Tony Blair

On Monday, September 29, Donald Trump and Benjamin Netanyahu announced a 20-point peace plan for Gaza. The spectacle was grandiose; the resulting deadly fireworks display will be much less so. No journalists were allowed to ask any questions during the press conference.
A middle finger

The "Trump plan" is first and foremost a shameless middle finger to the resolution endorsing the "New York Declaration on the Two-State Solution", a 42-point roadmap prepared by France and Saudi Arabia and adopted on September 12 at the United Nations General Assembly by a very large majority of 142 states.

Perhaps hoping to improve on the plan later, and seeing the promise of some progress (no annexation of the West Bank, no deportations, and a vague promise of a Palestinian state), the governments of Saudi Arabia, Jordan, the United Arab Emirates, Qatar, Egypt, Turkey, Pakistan, and Indonesia issued a joint statement welcoming the plan. The United Kingdom, France, Germany, Spain, the European Union, and Russia, all fearing ever-tighter sanctions and tariffs, also expressed support.

Yet all international relations textbooks emphasize that diplomacy is about talking "to others." The foundation of lasting peace is taking into account the legitimate interests and concerns of one's "enemies" with a view to eventually turning them into allies. "Only a strong people can make peace with its enemies," said Yitzhak Rabin, before he was assassinated by extremists, several members of the Israeli cabinet of whom now claim to be the spiritual heirs.

How do individual leaders react to major political crises shaking their decision-making authority and challenging their political survival? What do political leaders learn from formative events transpiring on their watch? Riddled with protracted and multidimensional conflicts, the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) is a geographical unit where political learning, or the lack thereof, has been more crucial than ever. This study utilizes an actor-specific approach, i.e., operational code analysis, to examine the profiles and learning patterns of three Arab national leaders who have experienced different forms and magnitudes of political crisis in the post-2011 Arab Uprisings: 1) King Abdullah II bin al-Hussein of Jordan; 2) President Bashar al-Assad of Syria; and 3) Emir Sabah Al-Ahmad Al-Sabah of Kuwait. The case selection comports, by and large, with most different systems design (MDSD) where an individual leader's operational code type functions as the independent variable while learning (or unlearning) is the dependent variable. This study's temporal domain is three-pronged as I compartmentalize leaders' political beliefs as follows: 1) each leader's general operational code profile (aggregated) 2) before the Arab Uprisings (starting with the year each studied Arab leader came to power); 3) after the Arab Uprisings (2011-2018). I employ an original Arabic coding scheme for leadership analysis to study a group of understudied MENA leaders in their native language. This study lends to state-of-the-art leadership studies within foreign policy analysis and the broader International Relations discipline. It also carries policy relevance concerning regional and world powers' foreign policy and military strategies toward the MENA region.

This paper focuses on foreign policy processes of states as social entities, which are made manifest as the "psychology of the state" and specified as learning effects due to external causes (object appraisal); steering effects due to internal causes (ego defense); and social interaction effects from learning and steering processes (self-other mediation).The cases under investigation are the manifest psychology of the state of Israel across three individual Israeli leaders: Prime Ministers Ariel Sharon, Ehud Olmert, and Benjamin Netanyahu. The dependent variables are their beliefs about the nature of the political universe (friendly/hostile), the most effective strategies for exercising power (cooperation/conflict), and historical control (low/high). The independent variables are the personality processes of object appraisal (terrorist attacks and fatalities), ego defense (mistrust and self-confidence), and mediation of self-other relations (task v. process orientation and belief in ability to control events. They are analyzed within the context of game theory models of complex adaptive systems.

