Turkey EU relations

Die Zollunion Türkei-EU ist seit ihrer Umsetzung im Jahr 1995 zum Eckpfeiler der bilateralen Handelsbeziehungen geworden, da sie zur Transformation und Modernisierung der türkischen Industrie beigetragen und einen hohen Grad an Integration zwischen den Parteien ermöglicht hat. Seit der Gründung der Zollunion haben sich mehrere Veränderungen und Entwicklungen in Bezug auf die globalen Wirtschaftsmuster ergeben. Gemeinsam mit der Ausbreitung des Regionalismus begann die EU, zielstrebigere Freihandelsabkommen abzuschließen, die sogar über die Zollunion EU-Türkei hinausgehen. Darüber hinaus wurde die Zollunion als vorübergehendes politisches Instrument eingerichtet, um den Weg für die EU-Mitgliedschaft der Türkei zu ebnen; dennoch ist der EU-Beitritt der Türkei nicht erfolgt und die Beitrittsperspektive ist im Laufe der Zeit noch unklarer geworden. Nun sind institutionelle Strukturfehler und Mängel der Zollunion noch sichtbarer und haltloser geworden: Die Zollunion ist bei der Umsetzung der bilateralen Handelsbeziehungen weniger effizient geworden und bedarf einer umfassenden Überarbeitung. Diese Studie soll die Wirksamkeit der Zollunion Türkei-EU als Wirtschaftsmodell für die langfristigen Handelsbeziehungen analysieren. Hauptziel der Studie ist es, die Probleme und Mängel der Zollunion zu bewerten und Lösungen für diese Fragen vorzuschlagen. Diese These argumentiert darüber, dass die Zollunion in ein effektiveres und nachhaltigeres Wirtschaftsmodell für die Umsetzung der Wirtschaftsbeziehungen zwischen der EU und der Türkei umgewandelt werden sollte. Die vorgeschlagene Modernisierung des präferenziellen Handelsrahmens EU-Türkei zielt darauf ab, eine weitere Handelsliberalisierung in weiteren Bereichen wie Dienstleistungen und Landwirtschaft zu gewährleisten und die Funktion der Zollunion zu verbessern, indem Probleme beseitigt werden, die sich aus ihren institutionellen Strukturfehlern ergeben, wie die dysfunktionalen Struktur des bestehenden Streitbeilegungssystems und die asymmetrischen Bedingungen, mit denen die Türkei bei der Durchführung der Handelsabkommen der EU konfrontiert ist. Zudem würde auch ein freier Warenverkehr zwischen den Parteien entstehen, indem nichttarifäre Maßnahmen weiter abgeschafft und die Harmonisierungspflicht der Türkei mit dem EU-Recht erleichtert wird.

This article explores the integration of Participatory Action Research (PAR) into foreign policy design, positioning it as a transformative tool to operationalise Track II diplomacy and foster inclusive, stakeholderdriven approaches. Focusing on EU-Türkiye cooperation in North Africaparticularly in Morocco, Algeria, and Egypt-the study applies PAR methodologies such as search conferences and clinical interviews with triangulation of other methods such as expert surveys to identify stakeholder-driven policy priorities. These include educational mobility, public infrastructure, health, renewable energy, and food security. While designed to engage both Track I and Track II actors, the process revealed the challenges of limited official participation, especially from North African governments, due to civic space restrictions and political sensitivities. Nonetheless, the findings demonstrate that PAR can build trust, surface actionable cooperation models, and complement conventional diplomacy. By moving beyond traditional security-focused Track II initiatives, the article contributes to rethinking foreign policy as a collaborative and participatory process. Ultimately, PAR is presented as a replicable, action-oriented model that complements conventional diplomacy and contributes to ongoing debates on democratising international relations through more adaptive and inclusive practices.

This study aims to systematically examine academic research on Türkiye-European Union (EU) relations, assessing the historical and thematic evolution of this relationship. The research identifies trends, thematic focus areas, and gaps in the literature using bibliometric analysis methods. Based on quantitative data, it provides insights into the dynamics of the relationship and offers new perspectives to guide future studies. The bibliometric data of 884 publications indexed in the Web of Science database between 1996 and 2024 were analyzed in this study. The years with the highest publication density were identified as 2011 (72 publications), 2019 (54 publications), 2016 (49 publications), 2020 and 2022 (48 publications each). The most prolific authors were found to be Meltem Müftüler Baç (13 publications), Çiğdem Kentmen Çin (10 publications), and Bahar Rumelili (10 publications). Prominent research fields included government and law (617 publications), international relations (416 publications), and public administration (38 publications). Country-wise, Türkiye (474 publications), the United Kingdom ( ), the United States (73), and Germany (51) stood out as leading contributors. Most publications were in English ( ), followed by Turkish (42) and Russian (21). The majority of the publications were indexed in SSCI (525 publications) and ESCI (359 publications). The analysis reveals that while Türkiye has a high academic production capacity, its international impact remains limited. The findings highlight the need for increased international collaboration and a greater focus on publishing in prestigious academic journals to enhance global visibility and influence.

Territories change hands with wars or faits accomplis (land grabs). A fait accompli does not directly aim at war; instead, it is mainly used to exert pressure against the adversary and demand compensation. However, a fait accompli can lead to open warfare. Other faits accomplis bring permanent changes, and others temporary ones. Regarding the efficiency of faits accomplis, we examine two seemingly different cases, the case of Varosha, a town in Cyprus, and the case of the region of Crimea in Ukraine. Nevertheless, in both cases, the faits accomplis are linked to long-term broader conflicts. A detailed presentation of these cases allows a conclusion about the substance and efficiency of this strategy.

