grey Hughes and Bertram Henwood. Their middle-class credentials were reflected in the elite South African schools which they had attended (H Oppenheimer was educated in England), as well as their tertiary education (see Table 10.12). Three were in the medical profession, four were in the egal profession, two were involved in agriculture, one in education and one was a 162 businessman.'®! The four ex-servicemen who won by-elections’ came from similar backgrounds, all had received elite schooling and were graduates, with two in the legal 163 profession, one in education and one in business.
Source: Compiled by Authors." TABLE 10.13 War experience of MPs of the Tenth Parliament 1948-1953
Source: Compiled by Authors." TABLE 10.13 War experience of MPs of the Tenth Parliament 1948-1953
TABLE 10.14 Education and sector of ex-serviceman MPs of the Eleventh Parliament 1953-1958 Source: Compiled by Authors. '°°
TABLE 10.14 Education and sector of ex-serviceman MPs of the Eleventh Parliament 1953-1958 Source: Compiled by Authors. '°°
TABLE 10.16 Unsuccessful ex-serviceman candidates in the 1953 General Election As can be seen in Table 10.16 the twenty-one candidates the 1953 elections show a similar pattern of military ex Stars and five Italy stars. Of the twenty-one, ten were Torc predominantly Afrikaans speaking (12), then English (8) number of Afrikaans-speaking candidates meant that grou who were unsuccessful in perience, with nine Africa hmen. The candidates were and Jewish (1). The large p also had greater diversity in schooling, with the elite English-speaking schools being less dominant. (Ficksburg High School was the alma mater of three of the grou p). The agricultural sector
TABLE 10.16 Unsuccessful ex-serviceman candidates in the 1953 General Election As can be seen in Table 10.16 the twenty-one candidates the 1953 elections show a similar pattern of military ex Stars and five Italy stars. Of the twenty-one, ten were Torc predominantly Afrikaans speaking (12), then English (8) number of Afrikaans-speaking candidates meant that grou who were unsuccessful in perience, with nine Africa hmen. The candidates were and Jewish (1). The large p also had greater diversity in schooling, with the elite English-speaking schools being less dominant. (Ficksburg High School was the alma mater of three of the grou p). The agricultural sector
TABLE 10.17 Education of ex-serviceman MPs of the Twelfth Parliament 1958-1961 Source: Compiled by Authors."
TABLE 10.17 Education of ex-serviceman MPs of the Twelfth Parliament 1958-1961 Source: Compiled by Authors."
TABLE 10.18 War experience of MPs of the Twelfth Parliament 1958-1961
TABLE 10.18 War experience of MPs of the Twelfth Parliament 1958-1961
TABLE 10.19 Unsuccessful ex-servicemen candidates in the 1958 General Election Table 10.19 reveals a new pattern in the war experience of the 25 unsuccessful candidates, with the relative increase in ex-servicemen with Italian campaign experience and Brig Bronkhorst having served in Burma. The entry into politics of Wally Kingwell, the last Officer Commanding of Die Middellandse Regiment, shows Graaff’s pull among ex-servicemen, especially fellow POWs.'*’ Almost half of the POWs (10 out of 21) of the broader group were UP members.'* Monty Crook,
TABLE 10.19 Unsuccessful ex-servicemen candidates in the 1958 General Election Table 10.19 reveals a new pattern in the war experience of the 25 unsuccessful candidates, with the relative increase in ex-servicemen with Italian campaign experience and Brig Bronkhorst having served in Burma. The entry into politics of Wally Kingwell, the last Officer Commanding of Die Middellandse Regiment, shows Graaff’s pull among ex-servicemen, especially fellow POWs.'*’ Almost half of the POWs (10 out of 21) of the broader group were UP members.'* Monty Crook,
TABLE 10.20 Profile of unsuccessful Afrikaans-speaking ex-servicemen candidate in the 1958 General Election Graaff’s decision to appeal to the rural Afrikaner electorate and this constituency emphatic rejection of UP overtures is apparent when reviewing the demographic of the unsuccessful UP candidates. Of the 25 unsuccessful ex-servicemen candidate 24 were from the UP. Three-quarters of those were Afrikaans speakers (16 out c 21, Beyleveld was an Afrikaans-speaking radical candidate), none of whom ha uttended the traditional elite English Schools. As indicated in Table 10.20, howeve the Afrikaans-speaking group still had a comparable level of tertiary education to th successful MP group. Occupationally, five of the 16 were employed in the agricultur: sector and four in the legal sector. Although Graaff attempted to increase the role c A frikaans-speaking ex-servicemen in the UP in the run-up to the 1958 elections, th yeneral profile of his chosen Afrikaans-speaking candidates was solidly middle clas representing a caricature of the bloedsappe gentry. Despite this overt attempt to cout the Afrikaner vote, this constituency remained elusive for the UP. Hendric van Hoogenstraten, Denis Fannin and Kingwill underwent internment with Graaff during the war.'* A small core of Torchmen remained active in formal politics, with four of the six Torchmen among the group standing for the UP. None of the three ex-servicemen candidates fielded by the LP was victorious. The elections marked the end of the LP within the parliamentary system, and Lovell (Labour) lost his Benoni seat to fellow ex-serviceman Donald Ross. Piet Beyleveld was likewise unsuccessful on a radical ticket.!*°