It is now half a century since Tony Crosland wrote his magnum opus The Future of Socialism ) and 30 years since he died suddenly while serving as foreign secretary in 1977. Moreover, it is more than nine years since New Labour was first elected. However, the debate over the nature of British social democracy and the extent to which New Labour has broken with 'Croslandism' continues unabated. It is within this context that Stephen Meredith has made an interesting contribution to the debate . He argues, contra Roy Hattersley and others, that it is the underlying continuity between Croslandite and New Labour versions of social democracy that stands out. The debate rests largely on what is conceived by the term 'equality' and Meredith argues that there are strong similarities between Crosland's conception of equality and the meaning attached to that concept by New Labour, as outlined most clearly in Gordon Brown 's Crosland Memorial Lecture in 1997. The reason why this has often been overlooked, Meredith argues, is that New Labour has concealed its social democratic commitment in order to build and then maintain an electoral coalition capable of sustaining it in power for longer than one term. Meredith's article is written in an accessible and stimulating manner, but ultimately fails to convince me. No doubt this may be because I am an old-fashioned social democrat and New Labour critic and therefore am not capable of being convinced! However, it may also be the case that there is a need for greater clarity than is provided, especially in terms of the conception of equality and the relationship between ends (values) and means (policies) that is central to debates within social democracy. The aims of this reply are therefore to point to the main issues on which I disagree with Meredith and to suggest why it is still the essential discontinuity that stands out between Crosland and New Labour in these areas. 1 The first issue in need of greater clarification is that of ends and means. The simple formulation of this position is to state that social democracy is committed to the realisation of given values (ends) which require governments to implement specific policies (means). This distinction between ends and means was formulated by Labour party revisionists, notably in theoretical terms by Crosland and Douglas Jay , in order to reject the fundamentalist position of the Labour left, who continued to argue that public ownership was essential for the realisation of socialism. The early sections of Crosland's The Future of Socialism set out to reject such a fundamentalist position. The nature of economic activity had changed radically since Marxist doctrine had been formulated. Crosland identified four changes in particular. First, there had been a growth in the size, responsibilities and powers of the central state, not only through public ownership under the Attlee

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Objectif de la recherche : cette communication a pour objectif de convaincre de la pertinence de la méthode autoethnographique pour l'étude du leadership destructeur et la compréhension de l'hubris du leader et des effets corrupteurs du pouvoir sur sa psyché. Conception/méthodologie : Après avoir rappelé les développements récents sur la méthode autoethnographique et son utilité pour l'étude du leadership, je narre comment mon expérience personnelle de l'hubris a transformé ma compréhension de l'hubris du pouvoir que j'étudie dans le champ du management depuis près de 15 ans.

He is author of articles, researches, translations in political history, cultural history, history of ideas, European studies, cold war history, history of social democracy, history of communism, transnational history, comparative history, digital humanities. He is also author of the book:

The article analyzes the state and perspectives for the further investigation of the foreign policy of Prime Minister Tony Blair (1997–2007). It is noted that the attention to the problem is caused both by Great Britain’s support of Ukraine in resisting russian full-scale invasion, and by the high level of activity of T. Blair and his Institute for Global Change, which are actively engaged in the development of concepts regarding a new vision of the place of post-Brexit Great Britain in the world. At the same time, they support Ukraine, actively analyze the importance and impact of russia’s war against Ukraine on the international world and security situation.

The work outlines the traditional and new investigations of foreign historians who multifacetedly have scrutinized and continue to research the problems of the foreign policy of Great Britain during the prime ministership of Tony Blair. The formed scientific discourse on the relations of Great Britain with the USA and the EU countries, the problem of Great Britain’s participation in the Iraq war is highlighted. This discourse is marked by a reassessment of observed events, the formation of non-conventional approaches to problems, which is of particular interest and provides prospects for further research.

Ukrainian historians continue to research issues of Great Britain’s foreign policy. Emphasis in works devoted to T. Blair’s foreign policy is usually placed on issues of Great Britain’s relations with the USA and the EU, Great Britain’s participation in the Iraq War and a number of military conflicts. The urgent need to form a scientific discourse, systematic, active scientific discussion at conferences and round tables is stressed. The author reveals the aspects of the British foreign policy which have to be investigated in the Ukrainian historiography: the cooperation with the Latin American countries (economic and political motives and interests, for instance, his visit to the states of the region, he was the first British Prime Minister who visited Argentina since the Falklands War), Blair`s interest in the time of his premiership towards the African countries (the creation of the Commission for Africa in 2004) and, especially, his lobbying of the initiatives during his heading in the G8. The article emphasizes the active use of a number of tools of public diplomacy, mass media by T. Blair, his understanding of the world’s globalization trends, and active support of these trends through economic, political and other levers. Moreover, the aspects for the further investigation are mentioned and characterized.