This article examines how Christianity became a central element in the construction of European identity, challenging the prevailing assumption that far-right populist movements were the primary agents of this shift. Drawing on post-structuralist scholarship and critical discourse analysis, this study argues that religious identity was actively mobilised by mainstream centreright and conservative political forces, particularly in France and Germany, in collaboration with the Catholic Church. The analysis focuses on a critical historical juncture: Turkey's EU accession process. While the 2004 enlargement brought a renewed emphasis on Christian traditions within the European Union, this article contends that the crystallisation of Christianity as a defining feature of European identity gained momentum in response to Turkey's candidacy. The study demonstrates how key political figures-including Pope Benedict XVI, Nicolas Sarkozy and Angela Merkel-framed European identity through an explicitly Christian lens. This discourse, initially promoted by centrist governments, was subsequently appropriated and radicalised by far-right movements. By analysing speeches and media discourse, this article uncovers the discursive strategies used to legitimise Christianity as an essential marker of European belonging while simultaneously excluding non-Christian populations, particularly Muslims. The findings challenge the conventional narrative that religious identity in Europe was reintroduced solely by nationalist forces, illustrating instead how mainstream political actors played a pivotal role in shaping exclusionary frameworks. This article contributes to the broader debate on European identity formation by demonstrating how religion was strategically employed as a boundarymaking tool. It underscores the enduring impact of these discourses, highlighting their influence on contemporary political debates on migration, multiculturalism and EU integration.

FEUTURE Online Paper No. 18 Migration was a critical policy area for Turkey even before Turkey became an official candidate country to the EU in 1999. Especially, with the end of the Cold War in the 1990s Turkey began to face the challenges of being a country of origin and destination, while acting as a transit country for documented and undocumented migration. Although the foundations of a migration policy were shaped in Turkey prior to the EU accession process, the EU accession process had an important catalyser effect in transforming the migration and asylum policies. This paper presents an overall analysis of the changes experienced in Turkey since 1999 on the asylum field with a projection of three possible scenarios of convergence, cooperation and conflict on Turkey-EU relationship. In that respect, this paper aims to map out the important periods that have influenced the transformation of the asylum policy in Turkey. While locating the important events and drivers at the glob...

Considering its geographical location, strategic importance, and geopolitical depth, Türkiye's NATO membership plays a significant role in current regional and international developments. Besides, Türkiye's military and economic strength, trained human resources, geographical location, and extensive maritime and land borders represent a strategic potential to contribute to NATO's efforts in maintaining regional security and stability. Nevertheless, Türkiye's membership in NATO is discussed by some allied countries. Türkiye's national security policies are also not always in line with other NATO member countries. This causes relations to fluctuate. The course of relations also influences Turkish public perceptions of NATO's organizational image. The primary purpose of this research is to disclose how NATO has an image in Turkish society as an intergovernmental military alliance. Since quantitative data are taken as the basis of the research, a questionnaire was employed as a data collection method. For the research, 1436 participants from different regions of Türkiye were accessed via a simple random sampling method. Based on the findings obtained as a result of the research, it is apparent that a large part of the participants does not have a clear view regarding NATO. In terms of demographic data, it was understood that female, single, 18-25 years of age and student-weighted participants had higher positive, negative, and general NATO perceptions than the others. Besides, it was observed that the group that perceived NATO as the most negative educational situation was those who had graduated from elementary school. As a result, about half of the participants believe that Türkiye should remain in the NATO, but in the event of any war, NATO will leave Türkiye alone. This situation indicates that NATO membership is strategically crucial, but it also gives the impression that the Turkish people are worried about trust. According to the findings of the study, the majority of the participants consider the USA as the main threat against Türkiye, on the other hand Azerbaijan is regarded as Türkiye's most important partner and friend in the international arena.

4 декабря 1945 года в Стамбуле произошли события, оставившие глубокий след в политической истории Турции и вызвавшие значительные изменения в общественной жизни страны. Демонстрация, начавшаяся как «протест против коммунизма», переросла в организованный акт насилия: группа студентов и радикалов, получив негласную поддержку властей, разгромила типографию газеты «Тан», принадлежавшую известным журналистам Зекерии и Сабихе Сертелям. Затем толпа направилась к зданию Советского консульства, по пути громя книжные магазины, торгующие литературой левого толка. Инцидент стал не только попыткой подавить в стране независимую прессу и левые силы, но и важным политическим сигналом, обозначившим курс властей в условиях нарастающего идеологического противостояния. В статье рассматриваются причины и механизмы организации этой демонстрации, а также ее последствия для внутренней политики Турецкой Республики и ее отношений с СССР.

Selim Sarper served Turkey in critical positions and periods between the mid-1940s and the early 1960s; however, few studies have examined his life and career, and he remains a mysterious actor in Turkish foreign policy. He was Turkey's ambassador in Moscow and Rome in the 1940s, permanent representative in the United Nations (UN) and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) in the 1950s, and Turkey's Minister of Foreign Affairs after the military intervention in 1960. Significant developments occurred during Sarper's diplomatic career. During his ambassadorial mission in Moscow after the Second World War, he dealt with Soviet demands on Turkey. Later, during his permanent representative mission in the UN, Turkey became a member of the UN Security Council. Finally, following the military intervention in 1960, Sarper became the Minister of Foreign Affairs.

Turkey's accession process to the European Union has been a prolonged journey. The objective of this article is to scrutinize the role of the European Union in extending this process. A thorough analysis of the relations between Turkey and the EU from the 1960s to the present demonstrates a notable discrepancy between the EU's official rhetoric and its tangible actions concerning Turkey's membership. In official statements, the EU has consistently underscored Turkey's Europeanness and its suitability for membership. However, an examination of the EU's attitude reveals a stark contrast to these declarations, suggesting that the EU's commitment to Turkey's membership is superficial at best. It is frequently asserted by the EU that Turkey suffers from significant shortcomings in meeting the economic, political, and institutional criteria required for membership, which are often cited as key obstacles to accession. However, even during periods when Turkey has made genuine and determined efforts to address these deficiencies, the EU's stance has largely been characterized by institutional inertia and lack of genuine engagement. Moreover, the constructive approach extended to other candidate countries has conspicuously not been applied to Turkey. Similarly, since the 1990s, reluctance toward Turkey's accession has been openly articulated by certain EU officials. Through a qualitative and diachronic analysis of key events and official statements, this study aims to illustrate all these points with concrete examples and to argue that the primary impediment to Turkey's EU membership lies not in the country's shortcomings, but rather in the EU's principled and persistent opposition to Turkish accession.

