history memory

On rejoint ici le problème irritant et classique que pose aux historiens comme à d'autres praticiens des sciences humaines, la modestie agressive des folkloristes -de la classification d'Aarne-Thompson au Manuel de Van Gennep : solidement retranchés dans un positivisme proclamé, dans le refus d'interpréter ou de conclure, des inventaires ne sont-ils pas la ruse ultime, et comme la revanche de l'interprétation ? On sait assez aujourd'hui qu'aucun n'est sans aveu. (Certeau, Julia, Revel, 1980, 63-64). 1 Charles Perrault « au travail », si l'on en croit Ruth Bottigheimer, engagé dans l'écriture de ses Contes ou Histoires du temps passé, avait sur son bureau deux ouvrages ouverts devant lui : le Conte des contes de Basile et les Facétieuses Nuits de Straparola 1 . Il s'en serait inspiré directement pour composer « la Belle au bois dormant », « les Fées », « le Maître chat », « Cendrillon » et « Peau d'âne », sans puiser d'aucune manière dans la tradition orale de son temps. Sont alors renvoyés comme irrecevables en tout premier le travail de Marc Soriano, mais aussi les recherches de spécialistes de contes littéraires comme Jack Zipes, Nadine Jasmin, Anne Defrance ou Jean-Paul Sermain. À titre d'exemple de cette position théorique récusée par elle, R. Bottigheimer cite en note les propos de ce dernier auteur : « l'énonciation complexe [du conte de fées] transpose les pratiques orales et populaires du contage et les transforme dans l'écriture. […] Perrault puise à la source orale labile, indigne et jusque là inaudible » (2006, 76). 2 Comment comprendre l'évacuation si radicale d'une vérité d'évidence : la reprise de schémas et de motifs narratifs transmis dans l'oralité par les auteurs et auteures de contes, à visée littéraire donc, de la fin du XVII e et d'une partie du XVIII e siècle français ? À « Couvrez ce conte que je ne saurais voir » Cahiers de littérature orale, 75-76 | 2015

This study is a qualitative research, to see and photograph the learning process History of Women in History Education Studies Program FIS UNY. Learning women’s history in History Education Prodi FIS UNY done through the assignment papers, presentations, class disscution , UTS and UAS. Lack of writing and historical research that deliberately describes the history of women should be of interest Women's History course. So it is necessary to develop a model of learning through project-based learning to enhance the skills of writing the history of women on college campuses. Products produced later in the form of model of learning history through project based learning which includes cognitive, affective and psychomotor. Keyword: Women's History, Project Based Learning

The military actions, the loss of human lives and especially the cruelty of the Nazi and Fascist regimes and armies caused a reaction among the allied governments, the public and intellectuals. The Nazi regime in Germany and its actions, in general, even before the beginning of WWII caused an initially mild and later a sharp reaction and criticism in the democratic world. However, the behaviour and fanaticism of the German armed forces and their atrocities during the war could not but cause reflections about how the allied countries, especially the larger ones, should deal with the defeated Germany. The experience of WWI had shown that German Nazism had, as its basis, the militarism which was present everywhere, including in the educational process. That is why many in the United States and Great Britain began to think aloud about a complete change of the German educational system and the re-education of the Germans after the military victory. There was a great dilemma over the questions of how to carry out that re-education, whether to include only the younger population that was exposed to Nazi indoctrination, and whether Germans who were opponents of Nazism should be included in that process. The debates were conducted among politicians, in the public, among scholars and scientists. The view that gradually prevailed was that the issue was complex and that some Germans should be involved in the re-education process after the War.