У статті аналізується стан та перспективи розробки питання
зовнішньополітичної діяльності Т. Блера. Зазначено, що інтерес до проблеми викликаний як підтримкою Великої Британії України у протистоянні російській злочинній агресії, так і високим рівнем активності Т. Блера та його Інституту глобальної зміни. Інститут та
безпосередньо Т. Блер активно займаються розробкою концепцій щодо нової візії місця пост-брекзитної Великої Британії у світі та, паралельно, підтримують Україну, активно аналізують важливість та вплив війни росії проти України на міжнародну світову кон'юнктуру, безпекову ситуацію.
У роботі окреслено фундаментальні й новітні дослідження зарубіжних вчених, що досліджували і продовжують досліджувати різні аспекти проблематики зовнішньої політики Великої Британії періоду прем’єрства Тоні Блера. Розглянуто науковий дискурс
щодо відносин Великої Британії з США та країнами ЄС, проблему участі Великої Британії в Іракській війні та ін. Даний дискурс відзначається переоцінкою подій, що становить
особливий інтерес та дає перспективи для подальших досліджень.
Українські дослідники займались і продовжують активно багатовекторно досліджувати питання зовнішньої політики Великої Британії. Акцент у працях, присвячених зовнішній політиці Т. Блера, зазвичай ставиться на питаннях відносин Великої Британії з
США та ЄС, участі Великої Британії в Іракській війні та низці військових конфліктів.
Науково-дослідна робота у даному питанні ще потребує системності, активної наукової дискусії на конференціях та круглих столах. У даній статті окреслено недостатньо розкриті у вітчизняній історіографії аспекти зовнішньої політики Великої Британії: співпраця з латиноамериканськими країнами (спроба активізувати політичну, економічну співпрацю, у т. ч. візит до держав регіону, відвідання Аргентини як першого прем’єр-міністра Великої Британії з часів Фолклендської війни), інтерес та лобіювання Т. Блера у часи прем’єрства низки ініціатив щодо африканських країн під час головування в G8 (створення Комісії для Африки у 2004 році). Підкреслено активне використання низки інструментів публічної дипломатії, ЗМІ та медіа, розуміння Т. Блером тенденцій до глобалізації світу, активна підтримка даних тенденцій через економічні, політичні та інші важелі. Більше того, окреслено необхідні для подальшої розробки аспекти.

Although both are fundamental terms in the humanities and social sciences, discourse and knowledge have seldom been explicitly related, and even less so in critical discourse studies. After a brief summary of what we know about these relationships in linguistics, psychology, epistemology and the social sciences, with special emphasis on the role of knowledge in the formation of mental models as a basis for discourse, I examine in more detail how a critical study of discourse and knowledge may be articulated in critical discourse studies. Thus, several areas of critical epistemic discourse analysis are identified, and then applied in a study of Tony Blair's Iraq speech on March 18, 2003, in which he sought to legitimatize his decision to go to war in Iraq with George Bush. The analysis shows the various modes of how knowledge is managed and manipulated of all levels of discourse of this speech.

Labour's attempts to reform the UK House of Commons shows the threat posed to individualism by overzealous modernisers.. T influenced by the belief that these nations' political practices and institutions are stuck in the past. While much of the world, driven by ideologies such as Marxism, nationalism, and liberal rationalism, has discarded practices and institutions deemed remnants of a bygone era in the belief that such actions are necessary to bring about salvation and a more perfect society, the Anglosphere continues to adhere to "anachronistic" practices, procedures, and institutions. These include the American electoral college, the British monarchy and House of Lords, and various ceremonies-ideologues see them not only as obstacles to their salvationist vision but also as unfashionable and unacceptable in

One possible explanation for the disregard for Palestinians' right to life and dignity and for contravening democratic norms at home is, as Lessing said, a love for powerful people. Since Israel and its Western backers are powerful nations and their Palestinian victims are a poor and vulnerable population, many people rally around Israel unconditionally. Many of us have been demanding justice for Palestinians for decades. Conscientious people in the world have been protesting against the ongoing Israeli genocide in Gaza since early October 2023. Did Doris Lessing leave a message of hope for us?

PITTI ZOLTÁN ... Viszonylag hamar nyil-vánvalóvá vált, hogy a fiskális politikát érintő hatások korántsem átmenetiek, s nem-zeti keretek között csak ideig-óráig kezelhetők.Az EU tagállamok többsége már jóval korábban megkezdte a közteherviselési rendszerek modernizálását ...