The aim of this study is to analyse the structural and functional transformation of NATO in the post-Cold War period and the changes in Türkiye's position within the alliance. NATO has focused on new threats and transformed by playing an active role in areas such as the fight against terrorism, regional conflicts and global security threats. In this process, Türkiye, while maintaining its NATO membership, occasionally experiences disagreements within the alliance. The change in NATO's role and Türkiye's position has been reshaped by the interaction between historical and geopolitical factors and security concerns. Türkiye is a strategic actor with its geographical location and military capacity. Türkiye's purchase of S-400 air defence systems from Russia has raised compatibility and security concerns within the alliance. Nevertheless, the historical ties and common security interests between Türkiye and NATO have kept relations unbroken. In conclusion, despite global changes, cooperation and dialogue between Türkiye and NATO will shape the alliance's ability to deal with security threats and be effective on the international stage.

Das Land im Südkaukasus zögert mit einem EU-Beitritt.
Ministerpräsident Nikol Paschinjan laviert zwischen Moskau und
Brüssel. In Bezug auf Aserbaidschan bleiben in Armenien trotz
weitgehenden Entgegenkommens Zweifel am Friedenswillen des
Gegners. Im loyal-Interview analysiert die Armenien-Expertin Tessa
Hofmann die komplexe Gemengelage in der Region.

Demokratiklesme iki asamali bir surectir. Ozellikle ikinci asamada guclu bir sivil toplum buyuk onem tasir. Turkiye, demokratiklesme surecinin ikinciasamasinda bulunan bir ikinci dalga demokrasisidir. Dolayisiyla, Turkiye’de guclu bir sivil topluma ihtiyac duymaktadir. Ancak, Turkiye’de sivil toplum onkosullardan bagimsiz gelismistir. Bu durum, sivil toplum devlet iliskilerini olumsuz etkilemektedir. Bu olumsuz etkiler sendikalarin gelisim surecine de yansimaktadir. Bu baglamda, Avrupa Birligi’ne uyelik sureci iki acidan onemlidir: olumsuzluklari azaltmak ve sivil toplum kuruluslarini etkinlestirmek. Calisma bu iliskinin analitik cozumlemesini yapmayi amaclamaktadir

This study examines Turkey's national defense industry through the lens of the military-industrial complex (MIC), a concept predominantly analyzed in the American context. Using five criteria-scope, roots, leadership dynamics, autonomy, and influence-it explores the current state of the MIC in Turkey. By integrating historical and contemporary dynamics, the study contributes to the scarce literature on MIC structures outside the United States, offering a nuanced understanding of Turkey's defense industry within its unique sociopolitical context. Findings reveal an "emerging MIC" characterized by limited political influence and an uncertain trajectory.

The European Union (EU) has recently faced consecutive, sudden and unexpected challenges of a large magnitude, such as the migration crisis, COVID-19, and the war in Ukraine. Through an analysis of two key, sudden and unexpected relatively recent crises in the EU's immediate southern neighbourhood-namely the 2015 migration crisis and the 2016 failed coup attempt in Turkey-this paper sheds light on whether the EU has generated protean power in response to key emergencies in its wider neighbourhood, and if so, how. Our analysis shows that when high uncertainty pertains to domestic governance of third countries in the neighbourhood, i.e. the military coup in Turkey, where the overall perceived risks are relatively low, the EU employs no form of protean power or resorts to limited forms of control power. In contrast, we see that protean power is generated in the more specific policy field of migration, where we observe radical uncertainty combined with high perceived risks to the EU. We also propose that control and protean power need to be seen as different, yet increasingly intertwined modes of governing unexpected emergencies by the EU.

Visa regimes were key global mechanisms of the COVID-19 pandemic governance. Many nationals, both from the Global South and North, were subject to the several visa regulations during the pandemic. Whilst nationals of the Global North could regain their visa-free travel rights in the further phases, the others are still entrapped in the visa regimes, just like the pre-pandemic period. Considering visa's global importance for border regulations in the (post-) pandemic period, what has changed for mobility rights of the visa applicants? This study examines changes in mobility rights for visa applicants during and after the pandemic, focusing on Schengen visa regime from March 2020 to June 2023. Our argument is twofold: first, the EU temporarily but substantially changed visa policies in the name securing the public health and free movement in(to) the Schengen area. However, these policies for securing mobility also created administrative gray zones that include new travel restrictions, confusions as well as strategic spaces for accessing to the mobility rights. Second, ongoing visa issuance practices and application process problems since the pandemic reveal a regression in the mobility rights lasting in the (post-)pandemic period. Hence, this article offers a more nuanced account of mobility rights by shedding light on the Schengen visa regime which will continue to play substantial roles in the EU's border management system in the post-pandemic period.

The Trade and Cooperation Agreement (TCA) between the European Union (EU) and the United Kingdom (UK), which entered into force in May 2021, governs the EU's relationship with the UK, following its withdrawal from the EU. In addition to the European Commission evaluating the implementation of the TCA on an annual basis, Article 776 of the TCA provides for a joint review of the deal's implementation five years after its entry into force, in 2026. This briefing seeks to inform the drafting of the joint AFET-INTA implementation report on the TCA's implementation and provides an analysis of the data on trade flows between the EU and the UK in the last two years (2023 and 2024).