Few photographs have become as well known as those taken by British and American army photographers during the liberation of the Nazi concentration camps in what was then the German Reich in 1945. Wagons full of corpses in Dachau; half-dead and sick survivors in the small camp at Buchenwald; hundreds of dead bodies lined up in front of the ruined buildings at Nordhausen; open mass graves at Bergen-Belsen. The American writer Susan Sontag remembered her first encounter with this photographic inventory of ultimate horror as "negative epiphany," "the prototypically modern revelation." 1 Ever since then it seemed plausible to her to divide her life into two parts: into the time before she saw those photographs at the age of twelve and the time after. Since they were taken and first published, these pictures have been reprinted countless times, and one receives the impression that the same photographs have been reproduced over and over again (although the archives contain numerous frames that are very little known to this day). The photographs of the liberation have long become part of the Western countries' collective visual memory. They mostly impress themselves on our sentiments and conjure up a threatening, mute and nameless sense of "once upon a time." Then as now they set off strong emotional reactions, of shock and terror, of compassion as well as rejection. Usually the pictures are accepted as straightforward and unambiguous reality, not as a specific photographic rendering of that reality open to analysis. More

Auxilio Social became the main welfare institution in Franco's Spain in which poor women and children, mostly belonging to the "vanquished" in the Spanish Civil War (1936-39), were assisted by a new class of social workers composed of Falangists, priests and professionals. The narratives and memories of the institutionalized children demonstrate their attempt to build an alternative identity to the one promoted by the regime. Although fragmented, this identity became an instrument for resisting the imposition of the regime's monolithic discourse. This particular case sheds light on the extent to which the Francoist elite succeeded in achieving its goals, as well as on the power relations between "victors" and "vanquished" in postwar Spain.

In this short biography of George Bell, Andrew Chandler reminds us that according to Eberhard Bethge, Bell and Karl Barth were the only two people whom Dietrich Bonhoeffer held to have 'real authority' over him (p. 183). That is quite a recommendation for a figure who is now little known to many Anglicansand one whom, very sadly, is now most known due to an allegation that he sexually abused a young girl in the late 1940s and early 1950s. The allegation has been accepted as credible by the Diocese of Chichester and compensation paid to the complainant. All this became public just before Chandler was due to publish this volume, and of necessity, his response to the scandal here is briefthough it will undoubtedly be a major theme in all future reflection on George Bell. Chandler is a great admirer of Bell and his basic stance towards the allegation is highly sceptical. Time may yet tellthough it is not bound towhether such scepticism is justified or not. Controversy over how the whole affair has been handled continues at the time of writing this review. However, it is fair to say that Chandler's defence of his hero is not instantly convincing. It rests, fundamentally, on the conviction that his was a Victorian/Edwardian character: 'a life given to service (which) demanded constant self-denial and a resolute subordination of private emotions and interests to public duty' (p. 197). Bell won the trust of peers equally formed by and committed to that ethos, and nothing in the experience of those who knew him best 'even suggested… that Bell's character was in any sense self-contradictory' (p. 199). Against such good character, 'the allegation of 2015 is anomalous. Indeed, it seems to exist in its own world, evidently uncorroborated by any other independent source. It also remains unique, for apparently no other accusation has arisen. In sum, we are asked to invest an entire authority in one testimony and to dismiss all the materials by which we have come to know the historical George Bell as mere figments of reputation' (p. 199). One desperately wants to sympathise with this judgement, and Bell may well be innocent: but, grimly, we know that people are very, very complexand that it is actually extremely rare for our characters to be in no sense self-contradictory. Little more can usefully be said at present about the allegation of sexual abuse. The main focus of the bookas the subtitle suggestsis George Bell's involvement in twentieth century European politics and war. This means, of course, that it does not explore all aspects of his life with anything like equal depth. There is very little about Bell's childhood, or about his growing sense of vocation to ordained ministry, or even much about his role as Archbishop Davidson's young chaplain at Lambeth.

Historical narratives help construct social identities, which are maintained through differentiation between in-groups and "others." In this article, we contend that Fatima Besnaci-Lancou's texts, as well as her reconciliation work-in which she enjoins Beurs and Harkis' offspring to write a new, inclusive, polyphonic narrative of the Algerian War-are an example of the positive use of textually mediated identity (re)construction. Her work suggests the possibility of implementing a moderate politics of empathetic recognition of the (often migration-related) memories of "others" so as to reinforce French national belongingness.

In 2008 and 2009, a Dutch photographer, Jan Banning, and an anthropologist, Hilde Janssen, traveled around Indonesia to document, with photographs and testimonies, survivors of militarized sexual abuse by the Japanese military during the three-year occupation (1942-1945) of the former Dutch colony, the Netherlands East Indies. We argue that the resultant photographic project can best be understood within the framework of the "politics of pity" and the associated genres of representation. The project creators anticipated a cosmopolitan audience that might be moved to action to support the survivors. Yet, as the project was exhibited in different sites, the women's memories were interpreted through local knowledge systems and mnemonic practices. We analyze the reception of these photographs in diverse local contexts.

