Tudor/Stuart Britain

Si prendono inconsiderazioni le due epigrafi esposte ai Musei Capitolini relative a Cristina di Svezia e Maria Casimira Sobieska, strettamente collegate per luogo espositivo e rimandi. Si propone una nuova datazione per la visita di Cristina di Svezia in campidoglio

The overlapping circles and interconnecting figures (friars, saints, and sporadically rulers) delineate a long and winding path of reception and rejection of Observance among the Dominicans in Dubrovnik during the long 15th century. Those circles rest on the mobility of the prominent friars on two axes: Dubrovnik – Venice (the circles of Giovanni Dominici) and Dubrovnik – Buda (the court of Matthias Corvinus) but also include lay persons or members of different orders. Some of them were outsiders to the local Observant „cause“ (as were Sicilian merchant Giovanni Sparterio or Franciscan apologist of Savonarola Giorgio Benigno Salviati–Dragišić ), but nonetheless contributed significantly to the channels through which Observant ideas, cults, and iconography were diffused. The paper traces the chains of personal connections that resulted in transfers of devotional patterns (dedication of altars and chapels to Observant saints, iconographic programmes) and circulation of objects (books, relics).

In this article, we analyse the theoretical elements that form the foundation of James Harrington's political theory, demonstrating that they are primarily constructed in relation to Machiavelli's legacy. We intend to show that Harrington's relationship with Machiavelli's republicanism is paradoxical through: (1) the analysis of Harrington's selective use of certain classical sources in relation to Machiavelli; (2) the evolution of Harrington's thought; 3) the relationship between the Roman model and the Spartan model. In his republican model Harrington tries to respond to two self-imposed requirements that, we believe, conflict with each other: that of developing a sincerely republican system while keeping his distance from Machiavelli's more radical and pro-popular positions. Our thesis is that Harrington elaborates his political theory from these conflicting goals and that this sometimes-contradictory need creates tensions that make his republicanism paradoxical.

This article examines the role of war news from abroad as public entertainment in Britain during the early decades of the eighteenth century. To gain new insights into the public sphere in this article, I intend to establish an image of the role the foreign news of wars had as entertainment among the news-reading public. I also discuss related literary reactions to this public by analysing period printed texts about the issue of war news as a public pastime. I furthermore explore the role and perceptions of the news writers as producers of this entertainment. The foreign war news from abroad became so constant due to the various European military clashes that when a more peaceful time arrived in the 1720s, the news writers had to find other news to keep the people interested in their papers. In period commentaries there was clearly an underlying consensus of foreign war news discussion as casual and largely carefree public entertainment, even if there were at times also political passions regarding especially the kingdom's foreign policy. This casual news reading culture was sometimes frowned upon by commentators who associated the news readership with idle men of the coffee houses of London. I also show that the news writers were sometimes seen as immoral when they were exploiting the readers' curiosity by writing about such miserable events. While this article is intended to be introductory to this vast topic, it highlights the often overlooked importance of warfare and military news as instigators in the development of the early modern public sphere. The article aims to benefit researchers who seek to understand the historical development of Western public spheres during this period.

Roma-Bristol (USA) Catalogo della Mostra a cura di F # %&'%# C&%( e J& )* M()(+,&con F # %&'%# D& C#. (+ Maria Casimira e la famiglia reale Sobieski a Roma INDICE P &'& /#)(+ ( VII I S+0(&'-( # R+1# & 2!& +& 3(//+ (+'+: G(+3# ( III S+0(&'-( F # %&'%# C&%(, J& )* M()(+,&-, Una regina tra Giubileo e Campidoglio: Maria Casimira Sobieska a Roma G#&/# + P2#/# (#, Gio!anni III Sobieski, il defensor 4dei J& )* M()(+,&-, I trion 'all antica di re Gio!anni III Sobieski e Maria Casimira J& )* M()(+,&-, Il re di Polonia come nuo!o Costantino M#''(1(2(# + M5 )(, Gio!anni III Sobieski e la liberazione di Vienna nelle medaglie celebrative tra Polonia, l Impero e Roma