This briefing concludes that the TCA continues to have a stronger impact on the UK than on the EU in the trade relationship. Trade between the EU and the UK continues to be more complex and challenging compared to when the UK was an EU Member State, even if the implementation of the TCA in the last four years has been generally smooth, with some exceptions. The UK has managed to bounce back from COVID and Brexit less successfully than the EU and has, like the EU-27, been affected by Russia's war in Ukraine and inflation. EU-UK trade in goods decreased slightly in 2023 and 2024, and it is still below pre-Brexit levels. EU-UK trade in services (the TCA does not cover financial services), continues to be less disrupted, and surpassed pre-COVID-19 levels as of 2023. At a time of uncertainty on the future direction of trade policy, geopolitical upheaval, and the United States administration's (potential) new tariffs on imports from its trading partners (including the UK and the EU), the TCA offers an opportunity to deepen EU-UK trade relations.

As a result of Turkey’s geopolitical position and its related requirements, energy is one of the fi elds where innovation is to be speeded up. However, as a natural consequence of unplanned and incorrect energy policies, Turkey’s rate of dependency on energy has reached 72%. Since the need for energy is increasingly growing, especially as a result of the manufacturing industry in Turkey, and a large part of the consumed energy is imported, dependency seems to continue to increase. Toward this end, this article focuses on studies related to reducing external dependency on energy, while also reviewing and discussing literature survey methodology and making policy recommendations concerning energy supply security. Renewable energy has been attached great importance worldwide as well as nationwide because of providing a reliable energy source that meets economic and environmental requirements. In order to meet the increasing electricity needs of Turkey as a developing country the number...

In recent years, cities have been using cultural events more often to improve their public image, spur infrastructural and urban development, and attract visitors, tourists, and investment. Within the context of the European Union (EU), the European Capital of Culture (ECoC) program constitutes such an opportunity for the selected cities. For the year 2023, the designation of the title to Greece, and specifically to Eleusis (Elefsina in modern Greek), together with Timisoara (Romania) and Veszprém (Hungary), provides an opportunity for the city to reintroduce itself to the international public as a cultural destination and to offer an alternative tourist experience

This report explores return migration governance in the African and Middle Eastern regions and the role of the EU by looking at the governance of coerced returns from Turkey, Lebanon, Jordan, and Iraq to Syria; from Morocco, Tunisia, and Libya to Nigeria; and from Iran and Turkey to Afghanistan.

This paper examines the political and policy framework of the 2024 Hungarian EU Presidency, with a focus on the factors influencing its agenda and the key policy issues it aims to address. The 2024 Hungarian EU Presidency marks Hungary’s second term as the rotating president of the Council of the European Union. Drawing on the experience gained during its Presidency in 2011, Hungary faces numerous challenges in shaping the EU agenda amidst geopolitical uncertainties and institutional changes. The paper begins by outlining the rotating presidency system, emphasizing its role as an ‘honest broker’ in facilitating EU legislative processes and fostering cooperation among Member States. It then analyses the 2011 Hungarian EU Presidency. The paper further discusses the factors shaping the 2024 Hungarian EU Presidency, including the institutional cycle change following the European elections and the geopolitical context marked by the Russian-Ukrainian conflict and Middle East crises. It also examines the seven key policy issues identified by Hungary for its EU Presidency, such as strengthening competitiveness, addressing demographic challenges, promoting enlargement, shaping cohesion policy, strengthening defence policy, combating irregular migration, and a farmer-centered EU agricultural policy. The manuscript was closed on 28 June (before the beginning of the Hungarian EU Presidency).

The visa policy of the European Union (EU) member states against Turkish citizens has been a controversial topic for decades. Millions of Turkish citizens suffer from serious restrictions before their travel to the Schengen area for the purpose of their non-gainful activities. In time, two main options appeared before the visa-free travel of Turkish citizens, namely the opportunity brought by the interpretations of the Court of Justice of the EU (CJEU) based on the "stand-still clause" and secondly the Visa Liberalisation Dialogue. The objective of the article is to discuss whether the visa regime against Turkish citizens is justified or politically motivated. It connects the technical/legal analysis to a political analysis through the securitization theory. Security framing practices of the European actors at various policy levels are analyzed to explain the continuation of the restrictive visa regime against Turkish citizens despite two strong options that could have ensured visa-free travel. This article concludes that as a result of developments following the failed coup attempt in 2016, visa-free travel of Turkish citizens which was framed through the perceived threat of Turkish migration has transformed into a real threat.

In the words of the former UN Secretary General Kofi Annan, “membership of [politically divided] Cyprus in the European Union coupled with Turkey’s membership aspirations has seriously complicated future peace negotiations on the island.” (Hürriyet, June 16, 2006). This is a rather harsh assessment of EU’s Cyprus policy given the fact that membership in the Union would most likely create the optimal conditions for peace and stability between the Greek and Turkish Cypriots. Yet, EU membership of one side at the expense of the other community, seem to have created more obstacles for peace. This paper provides a critical analysis of EU’s Cyprus policy. It examines: (1) the contradictions between EU’s desire to establish direct economic and trade link with the Turkish Cypriots and EU’s legal framework, (2) assesses agenda setting process in the EU and its implications for relations with the Turkish Cypriots, and (3) provides ad agent-based analysis of the current impasses surrounding (1)

The concept of democracy plays an important role in the US foreign policy. American Presidents use democracy as a motivating force for their policies worldwide. This study examines the policies of the American administrations concerning the democratic developments and coups in the Republic of Turkiye between 1945 and 1983. The influence of the US administration, as the most important proponent of liberal democracy, on Turkiye's transition to multi-party rule and its approach to the coups of May 27, September 12, and the March 12 memorandum will be discussed based on the American sources in the present study. In addition to the American National Archives, Congressional Records, Official Publications, the American newspapers of the period, and the memoirs of diplomats who served in Turkiye were used as the primary sources of the study. These sources enabled the evaluation of the development of Turkish democracy from the American perspective. The US attitude towards Turkish democracy will also reveal whether democracy is a goal or a tool of the US foreign policy towards Turkiye.