Among the many uses to which Gershom Scholem's studies of Sabbatianism have been put, one of the most audacious is certainly Jeffrey Mehlman's attempt to argue that the intellectual lineage of French post-structuralism can be traced back to the seventeenth-century apostate-messiah, Sabbatai Zevi. Mehlman, a literary theorist and professor at Boston University, has suggested in two books (Legacies of Antisemitism in France and Walter Benjamin for Children: An Essay on his Radio Years) that the transgressive spirit of Sabbatianism was transmitted by Scholem to his close friend, Walter Benjamin. According to Mehlman, Benjamin then imparted the Sabbatian mindset to the French thinker Georges Bataille, who knew Benjamin in Paris in the 1930s. And since Bataille was a central infl uence on the whole pantheon of French postmodernismfrom Jacques Derrida to Julia Kristeva to Michel Foucault to Jean Baudrillard-the subversive spirit of French theory can be seen as a late manifestation of this heretical, Jewish messianism. Fascinated by the Sabbatian concept of "holiness through sin" (a subject that Scholem discussed in a 1936 essay of that name), Mehlman locates this nihilistic metaphysics-in which the law is fulfi lled through its violation-in the thought of Bataille. In the 1957 book, L'Erotisme, Bataille writes that "[t]ransgression is not the negation of a prohibition,

Since the Nuremberg trials, the relationship between the legal process and historical research has been the subject of much scrutiny, leading to a consensus that courts produce distorted and poor historical accounts of mass atrocity. The recent shift in legal treatment of the Holocaust from criminal to civil litigation, with the Holocaust restitution lawsuits brought before American federal courts in the 1990s, has only exacerbated historians' critique of the law. In contrast, this article argues that the restitution litigation represents a new and fruitful model for the relation of law to historical inquiry. In this model, the judge plays a facilitative and supervisory role vis-à-vis the historian, encouraging the production of broad and contextualized historical narratives.

On the face of it, the legacy of the 1798 rebellion in the northeastern Irish counties of Antrim and Down seems to be a paradigmatic case of "collective amnesia." Over the course of the long nineteenth century, growing identification of the Protestants of the area with unionism, loyalism and Orangeism, fortified through opposition to the rise of nationalism amongst Catholics, encouraged public effacement of discomforting memories of the mass participation of Protestants, in particular Presbyterians, in republican insurrection. However, the uncovering of a "hidden" (or perhaps relatively low-profile) popular historiography grounded in oral traditions reveals continuous obsessive, though characteristically ambivalent, local preoccupation with remembrance of the rebellion. Acknowledging that forgetting is not the antithesis, but an integral component, of memory, this case study of what appears to be an Ulster lieu d'oubli conceptualizes "social forgetting" as the outcome of multi-layered relationships between oblivion and remembering. ADvOCAtIng fOrgettIng In 1898, as Irish nationalists of all hues and shades were enthusiastically engaged in remembering 1798 through massive commemorations of the centennial of the United Irish rebellion, in the northern province of Ulster, the Orange Order, an organization dedicated to "glorious and Immortal Memory," was preoccupied with forgetting. On May 20, 1898, the reverend Dr. richard rutledge Kane-a pillar of local unionist politics-addressed a large and enthusiastic audience at Clifton Street Orange Hall in Belfast with a lecture on "1798: Its Lessons for Irishmen." renowned as a fiery

In 2008 and 2009, a Dutch photographer, Jan Banning and an anthropologist, Hilde Janssen, travelled around Indonesia to document, with photographs and testimonies, survivors of militarized sexual abuse by the Japanese military during the three-year occupation of the former Dutch colony, the Netherlands East Indies (1942-1945). We argue that the resultant photographic project can best be understood within the framework of "the politics of pity" and the associated genres of representation. The