Аннотация: Англия XVI в. засвидетельствовала повсеместное распространение и популярность заимствованных из античных (римских) текстов республиканских терминов, метафор и концептов. В данной статье анализируются английские политические памфлеты второй половины XVI в., рассматриваются используемые в них республиканские понятия и метафоры. В памфлетах, с опорой на Цицерона и Саллюстия, обосновывались их идеи о добром совете/советнике, а в более радикальных интерпретациях-теории выборной монархии и правления совета в период междуцарствия. Показано, что распространение республиканской риторики прямо связано с представлением женского правления как склонного к слабой тирании (подчинению дурным советникам). Обязанность женщин-правительниц выслушивать добрый совет должна была легитимировать их власть, но также и ограничивала ее. Советники мыслили себя соправителями, сенаторами, готовыми взять на себя управление страной в случае династического кризиса. Автор приходит к выводу, что республиканская риторика была свойственна всем конфессиональным группам и была частью универсального светского политического языка.

İngiliz tarihinin en ilgi çekici dönemlerinden biri: Tudorlar Çağı.
Güller Savaşı’nın ardından tahta çıkan bu hanedan, VIII. Henry’den I. Elizabeth’e uzanan süreçte yalnızca İngiltere’yi değil, Avrupa’yı da şekillendirdi.
Bu kitap, siyasi mücadeleleri, kültürel dönüşümleri ve toplumsal değişimleri ele alarak Tudor dünyasına adım atmak isteyen herkes için güçlü bir başlangıç sunuyor.

Up to only a few years ago, the royal household was of no interest to historians, and the few that researched the topic (always from an institutionalist approach), viewed it simply as a group of offices
and people, extrapolating the reality of the 1800s and 1900s to previous centuries. However, the royal household was much more than that and, fortunately, over the past three decades it has begun to be examined in the context of late medieval and early modern discourses that gave shape
to and justified royal power. Rulers each established their own households and forms of service.
Although they all sought originality to give their monarchy a distinctive identity, most were similarly structured into sections or departments, and we therefore find six recurring elements. Although the hierarchy varied from monarchy to monarchy, the order of precedence was generally as
follows: Chapel, Chamber, Household or Offices, Stables, Guard, and the Hunt. Each section in turn encompassed three different and complementary aspects: the section’s servants, the ruler and
his family’s physical or spiritual need, and a physical space in the royal geographies. This article analyses the links between the various sections of the Spanish monarchy’s royal household and the physical spaces of its royal geographies, as well as their evolution during the Habsburg period (the 16th-17th centuries).

Prepared for inclusion in Domesday to America, Volume II-by Patrick A. Payne A reevaluation of Payne family records from Norfolk and Suffolk has brought to light new evidence that the long-assumed extinct line of Thomas Payne of Itteringham and Elizabeth Boleyn may in fact have continued-through both documented descendants and a newly recognized cadet branch. At the heart of this rediscovery is Drew Payne, born circa 1568, identified in a 1589-90 petition to Queen Elizabeth I as the son of Elizabeth Bullen (Boleyn), daughter of Sir Edward Bullen. Drew petitioned the Crown for a reversion lease in recognition of his military service in the Low Countries-a request granted by Sir Thomas Heneage, one of the Queen's most senior courtiers. This single document proves two things: 1. Drew Payne descended directly from the Boleyn family, likely making him a distant cousin of Anne Boleyn, Queen of England. 2. The Payne-Boleyn bloodline did not die out in the 16th century as previously believed.

The conclusive section wraps up the narrative, showing the author's ability to weave sources of different natures into a strong and convincing argument. However, the chapters leading to this point do not display this same dynamism and often fall into repetition. The lack of footnotes and/or endnotes is noticeable in this regard, as they would have proven useful to take out from the main text the abundant load of reminders and references between chapters. In contrast, the book is at its most brilliant when presenting plans and carefully curated images. The single axonometry included proves the potential of this topic for further graphic exploration, synthesizing complex constructive and stylistic descriptions that may present a challenge to the untrained reader.