The EU has been confronted with novel global challenges ranging
from economic, migration and security related crises, to an
interstate war on its Eastern and Southern borders. Strategic
partnerships have emerged as one of the key potential
instruments to navigate these challenges, yet with contested
debates over their impact on the EU’s global standing as a
foreign policy actor. This paper analyses how, if at all, EU strategic
partnerships indicate a maturation of EU foreign policy in the
global context. We argue that the utilisation of EU strategic
partners emerges as an area with varied degrees of maturation.
We identify three main indicators of these varied maturation
degrees to assess the EU’s use of strategic partnerships. First, we
focus on the rationale behind the continuous tension between
the EU’s normative and strategic drivers for engaging in strategic
partnerships. The second indicator of maturation is the EU’s
proactive role in adapting to its changing global environment,
where a mature EU identifies other global players and presents
them with cooperation opportunities. Finally, institutional
maturity as a function of vertical coherence implies the proactive
management of divisions among the EU institutions and member
states over the modalities of these partnerships.

На протяжении последних нескольких лет Европейский Союз и Турция испытывают растущую напряженность. Прошли десятилетия с тех пор, как у Турции был какой-либо шанс вступить в ЕС, несмотря на то, что она остается формальным кандидатом на вступление на сегодняшний день. Данная статья посвящена анализу проблемы признания и осуждения Геноцида армян в Турции в контексте отношений между Турцией и Европейским союзом. Целью является исследование политики тюркификации, которая привела к нарушениям прав меньшинств в Турции и отрицанию Геноцида армян. Статья рассматривает процесс признания и осуждения Геноцида армян в странах ЕС, а также анализирует позицию Турции по этому вопросу. В статье подчеркивается, что Лозаннский договор 1923 года, который Турция использует как основание для своей политики в отношении меньшинств, устарел в свете нынешних международных стандартов в области прав человека и защиты национальных меньшинств. В заключении,отмечается необходимость дальнейших усилий со стороны ЕС для признания и осуждения Геноцида армян и защиты прав меньшинств в Турции.

On December 22, 2024, Saudi Chief of Staff Lieutenant General Fayyad bin Hamed al-Ruwaili visited Türkiye upon an invitation from his Turkish counterpart, Metin Gürak. The two officials held both individual and joint discussions, and Ruwaili also met with Türkiye’s minister of defense. While no official statements or comments were issued regarding the visit, it reflects recent positive developments in Saudi-Turkish relations and the strengthening of strategic cooperation, particularly in the defense sector. The timing of the visit is significant, coinciding with regional developments following the Gaza war and ongoing transformations in Syria and the Horn of Africa, areas of mutual strategic interest for both nations. This report explores the strategic dimensions of the Saudi-Türkiye rapprochement and its impacts.

Using survey data of Northern Cyprus provided by two recent waves of Eurobarometer, we analyze whether a list of socio-demographic and economic characteristics and personal and political opinions make it more likely that a person considers the Cyprus problem as one of the most important issues at a personal or community level. While socio-demographic characteristics such as gender, age, or the education level are not determinant factors, people who are more involved in political discussions and who trust political parties are more likely to consider the Cyprus problem as an important issue. The region of residence matters as well. People residing in the Morphou region are significantly more likely to find the Cyprus problem as a key issue. Many of these residents had to migrate from the South of the island after the 1974 events or are descendants of migrants. Their concern about the Cyprus problem most likely stems from the uncertainty they face as a possible federal agreement could...

Turkiye’s defence industry is directly impacted by the country’s foreign-policy orientation, and now finds itself at a critical juncture. Decisions taken in the next few years will shape the future of its armaments sector for decades to come. There are two crucial issues for poli­cymakers to assess: which countries should be Turkiye’s closest partners, and which defence-industrial sectors should be prioritised.

There are broadly five possible foreign-policy direc­tions that Ankara could take. Each has its own historical roots, whether recent or more distant. The five direc­tions can be categorised as ‘Isolationist’, ‘New Horizons’, ‘Shifting Course’, ‘Hedging’ and ‘Return to the West’.

Öz: Tarih sahnesi; savaşlar, yıkımlar, anlaşmalar, stratejik planlar, bloklaşmalar ve buna benzer çeşitli politikaları tekerrür ederek ilerlemiştir. Nitekim bu platformdan doğan sonuçlar kimi ülkelerin lehine işlerken, kimilerinin de aleyhine işlemiştir. Soğuk Savaş dönemi ise, dünya tarihinin sayfalarına bu işleyişin en önemli parçalarından birisini oluşturarak girmiştir. Soğuk Savaş olgusu, çift kutuplu bir dünyayı oluşturmuş; buna mukabil dünyayı birbirine düşman şekilde iki ayrı kampa ayırmıştır. Her ne kadar çift kutuplu bir dünyadan bahsedilse de, bu kutuplar, mevcut müttefik devletleri kendi elinde tutmaya çalışmış ve yeni müttefikler kazanmak amacı ile adeta bir yarışa girerek, diğer dünya ülkelerini de kendi tesirleri altına almışlardır. İkinci Dünya Savaşı sonrası görülen ve ABD ile SSCB'nin hem askeri, hem de siyasi gerginlik dönemini oluşturan Soğuk Savaş dönemi, çeşitli sorunları doğurarak bazı işleyişleri etkilemiştir. Diğer ülkelerin de fazlasıyla etkilendikleri bu dönem (1947-1989), dünya tarihi açısından büyük önem teşkil etmektedir. Buradan doğan sonuçlar, kimilerini doğrudan, kimilerini ise dolaylı şekilde etkilemiştir. Konumuz bağlamında, Türk dış politikasının en hassas kalemi, ABD ile olan ilişkilerimiz olmuştur. Bunun ana sebebi ise, Türkiye'nin iç siyasetinin ve diğer bütün dış politika içeriklerinin Türkiye-ABD ilişkilerinden etkilenmesidir. Türkiye, dünya platformunda daha etkin ve dinamik bir dünya gücü olarak uluslararası sisteme dâhil olma süreci içerisinde bulunmaktadır. ABD ile olan ilişkiler de, bu sürece yansımaktadır. Bu ilişkinin temeli ise stratejik boyutlara dayanmaktadır.