If there was a time to be hopeful in Czechoslovakia, it was New Year’s Day, 1990. Only a few weeks earlier Communism had collapsed more swiftly, peacefully and decidedly than anywhere else in East-Central Europe. Intellectuals of various political leanings, most of them former “enemies of the people,” were speedily organizing a democratic form of government and planning a transition from state socialism to a freemarket economy. Perhaps most remarkably the country’s overwhelming choice for president was Václav Havel, a well-known philosopher/ playwright/dissident who had been jailed several times by the Communist regime. Everything seemed turned on its head, and for the better. In addressing the country that day, however, Havel’s tone was less than jubilant. The country’s new leader spoke of Communism’s sad legacy, and most strikingly of the country’s “moral contamination.” As both victims and perpetrators of the previous system, Czechs, he said, had become selfish, parochial and unable to think in terms of the common good: “Our main enemy today is our own bad traits.... The main struggle will have to be fought on this field.” Such self-critical soul searching was in step with Havel’s philosophy of “living in the truth,” a set of ideals shared by many of the dissidents who came to power that year in a country with a long tradition of mixing art, philosophy and politics. Havel and others were also working within a second tradition, one in which intellectuals took on the role of

One of the most striking phenomena of Zimbabwean literature in the past few decades has been the boom in white memoirs. Often written from abroad, these texts respond to the hostile political climate of the land reforms by insisting upon their right to speak as national subjects. This article studies four memoirs by the two most famous exponents of the genre, Alexandra Fuller and Peter Godwin. It argues that their texts negotiate a contested sense of belonging, challenged by their own doubts and expatriate position as well as by government exclusion. Outweighing such concerns, however, are the authors' continued family connections to the continent they have left behind. Their parents and siblings are used to insist upon the right of Fuller and Godwin, and with them whites more generally, to call Africa home.

Few photographs have become as well known as those taken by British and American army photographers during the liberation of the Nazi concentration camps in what was then the German Reich in 1945. Wagons full of corpses in Dachau; half-dead and sick survivors in the ...

Exploring two works of contemporary American and South African fiction, this essay meditates on memorials created at a distance from original sites of violence. These two metamemorial fictions both make concerns with comparative suffering and outsider participation an integral part of the commemorative process they address. They create an ambivalent space for the outsider to participate in the commemoration of atrocity: both by honoring the dead and, provocatively, by investing such empathetic acts with signs of fraudulence. These fictions envision new kinds of public memorials that foreground the significance of sacrilegious as well as sacral impulses to commemorate the dead.

1. What kind of cultural contact zones are involved in the life of Antonia Brico? We can identify several kinds of cultural contact zones related to Antonia Brico's life path. The most obvious one, probably, is national cultures and realities contact of two different states-America and the Netherlands that played crucial roles in female director's life. The second type of cultures' encounter can be seen in religions in which Antonia was brought up: her biological mother professed Catholicism while her stepparents belonged to Protestant community. Possibly, the most vital for the whole career of Antonia cultural intersection lies in female and male cultures and perceptions, stereotypes, expectations connected with genders. 2. What kind of individual and structural constraints informed the life of Brico? During her rich and intriguing life Antonia Brico fought against many constraints on the way to her dream. First of all, the society of those days had certain expectations related to genders. It was surprised and confused by the braveness expressed by Brico to conduct an orchestra usually consisting of men. Male musicians were confronting Brico's attempt to create a space for female directors which motivated Antonia to create a Women's Symphony Orchestra. Moreover, financial situation could induce some doubts to Antonia: during many years she could find a permanent work place earning money solely by piano classes. Finally, her personal choice between focusing only on playing piano and working as a conductor seems to be also problematic and troublesome. 3. Does the Dutch location shape the narrative of the transatlantic biography? The Dutch location of archive of Antonia Brico once again underlines the starting point of Brico's long life and career path. Moreover, it emphasizes a Dutch part of her identity, one of language that she spoke. Furthermore, Dutch context can act here as a reference to the European context in general: was born in the Netherlands Brico then had studied in Europe and returned to Europe with concerts holding in Germany, Finland and other European countries many times. On the other hand, the ideas and knowledge she got in Europe has been transferred by her to America. The biggest part of her life and career activity were taking place in the USA. Thus, the life of female director may be presented as a transatlantic bridge enabling cultural encounter and exchange.