Prezentowany tekst zawiera II część pierwszego polskiego przekładu słynnego renesansowego Dialogu o prawach władzy królewskiej u Szkotów (De iure regni apud Scotos dialogus) z 1579 r. autorstwa szkockiego humanisty oraz radykalnego monarchomachy George’a Buchanana. W tej części publikacji autor przedstawia swoją teorię tyranii, będącej przeciwieństwem opisanej w I części prawowitej władzy monarszej, jak również wskazuje zakres i podstawy prawa do oporu wobec tyrana naruszającego ład normatywny wspólnoty.

Prezentowany tekst źródłowy stanowi pierwszy polski przekład słynnego renesansowego Dialogu o prawach władzy królewskiej u Szkotów (De iure regni apud Scotos dialogus) z 1579 r. autorstwa szkockiego humanisty oraz radykalnego monarchomachy George’a Buchanana. Przekład uzupełniono wprowadzeniem zawierającym informacje biograficzne o autorze Dialogu, kontekście powstania dzieła, zawartych w nim kluczowych wątkach oraz późniejszej recepcji w nowożytnej myśli prawno-politycznej.

Anne Boleyn, Elizabeth I and Mary Queen of Scots can be considered as the proto-feminist figures of the Tudor era. They affected politics and religion and made a permanent mark on history. Elizabeth was a successful sovereign and overcame considerable obstacles due to the fact that she was a female monarch, while Anne Boleyn, her mother, and Mary, her cousin, were less successful. Because they defied the norm, Anne and Mary paid the ultimate price; ending their lives on the block. Historians have not always treated these women fairly and they do not agree as to the extent of these women's guilt in plots and murders that took place in their lives. Anne and Mary's history has never been told from their point of view. The historical novel becomes a powerful tool where these women are given a voice and their history is presented from different viewpoints. Writers of the women's historical novel can write about the lives of women and offer explanations for events that have not been fully explained by the historical record. This essay begins by discussing the historical novel and demonstrating how the historical novel is a combination of fact and fiction and how it can become a medium that tells a story about people and events, as well as explaining how the women's historical novel gives the women of history a voice they have never had. Further, by introducing Anne Boleyn, Elizabeth I and Mary Queen of Scots, the essay explores the main events in their lives, their influence on politics, religion and how they affected history. The essay goes on to analyse various portrayals of Anne Boleyn, Elizabeth I and Mary Queen of Scots in modern literature with focus on their characteristics, relationships and how main events in their lives are portrayed. It discusses both novels that stick mainly to historical facts and novels that are more fiction than facts. Finally, this essay explains how these portrayals differ by analysing how historical facts and fiction are intertwined, concluding by comparing some different portrayals of the queens in question. In England and Scotland during the 16 th century, three women lived fascinating lives that were characterized by romance, power struggles and death. Anne Boleyn was born into a noble family and later became queen, a fact that made its mark on English society. Elizabeth, her daughter, was born a princess, then declared a bastard before she became one of England's greatest monarchs. Mary Stuart, Elizabeth's cousin, was born a princess and later became Queen of Scotland and then Elizabeth's prisoner. The role of women during this era was mainly to procreate and they had no power nor a voice. However, for these three women this typical female role was not enough. Being a female monarch was not normal during this era, nevertheless Elizabeth I and Mary Queen of Scots were the daughters of kings and became the monarchs of their countries. Anne Boleyn, however, married the King of England after he had divorced his first queen, Catherine of Aragon, and in order to get a divorce, King Henry VIII split the English church from Rome and became Supreme Head of the Church of England. These women greatly influenced history; they affected religion and politics, among other things. Therefore, they can be viewed as the proto-feminists of their time. Plots, murders, love and death were all a part of these women's lives; however, historians do not agree as to the extent of their involvement in the plots and murders that took place around them. Anne Boleyn, Elizabeth I and Mary Queen of Scots have inspired modern authors to write biographies and novels about them. For instance, Philippa Gregory, a historian and a writer, has written many novels about the Tudor family, such as the novels The Other Boleyn Girl (2001), which is about Anne Boleyn, The Virgin 's Lover (2004), which is about Elizabeth I, and The Other Queen (2008), which is about Mary Queen of Scots. Many other authors have written novels about these women. Sandra Byrd wrote a novel about Anne Boleyn, named To Die For (2011), and a novel about Elizabeth I, named Roses Have Thorns (2013). Carolly Erickson wrote The Memoirs of Mary Queen of Scots (2009), which is about Mary Stuart. These novels will be discussed in this essay. The selection of novels about Anne Boleyn, Elizabeth I and Mary Queen of Scots is substantial, that is there are many different portrayals and many different stories available. The historical novel is a combination of historical facts and fiction. The woman's historical novel is very popular today and that is because women in history have never had a voice. The Other Boleyn Girl, To Die For, The Virgin's Lover, Roses Have Thorns, The Other Queen and The Memoirs of Mary Queen of Scots focus on the female figure in history, giving Anne Boleyn, Elizabeth I and Mary Queen of Scots a voice and empowering them. The novels consist of different portrayals of people and events and differ greatly in historical accuracy: from a novel that sticks mainly to historical facts to a novel that is mostly fiction with some historical facts. In order to demonstrate this, this essay will examine the historical background of Anne Boleyn, Elizabeth I and Mary Queen of Scots, focusing on the main events in their lives that have been adapted many times into novels, as well as discuss the concept of the historical novel. The essay will go on to analyse the novels in question, emphasising how the three queens are portrayed, and then finishing by comparing the novels and various portrayals. The iconic queens of the 16th century, Anne Boleyn, Elizabeth I and Mary Queen of Scots were significant to history and made a distinguishable mark on the politics of their countries and are still influencing people today through their characterizations in historical novels.