Turkiye-AB iliskileri icinde pek cok kusku ve endise barindirsa da, 5o yillik bir maziye sahiptir. Ne var ki, bu koklu iliskiler bazi siyasi nedenlerin tesiriyle pek cok defa inkitaa ugramistir. Son zamanlarda, AB ve Turkiye arasindaki iliskilerin ve bu iliskilere dair tartismalarin uc yillik uzun bir kopustan sonra yeniden basladigini ve Turk hukumetinin 2014 yilini AB Yili ilan ettigini kitlesel medyadan ogrenmekteyiz. Bu tartismalar her ne kadar nihai anlamda Turkiye’nin AB’ye tam uyeligini hedeflemis olsa da, bu uyeligin niteliginin ve muhtevasinin ne olacagi konusunda her iki taraf henuz bir uzlasma saglamis durumda degildir. Turkiye’nin uyelik sureciyle diger Avrupa ulkelerinin uyelik surecleri mukayese edildiginde, gerek ortaya konulan kriterler ve gerekse one surulen siyasi mulahazalar bakimindan, derin farkliliklarin mevcut olduguna sahit olmaktayiz. Oyle ki, hicbir ulkenin uyelik surecinde bu kadar anti-demokratik bir muzakere cerceve belgesi ve sureci isletilmemis, aday b...

The visa policy of the European Union (EU) member states against Turkish citizens has been a controversial topic for decades. Millions of Turkish citizens suffer from serious restrictions before their travel to the Schengen area for the purpose of their non-gainful activities. In time, two main options appeared before the visa-free travel of Turkish citizens, namely the opportunity brought by the interpretations of the Court of Justice of the EU (CJEU) based on the "stand-still clause" and secondly the Visa Liberalisation Dialogue. The objective of the article is to discuss whether the visa regime against Turkish citizens is justified or politically motivated. It connects the technical/legal analysis to a political analysis through the securitization theory. Security framing practices of the European actors at various policy levels are analyzed to explain the continuation of the restrictive visa regime against Turkish citizens despite two strong options that could have ensured visa-free travel. This article concludes that as a result of developments following the failed coup attempt in 2016, visa-free travel of Turkish citizens which was framed through the perceived threat of Turkish migration has transformed into a real threat.

Euro Crisis has been a remarkable landmark on which realizing the capacity of EU could not achieve to a certain level that lead to a decline on the status of EU in international politics. In this respect, EU experienced a kind of inadequacy regarding the provision of some sort of grants and payoffs. Lack of establishing an orbit has happened during a period of time when some of the players had been waiting for a long time at the
membership gate. Turkey, as a country belongs to those awaited ones, achieved to a certain level in respect of having a larger capacity in many aspects meanwhile EU was being in a hurdle to overcome the structural problems that arisen in a similar  momentum. Level of Turkish economy has been in an advance and that was combined with a distinct internal and external political stability at the same time a new foreign policy agenda of the country has emerged. The crisis diminished the powerful image of
the EU whilst Turkey was planning to apply an active role in the neighborhood of the country, establishing new material and normative links with the surrounding countries that share a common history with her. Regarding this, the study will be covering how far Euro Crisis was an effective aspect in shaping the preferences of Turkish foreign policy. Thus, there are four main pillars of this study which are the Euro crisis and economics; enlargement; foreign policy and political developments. This study tries to frame the relationship between Turkey and the EU during the crisis via using a realist approach. Therefore, previous international relations theories will offer a starting point, but the concept of rationalism within EU studies will provide the core of our theoretical understanding. Horizontal institutionalism levels will be measured through rationalist
preferences, where EU conditionality and credibility will serve as a variable, as will the models of external incentives and efficiency. This study will propose that international developments such as economic crisis may bring about differentiation on foreign policy choices. In this sense, credible conditionality and a credible future are critical factors for a regional organization whenever there is a change in the current position in
international politics. During the crisis time, the EU could not provide credible rule of conditionality and Turkey complained about the progress of both the negotiation process and the status of external agreements, such as the Customs Union.

Although ceasefires have faced repeated challenges, there remains hope for an eventual end to the Russia-Ukraine war. The newly elected president of the United States, Donald Trump, has hinted at a possible American withdrawal from the conflict. However, the reaction of the military-industrial complex remains to be seen.  As the world continues to endure the atrocities of wars in critical regions such as the Middle East, international mediators, including the United Nations, have prioritised conflict resolution. A potential approach to ending wars and armed conflicts could involve a frozen conflict, where the parties agree to a ceasefire and accept current conditions. However, negotiations are likely to fail if major powers, particularly the United States, are reluctant to advocate for a lasting ceasefire.

The concept of democracy plays an important role in the US foreign policy. American Presidents use democracy as a motivating force for their policies worldwide. This study examines the policies of the American administrations concerning the democratic developments and coups in the Republic of Turkiye between 1945 and 1983. The influence of the US administration, as the most important proponent of liberal democracy, on Turkiye's transition to multi-party rule and its approach to the coups of May 27, September 12, and the March 12 memorandum will be discussed based on the American sources in the present study. In addition to the American National Archives, Congressional Records, Official Publications, the American newspapers of the period, and the memoirs of diplomats who served in Turkiye were used as the primary sources of the study. These sources enabled the evaluation of the development of Turkish democracy from the American perspective. The US attitude towards Turkish democracy will also reveal whether democracy is a goal or a tool of the US foreign policy towards Turkiye.