TABLE 10.20 Profile of unsuccessful Afrikaans-speaking ex-servicemen candidate in the 1958 General Election Graaff’s decision to appeal to the rural Afrikaner electorate and this constituency emphatic rejection of UP overtures is apparent when reviewing the demographic of the unsuccessful UP candidates. Of the 25 unsuccessful ex-servicemen candidate 24 were from the UP. Three-quarters of those were Afrikaans speakers (16 out c 21, Beyleveld was an Afrikaans-speaking radical candidate), none of whom ha uttended the traditional elite English Schools. As indicated in Table 10.20, howeve the Afrikaans-speaking group still had a comparable level of tertiary education to th successful MP group. Occupationally, five of the 16 were employed in the agricultur: sector and four in the legal sector. Although Graaff attempted to increase the role c A frikaans-speaking ex-servicemen in the UP in the run-up to the 1958 elections, th yeneral profile of his chosen Afrikaans-speaking candidates was solidly middle clas representing a caricature of the bloedsappe gentry. Despite this overt attempt to cout the Afrikaner vote, this constituency remained elusive for the UP. Hendric van Hoogenstraten, Denis Fannin and Kingwill underwent internment with Graaff during the war.'* A small core of Torchmen remained active in formal politics, with four of the six Torchmen among the group standing for the UP. None of the three ex-servicemen candidates fielded by the LP was victorious. The elections marked the end of the LP within the parliamentary system, and Lovell (Labour) lost his Benoni seat to fellow ex-serviceman Donald Ross. Piet Beyleveld was likewise unsuccessful on a radical ticket.!*°
TABLE 10.21 Education and occupation of Progressive Party ex-servicemen Despite claiming to embrace non-racialism and the ‘protection of fundamental human rights and ... [to] safeguard ... the dignity and worth of the human person, irrespective of race, colour or creed’, the racist socio-political system of the time constrained their vision.'"* They therefore advocated for the need to protect ‘the values of Western Civilisation’ and group identities (i.e. white minority rights), making them unable to promote universal suffrage. Their solution was:
TABLE 10.21 Education and occupation of Progressive Party ex-servicemen Despite claiming to embrace non-racialism and the ‘protection of fundamental human rights and ... [to] safeguard ... the dignity and worth of the human person, irrespective of race, colour or creed’, the racist socio-political system of the time constrained their vision.'"* They therefore advocated for the need to protect ‘the values of Western Civilisation’ and group identities (i.e. white minority rights), making them unable to promote universal suffrage. Their solution was:
Source: Compiled by the Authors. TABLE 10.22 AES Officers in post-war politics Much was made of the liberalising effect of the AES by Malherbe, and therefore it is essential to trace the political careers of AES officers separately.” Table 10.22 shows the distribution of AES ex-servicemen who continued their involvement in opposition politics. Although distributed across the political spectrum, their highest concentration seems to be among the parties with liberal and radical values.
Source: Compiled by the Authors. TABLE 10.22 AES Officers in post-war politics Much was made of the liberalising effect of the AES by Malherbe, and therefore it is essential to trace the political careers of AES officers separately.” Table 10.22 shows the distribution of AES ex-servicemen who continued their involvement in opposition politics. Although distributed across the political spectrum, their highest concentration seems to be among the parties with liberal and radical values.
TABLE 10.23 Rank and Post-war Political Affiliation
TABLE 10.23 Rank and Post-war Political Affiliation
TABLE 10.24 Academic qualifications and political affiliation of ex-servicemen
TABLE 10.24 Academic qualifications and political affiliation of ex-servicemen
FIGURE 1: The changing avenues for the publication of South African Second World War personal narratives.
FIGURE 1: The changing avenues for the publication of South African Second World War personal narratives.
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