The Restoration of monarchy in rhe spring of 1660 is normaly seen as being genuinely popular. The King's return, as one contemporary pur it, was greeted with rhe 'acclamarions of all rhe people,, and met with 'che greatest and most unanimous satisfaction that ever was perceiv'd in England'.' Conremporaries were well aware, however, that this appa- rent unanirniry in favour of restoring the King did not represent a genuine consensus. The High Anglican cleric, George Hickes, looking back on the Restoration in a serrnon of 1684, commented that .then were strange things to be seen, Republicans with Royalists, Church_ men with Church-robbers, Rebels and Traytors with Loyal Subjects, Papists with Protestants, Episcopalians with Anti-Episcopalians, all agreed to bring in rhe King, or let him be brought in'.r Clarendon thought that the l\estoration was produced 'by a union of contradictions. þy a concurrence of causes' which 'never desired the same effects'.' It is a major theme of this book that the roots of parry strife in England can be rraced back to 1660, and the problems which the

In 1745, the northern regions of the United Kingdom witnessed the eruption of the final major Jacobite uprising, primarily aimed at restoring the British crown to Charles Edward Stuart, a member of the Stuart dynasty. The government's response to this rebellion was swift and multifaceted. Alongside intensified military and legislative actions, visual propaganda emerged as a crucial tool in combating the insurgents, disseminated widely across the nation. This article aims to characterize and analyze the symbolism within selected iconographic materials housed in the British Museum's collections. Utilizing these artifacts, the author delineates three predominant methods employed in crafting anti-rebellion propaganda and highlights the prevailing conceptualizations among artists of the era. The discussion commences with an overview of the political and cultural contexts underpinning the featured exhibits. Subsequently, it delves into an analysis of three visual perspectives on the uprising: the panorama of rebellion, the symbolism of contrasts, and the symbolism of triumph, which underscores the British government's victory over the rebels. The article concludes with insights into the unique nature of these engravings within British collections and their significance in the study of Jacobite heritage.

JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact

Sharon L. Jansen\u27s study of women and popular resistance in the reign of Henry VIII is an important work that breaks new ground and will be of value to a wide range of scholars. It is scrupulously well researched and shows a thorough grounding in the secondary literature on the politics of early Tudor England, women\u27s history, and feminist theory. Jansen focuses on four women, all of whom were executed for treason in the reign of Henry VIII: Elizabeth Wood, Margaret Cheyne, Elizabeth Barton, and Mabel Brigge. Yet none of these women had posed a direct, physical threat to the king. They had taken no part in armed rebellion. The government of Henry VIII, however, perceived them as a threat to stability of the realm. While Jansen admits that it is difficult to separate politics from religion in the reign of Henry VIII, her study examines women whose protest emphasized concerns about legitimate authority and rightful rule. (She does not, for example, include Anne Askew in her stud...

Mary of Guise, widow of James V of Scotland, is a fascinating woman, though one with a very different life than was portrayed in the 1998 film, Elizabeth. There are only two earlier studies of Mary of Guise, those by Rosalind Marshall (1 977) and Marianne McKerlie (1931). For those who wish to know more about this important political player, Ritchie\u27s book is a welcome addition. As she points out, Mary of Guise is usually discussed only in connection with her daughter Mary Stewart, her French family, or the Reformation Rebellion of 1559-60. Ritchie provides a far more complete view of her political career in Scotland from 1548 to 1560, and by using a much wider range of sources than has been usually tapped, demonstrates that the most significant issue during Guise\u27s political career was not Catholicism but the dynastic interests of herself and daughter both in relation to France and to Mary Stewart\u27s eventual claim to the English throne. Ritchie attempts to demonstrate that...

Tudor Dynasty: An Introduction is the perfect starter guide to exploring one of the most popular periods in English history - the Tudor Dynasty. Learn how the Wars of the Roses brought the Tudors to the throne and how iconic monarchs such as Henry VIII and Elizabeth I shaped England.
Richly illustrated with images and tables, this book offers an accessible look at the political, cultural and social dynamics of the Tudor period.
Explore now to step into the Tudor world!

Disguise was essential for gaining access to Roman Catholic sacraments in post-Reformation England. This article considers the role of such non-devotional materials in confessional conflict and Catholic religious life. It discusses how the materiality and language of clothing, accessories and personal appearance could be used to emphasize disguise, and its wearers, as a threatening force. It then analyses how anti-papal narratives compared to the reality of Catholic disguise strategies, before demonstrating how those strategies complicated Catholic self-representation. Both in conflict with Protestants and intra-Catholic disputes, the materiality of Catholic appearance could become a political weapon.

The origins of the reformation in England are inseparably join to king Henry VIII. This character works in common human imagination is a bloody tyrant, who strives to satisfy his desires and ambitions. In a certain sense, his character traits affected his decisions. It is important to write, that the history of England abounds many examples of kings, who wants to got domination on church. In this article author by the analysis of medieval English law and other historical conditions, presents his thesis as an introduction to passing The Act of Supremacy in 1534.

Executive Summary

This thesis studies:

1. Actual inequality in Tudor and Stuart England generally and Cheshire in particular
2. Tudor and Stuart attitudes to inequality.
3. Actual inequality in 20th century Britain.
4. Public attitudes to inequality in 20th Century Britain.
5. Historiography - how historians have studied inequality/social class in the past.

Its sources are:

1. Tudor and Stuart Cheshire - taxation documents, particularly subsidy rolls, wills, probate inventories, office holder lists, including jury lists, lists of gentlemen and coats of arms.
2. Tudor and Stuart conceptions of inequality – ‘courtesy literature’.
3. 20th century British inequality: studies of wealth occupational status and state office holders
4. Attitudes to inequality in 20th century Britain – public opinion surveys.