China-Iran relations have witnessed a new ascendency. Where China-Iran 'Comprehensive Strategic Partnership' (CSP) is characterized by deepening economic, trade and investment ties, cooperation through Belt and Road Initiative and shared interests in promoting stability and security, it has raised concerns of the international community, especially by the US. The prime concern is regarding the shift in the balance of power in the region. China through its diplomatic efforts has somehow addressed the concerns by brokering raproachment agreement between Saudi-Arabia and Iran, but Western and US concerns persist as they view the new partnership as a challenge to their influence and interests of its regional allies. This paper hypothesizes that China-Iran CSP, if fully realized would establish a new regional security complex that would undermine the US-led status quo regional order. This paper analyzes this very research puzzle by enquiring about the evolving nature of the China-Iran economic, political and security relationship and its implications for the regional political and security complex through the lens of Regional Security Complex theory (RSCT). Through Qualitative methodology, it explains the convergences of interests of Iran and China, the dynamism in the relationship and its implications for the regional security complex.

Russia Syria relations under the international instability in the Middle East (XX–XXI)
Монография В. М. Ахмедова «Российско-сирийские отношения
в условиях международной нестабильности на Ближнем Востоке (конец XX — начало XXI вв.) посвящена исследованию политики России в Сирии в условиях эволюции международных отношений на Ближнем Востоке. Основной целью является изучение динамики российско-сирийского взаимодействия в условиях сирийского кризиса. Особое внимание уде- лено российско-сирийскому сотрудничеству в вопросах региональной безопасности. Выявлены факторы устойчивости российско-сирийских отношений в условиях международной нестабильности на Ближнем Вос- токе. Определены военно-политические доминанты российско-сирий- ских отношений, перспективы ближневосточной политики России. Иссле- дован характер взаимодействия России с ведущими акторами сирийского конфликта в контексте обострения борьбы за Ближний Восток в резуль- тате войны в Газе. Анализ феномена ирано-сирийского альянса способ- ствовал более глубокому пониманию вызовов российской политике в САР и специфике российско-иранского взаимодействия на Ближнем Востоке. Сделан вывод о том, что возможным путем укрепления позиций Россией на Ближнем Востоке служит задействование потенциала российско- сирийских отношений. Представленная монография отличается актуаль- ностью и вносит несомненный научный вклад в изучение изложенной проблематики. Работа Ахмедова В. М. практически значима для рос- сийских внешнеполитических ведомств, может использоваться в курсе профильных лекций. Одновременно, книга рассчитана на широкий круг читателей.

Avrupa Birligi Adalet Divani (ABAD) 2013’te sonuclandirdigi Demirkan davasinda, AB ulkelerinde kisa sureli de olsa hizmet alicisi olarak bulunmak isteyen Turk vatandaslarinin, AB’nin ortak vize rejimine tabi olmaya devam edeceklerini karara baglamistir. Demirkan karari, AB hukukunda hizmet alicisi kavraminin cok genis bir insan kategorisini kapsamasi nedeniyle, Turk vatandaslarinin AB ulkelerine vizesiz gidip gidemeyeceklerinin tespiti bakimindan, gerek AB, gerek Turk kamuoyu ve politik cevrelerinde buyuk ilgi uyandirmistir. Bununla birlikte Turkiye ve AB arasindaki iliskideki politik acmazlar ve Turkiye’den AB’ye olasi bir yogun goc endisesine dayanan politik onyargilar, Divan’in, Demirkan davasindaki kararinin hukuk mantigiyla saglikli olarak ortusemeyecek sekilde gerekcelendirilmesine yol acmistir. Divan, Demirkan kararinda onceki ictihat hukukunun yarattigi olumlu etkiden ciddi bir donus yapmistir. Bu kararda Divan’in vardigi politik sonuctan ziyade, cogu hukukcuyu esasen sasirt...

The conflict in Cyprus remains unresolved in the realm of international conflict resolution. Following Turkey's military intervention and the establishment of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC), the international community, particularly the European Union, implemented isolation and embargo measures against the TRNC. These policies have persisted for over 40 years, causing the Turkish Cypriot community to live under isolation. Only Turkey recognizes Northern Cyprus as an independent nation, and since its declaration in 1983. Many international institutions, such as the Universal Postal Union, the International Civil Aviation Organization, and the International Air Transport Association, refuse to engage with the Turkish Cypriot community. Exports and flights from Northern Cyprus are dependent on Turkey, and direct international flights are banned. Additionally, Turkish Cypriots encounter embargoes in sports and cultural fields, where they are prohibited from playing in international matches or competitions, and some international musicians' concerts in Northern Cyprus have been canceled.
This study aims to explore the impact of the isolation and embargo policies enforced after the 1974 intervention on Northern Cyprus and peace negotiations. It argues that the isolation policies target the community rather then political actors and these long-term strict isolation is not good for any actor in the region.

The conflict in Cyprus remains unresolved in the realm of international conflict resolution. Following Turkey's military intervention and the establishment of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC), the international community, particularly the European Union, implemented isolation and embargo measures against the TRNC. These policies have persisted for over 40 years, causing the Turkish Cypriot community to live under isolation. Only Turkey recognizes Northern Cyprus as an independent nation, and since its declaration in 1983. Many international institutions, such as the Universal Postal Union, the International Civil Aviation Organization, and the International Air Transport Association, refuse to engage with the Turkish Cypriot community. Exports and flights from Northern Cyprus are dependent on Turkey, and direct international flights are banned. Additionally, Turkish Cypriots encounter embargoes in sports and cultural fields, where they are prohibited from playing in international matches or competitions, and some international musicians' concerts in Northern Cyprus have been canceled. This study aims to explore the impact of the isolation and embargo policies enforced after the 1974 intervention on Northern Cyprus and peace negotiations. It argues that the isolation policies target the community rather then political actors and these long-term strict isolation is not good for any actor in the region.