Conclusions:

1. Actual inequality as measured by wealth, titles (‘status’) and office holding were all highly correlated in Tudor and Stuart England. It was a highly unequal society.
2. (There was no consistency in how titles (‘esquire’, gentleman’) were used).
3. Tudor and Stuart attitudes to actual inequality were extremely inegalitarian.
4. In 20th century Briain wealth and (occupational) status were not highly correlated with public office holding. Manual workers occupied a significant number of state offices from Parliament to justices of the peace.
5. Public attitudes towards inequality were extremely egalitarian: equality was normative.
6. Because they have failed to adopt social science behavioral methodology historians have fundamentally misunderstood inequality/social class in the past.
a. They use the unconscious assumption of their own society, that inequality takes the form of discrete groups, to analyze inequality in Tudor and Stuart England.
b. It has yet to be demonstrated that even contemporary societies are characterized by discrete groups/social classes as opposed to a continuous distribution of ‘statuses’.
c. Historians also assume that past inequality is to be analyzed using the terms contemporaries used to understand their society. This is an unfounded assumption.
d. That the actual distribution and interrelationship of ‘wealth, status and power’ in a society corresponds to how that society perceives and understands inequality/social class is something to be demonstrated, not assumed.
e. Tudor and Stuart England had no conception of social science: what the ‘social scientific’ study of /inequality entails. Their conceptions of inequality are something that need to be explained. They cannot be used to analyze inequality in that society.
f. I found no ‘gentry’ in Tudor and Stuart England, merely a continuous distribution of wealth, status (titles) and offices that were all highly correlated.

Thesis Abstract

Most historians have been sceptical of sociology.  Even propon­ents of  'sociological' history fail to appreciate that sociology's behavioural methodology is more important than its concepts and theories. Because history has been divorced from sociology,  few sociologists have studied pre-industrial societies.  Instead, they have relied on historians and have interpreted pre-industrial societies as 'societies of estates'.  This view is challenged through a study of inequality in Cheshire 1524-1644.

Four aspects of inequality are studied: wealth,  status, office and taxation.  Inventories provide relative but not absolute measures of wealth. Titles were not ascribed consistently. Individuals were ascribed different titles by different individuals.  Title ascribers' socio-economic characteristics are important for explaining title ascription patterns. A study of office holders shows that patterns of office inter­relations miirrored the administrative hierarchy. Subsidies, musters and forced  'loans'  are good relative measures of the distribution of the tax burden.  The higher the degree of taxation in one tax,  the greater the likelihood of being not only taxed in other taxes,  but also of being taxed highly.  All these aspects of inequality were highly correlated.

Cheshire was typical of the society as a whole. This society was also characterised by an inegalitarian ideology.  It was not an estate society which can be contrasted with industrial class societies. The major difference between the past and the present is that the present is characterised by an egalitarian ideology, aind the dimensions of inequality are less highly correlated.

It is suggested that because they are unfamiliar with behavioural methodology,  historians appear to have misinterpreted Tudor and Stuart society.  This is because they have tended to assume that inequality is characterised by social groups which can be ident­ified by means of contemporaries'  terms.  The existence of social groups and their correspondence to these terms has yet to be demonstrated

In 1625 Philip Bushin, described as an aged English planter from King's Ash in Devonshire, was resident at Grangemellon, which is situated about three miles south of Athy, County Kildare. He was tried in that year for the murder of his wife Grace at Lady's Wella swampy piece of ground nearby -the alleged offence having occurred on March 23 1623. The presiding judge in the jury trial was Dominic Sarsfield, Lord Kilmallock, who found the accused guilty. Philip Bushin was consequently executed. The trial had been deferred several times and Erasmus Burrows from Giltown, his father-in-law Walter Weldon, and Bushin's son, became sureties for the accused's appearances in court. Walter Weldon of Woodstock was High Sheriff of County Kildare at this time and subsequent to Bushin's execution he made an inventory of the latter's estate, which he valued at two thousand Guineas, and took possession of same by right of office. Lord Clanmalier, Sir Terence O'Dempsey, petitioned for the estate. The High Sheriff refused and thereupon, he (Weldon) was imprisoned, fined and constrained to give up the estate.

The purpose of this article is to present English participation in the war between France and the Habsburg Monarchy during the reign of Mary I. The queen’s husband was Philip Habsburg, son of Emperor, and he persuaded the English Secret Council to participate in the conflict. This war proved to have catastrophic consequences for England, due to the loss of Calais by the country of Mary I.

John Dryden’s "Absalom and Achitophel" is a landmark poem in English literature. It blends the Biblical story of Absalom’s rebellion against King David with a critique of the political turmoil in 17th-century England during the Exclusion Crisis. The poem serves as a political allegory, using Biblical characters and events to symbolize contemporary figures and conflicts. This assignment explores how Dryden portrays Charles II, the Duke of Monmouth, and the Earl of Shaftesbury as King David, Absalom, and Achitophel, respectively. It examines themes of monarchy, ambition, and betrayal, as well as Dryden’s defense of the divine right of kings. Through masterful use of satire, irony, and heroic couplets, "Absalom and Achitophel" critiques rebellion and political opportunism, making it a timeless commentary on the interplay between power and loyalty.

Safavid-English relations were an important part of the international relations, an integral part of the “West — East” and “Christian world — Muslim world” systems. Safavid-English trade and economic relations became an integral part of the global economy. Although there is a significant body of works on Safavid-English relations, this article represents the first attempt to study the historical significance of the first trade privileges granted by the Safavids to the English merchants. Unlike the prevailing in historiography misconception that the Safavid Empire was interesting for Tudor England only as an object of England’s colonial expansion, i.e. as a source of cheap raw materials and profitable markets for English goods, and most importantly, as a transit route to the markets of India and other states of the Far East, the conducted research revealed that England’s interaction with the Safavid Empire wasn’t a manifestation of English colonial policy, as most Western and Soviet historians used to present mistakenly; on the contrary, economic and political significance of the Safavid Empire in the region and beyond allowed her to conduct an independent external policy. It was determined that the penetration of English trading capital into the Safavid Empire depended neither on the Principality of Moscow, nor even on the desire of the English crown, but directly on the will of the Safavid Shah himself. Gaining trade privileges on the territory of the Safavid Empire was of strategic importance for the British, because the possibility of further advancement to East Asian markets directly depended on the success or failure of obtaining them from the Shah. For the first time in historiography, based on the information of Jenkinson himself, it was found that the first
attempt by the British to establish trade relations with the Safavids was made back in 1553. As the first Eastern/Muslim country that Elizabethan England sought to ally with, Safavid Empire’s trade privileges had a significant historical importance for the British, because they predated other such treaty agreements, like those with the Ottoman authorities and the Russian Tsar. The journeys of the agents of Moscow trading company to the
Safavid Empire opened a new chapter in the history of both Anglo-Islamic and East-West relations, in addition to trade relations they led to a cultural exchange on the basis of “East — West” and “Islam — Christianity” dialogue.

Englishness, in particular its fixation on the symbolic, can be charted through the powerful motif of the gatehouse from saxon times to present state iconography. While David Starkey suggests “bastard feudal influence…reached its apogee” under the early Tudors, for Thurley it was “architectural heraldic decoration”. In the spirit of Inigo Jones, the gatehouse is a declaration of both: an unaffected remnant of the feudal castle, an overture to English chivalry, the loss of which Caxton lamented, and the mark of a Monarch  who had united not only the Houses of York and Lancaster, but also those who, like the King’s “owne body”, served as his eyes, ears and appendages throughout the realm, denoted by the gatehouse. Edward IV had “distribut[ed] the most trustworthy of his servants as “keepers of castles…manors…and parks”;  Henry VIII went further, distributing his own corporate-identity across such institutions, which by the 1540s, were under royal control. The early Tudors are survived by their English corporate-identity, the logo of which is the gatehouse. It outlived their dynasty, architectural revivals and even the birth of the internet. The Beaufort portcullis, reified as gatehouse, denoted power at Henry VIII’s court. Today, it remains synonymous with the Houses of Parliament, whose sovereign authority stems from Henry’s day. Emblematic of English chivalry, the Tudor gatehouse is to the English what the pedimented temple is to Ancient Greece.