Turkey-European Union (EU) relations date back to the 1963 Ankara Agreement, which envisaged an association regime. This agreement envisaged preparatory, transitional and final stages for Turkey's integration into the EU. The Customs Union entered into force on 1 January 1996. It provided a high level of integration between the parties. Analyzing the impact of 20 years of implementation, we observe that Turkey has become the EU's 5th main trading partner globally with the value of bilateral trade in goods currently amounting to €140 billion. Comparing to 1996 figures we see a fourfold increase. Similarly, the EU is the most important trading partner for Turkey, representing 41% of Turkey`s global trade. Moreover, around three quarters of Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) in Turkey currently originate from the EU. This relationship did not only increase the volume of Turkish industrial production but also increased its quality and competitiveness. However, the fundamentals of this relationship require adaptation to today's challenges. It has to be equipped better to satisfy both sides' expectations on one hand and face the reality of a changing economic and business environment on the other. The upgrade shall satisfy Turkey's concerns about EU commercial policy with third countries while concluding Free Trade Agreements (FTA). It should also improve the functioning of the current Customs Union agreement. Strengthened economic and trade relations between the EU and Turkey will create a win-win situation that will contribute to increasing living standards of all. This is why, we believe, as MÜSIAD, that the negotiations to modernize the Customs Union must avoid any politicization as seen in the accession negotiations and preserve its technical nature. The strategic importance of Turkey-EU relations increases for both sides in parallel with rapid changes in the nature of international relations and our region. To become strong and sustainable, these relations need to be based on mutual respect, trust and empathy for each other. Both sides have a lot of benefits to gain if cooperation strengthens in different areas, such as foreign policy, economic and trade relations, energy supply, security to border management, employment, culture, education and migration policies. The business community is aware that the Turkey-EU relationship is based on a strong and deep economic integration. The massive mutual economic interest and benefits should be better reported and acknowledged. Therefore, I hope this report will provide a better understanding on the importance and the necessity to reform and modernize the Customs Union agreement between Turkey and the EU. " To become strong and sustainable, these relations need to be based on mutual respect, trust and empathy " | Foreword | Nail Olpak European Neighbourhood Council ENCouncil.org ENC ENC PERSPECTIVES A Modernized EU-Turkey Customs Union | Introduction and Background | Responsible co-anchoring. Relations between the European Union (EU) and Turkey were given a front-row seat in the mid-1990s, when EU-Turkey economic relations were upgraded and the 1995 Customs Union agreement came into effect.

AB ve ABD arasında başlatılan Transatlantik Ticaret ve Yatırım Ortaklığı (TTIP) müzakereleri sadece taraflara geniş bir serbest ticaret alanı oluşturmanın ötesinde küresel ticaret norm ve kurallarını da yeniden belirlemeye çalışacakları bir platform sunmaktadır. Transatlantik dünyası ile derin ilişkiye sahip olan Türkiye'nin kendi üzerinde etki yapacak bu yapının bir şekilde içinde yer alması önemlidir. Bu bağlamda ABD ile ortaklığın gelişmesine yönelik muhtemel bir ticaret anlaşmasının 'derin ve kapsamlı' olması Türkiye'nin yeni küresel ticaret gündemine hazırlanmasında da katkı sağlayacaktır. TTIP, AB ile mevcut Gümrük Birliği sonrasında, Türk ekonomisinin yeniden dönüşümü ve küresel ekonomiye eklemlenmesi için yeni ve zorlu bir süreçtir. Türkiye'nin TTIP konusunda göstereceği tutum, Batı dünyası ile ilişkilerini daha istikrarlı bir zemine oturtmasına ve farklı coğrafyalarda alternatif arayışlara yönelmekten kaçınmasına da katkı sağlayacaktır.

Son yıllarda Türkiye-AB ilişkileri kamuoyunda sıkça tartışılmaktadır. İlişkilerin sürecine paralel olarak bu tartışmalar bazen olumlu bazen de olumsuz yönde olmaktadır. Kamuoyunun konu ile ilgisi bazı dönemler de yoğunlaşmış ve gündemde yer almıştır. Bu dönemler; 1963 yılında taraflar arasında imzalan Ankara Antlaşması ve sonraki dönem, 1987 yılındaki Türkiye'nin Avrupa Ekonomik Topluluğu'na (AET) tam üyelik müracaatı, 1995 yılında taraflar arsında imzalanan Gümrük Birliği (GB), 1999 yılında Türkiye'nin tam aday ülke konumuna getirildiği Helsinki Zirvesi'dir. Türkiye'nin 2004'te tam üyelik müzakereleri için bir tarih alması, 2005 Ekim'inde tam üyelik müzakerelerine başlaması ve sonrası kamuoyu için yeni bir dönemin başlangıcını oluşturmuştur. Bu dönemlerde kamuoyunda yer alan Türkiye-AB ilişkileri günümüzde gelişen kitle iletişim araçları ile daha fazla tartışılmakta ve hemen her kesimin ilgisini çekmektedir. Son günlerde Kıbrıs sorunu, ermeni soykırımı i...

This study examines the creation of the Cypriot diaspora in the United Kingdom and how British Cypriots have embraced a pre-conflict Cypriot identity. Thousands of Turkish and Greek Cypriots were displaced as a result of ethnic conflicts in Cyprus during the 1960s as well as in 1974. This study, modelled as an interdisciplinary investigation, examines how scholars have viewed the Cypriot diaspora over time and consequently have created a history of this diasporic population's shift in identity through memory preservation, collective community-building and ideas of home and belonging. Analysing previous research on the Cypriot diaspora and the data retrieved from semistructured interviews and participant observation, this study argues that the Cypriot diaspora in the UK has created a new home and sense of belonging similar to that during the pre-British protectorate period of Cyprus, and that this displaced population's view of 'Cypriot-ness' has affected their ideas of home and belonging.