Celem artykułu jest zaprezentowanie zmian w postrzeganiu postaci arcybiskupa Canterbury i  świętego Kościoła katolickiego Tomasza Becketa, jakie zaszły w Anglii w okresie panowania dynastii Tudorów. Punktem wyjścia dla autora są prądy umysłowe, jakie pojawiły się w  Anglii w XV  w. i  na początku XVI w., a które miały na celu zakwestionowanie tradycji katolickich. Według autora, w dłuższej perspektywie czasu położyły one podwaliny pod systemową walkę w latach 30. i 40. XVI w. z  kultem Tomasza Becketa jako symbolem katolickiej Anglii. W artykule wykorzystane zostały drukowane źródła takich autorów jak

The early 1620s trade crisis had a significant influence on the way public opinion in England regarded economic issues, and the pamphlets written during that period convey the impression that the supply of money was the undisputed primary concern of economic policy. However, monetary matters only occupied a prominent position in the political agenda of England during times of crisis, when the kingdom faced a perceived threat of demonetization. The paper argues that, during the first two decades of the 17 th century, concern with a positive balance of trade was only of secondary importance, being normally overshadowed by a more fundamental goal: a well-ordered, stable, and properly managed trade. This opened the door for debates about the limits of free initiative and regulation in economic affairs, as evidenced most clearly by the debates about free trade and monopolies that permeated James I's reign.

A portrait miniature by renowned Elizabethan miniaturist Nicholas Hilliard, dated 1609, presents both an artistic treasure and a historical mystery. Hilliard, celebrated for his role as Queen Elizabeth I's leading portraitist, captured numerous prominent figures from the Tudor and Stuart courts. This particular work, considered one of his finest from the final decade of his career, showcases the striking presence of an unknown woman. Despite the exquisite detail and lifelike depiction, the identity of the sitter has been lost to time. This article delves into the mystery surrounding the portrait, seeking to uncover who this enigmatic young lady may have been.

On the Thursday before St George’s Day (23 Apr) 1474, ‘Robert Whyteney, Esq. lord of Whyteney,’ is documented as having gifted a tract of land to a man described in the document as ‘Howell ap Richard a Badam’, or more properly Howel ap Richard ab Adam (Welsh=Howel, son of Richard the son of Adam). The document appears in the Whitney and Clifford Manuscripts at the University College of Wales, Bangor, and is catalogued as follows:-
6. 1474, 23 Apr.
1. Robert Whyteney, esq., lord of Whyteney
2. Howell ap Richard a Badam
GIFT of a messuage and 8 acres of arable land lying in Yeuanes Crofte. The said messuage lies between Yeuanes Crofte and the highway and extends from the wood of Brulley to the wood of Whyteney.
Thursday, before the Feast of St. George (April 23)

In violent times, not far removed from the Glyndwr Rebellions, and in an area where the man himself had family connections, we note the continuing Welshness of the area – Yeuan or Ieuan, meaning John, is often rendered as Evan or Jevan. We may wonder what service the Welshman had performed to be gifted this land extending from the wood of Brilley to that of Whitney.
.

Charles II's Royalist army was defeated by Oliver Cromwell's New Model Army at Worcester on 3 September 1651. Following the defeat, Charles II became a fugitive for the next six weeks, before he successfully escaped to Normandy, France, on the morning of 15 October 1651. During his fugitive period, Charles II covered a circuitous 625-mile (1006 km) route from Worcester to Shoreham and were almost captured on several occasions. The route of Charles II's escape is known as "The Monarch's Way" and is signposted as a Public Footpath in its entirety. Charles II himself recounted the exact details of his escape to the Earl of Clarendon, Samuel Pepys (pronounced "peeps"), and his personal physician, Doctor George Bate.