In 2001, the Labour party was swept back to power with a majority of 167. It was the second largest parliamentary majority won by any party since 1945–the largest being Labour's own triumph four years earlier. Tony Blair and his 'modernising'supporters set out to rebuild the party as the most formidable electoral machine in British politics and few doubt that this goal has been fully achieved. However, there is much more uncertainty about Labour's purposes in power. There is broad agreement that, under its new unofficial name of 'New Labour'the ...

Is Boris Johnson's government suffering from the degenerative tendencies of long-serving government as identified by Timothy Heppell? For his 2008 study, Heppell identified five symptoms of governing degeneration, namely: governing competence; leadership credibility; ideological division; abuses of power; and a renewed opposition/sense that it is time for a change. This approach was tested by Heppell on the longstanding Conservative administrations of 1951-64 and 1979-97, and the Labour administration between 1997 and (at the time of original publication) 2008. Thus, my hypothesis asks whether the similarly long-serving Conservative government from 2010 to-date might be exhibiting signs of similar governing degeneration on each of Heppell's criteria. I ask whether the Conservatives under Boris Johnson appear to lack the clear direction of travel and purpose that characterised the final period of the Macmillan/Home, Major, and Brown premierships. Whilst it is by no means the aim of this article to produce an electoral prediction, there is evidence to suggest the current Conservative administration has met the level of governing degeneration that affected the last years of the longstanding administrations evaluated by Heppell.

A szerző a nyugdijprivatizacio teren Kozep- es Kelet-Europaban elenjaro orszagok - Magyarorszag es Lengyelorszag - haromeves tapasztalatai alapjan osszegzi az uj rendszerek felallitasanak es műkodtetesenek korai kihivasait. Felhivja a figyelmet a vegrehajtas kezdeti nehezsegeire, az uj oregsegi nyugdijrendszerek es a megreformalatlan allami rokkantsagi rendszer koordinalatlansagara az ellatasok teren, sorra veszi az uj magannyugdij-ellatasok fontos parametereire vonatkozo dontesek elhalasztasanak okait, elemzi az uj nyugdijpenztarakban valo reszvetelt, azok piaci szerkezetet es teljesitmenyet, a privatizacio atallasi koltsegeinek elosztasat.

Speech at the solidarity rally with Israel on June 7th. President Raisi, the "Butcher of Tehran", was profusely mourned at the UN, an institution that was founded to protect human rights and and uphold international law. An institution that very obviously has become nothing more than an obscene joke by now.

Árak és volumenek a posztszocialista egészségügyben A tanulmányközelmúltban publikált világbanki és OECD-adatok alapjánazt vizs gálja, miért olyan alacsony az egészségügyi ágazat relatív ár-és bérszintje a GDP átlagos árszintjéhez viszonyítva a posztszocialista országokban. Első megközelítés ben a válasz az, hogy ez a viszonylagos alacsony árszint a szocialista tervgazdaság nehezen változtatható, de pozitív öröksége, mert ez tette és teszi lehetővé, hogy a lakosság viszonylagosan több egészségügyi szolgáltatáshoz jusson, mint amennyit az adott ország-GDP/főben mértfejlettsége egy korlátozásmentes piacgazdaság ban indokolna. Másfelől viszont a tanulmány kimutatja azt is, hogy a posztszocialista országokban az egészségre káros fogyasztási javak (szeszes italok, dohánytermékek és narkotikumok) relatív ára is igen alacsony. Ennekpéldául Magyarországonaz a következménye, hogy a GDP 4,3 százalékának megfelelő összeget költik ezekre a káros javakra, közel háromszor annyit, mint az amerikai polgárok (1,5 százalék). Ennél magasabb arány csak két balti országra, Lettországra (4,4 százalék) és Észtországra (4,5 százalék) jellemző. Alkoholra és dohánytermékekre Magyarországon fejenként és évente 639 dollárt költenek a GDP-ből, az egészségügyre fordított "hasznos" 1950 dollár egyharmadát, míg ez az arány Ausztriában egyötöd, az Egyesült Államokban egyheted. Vélelmezhetően ez az egyik fontosés a szakirodalomban eddig még nem tárgyaltoka annak, hogy a posztszocialista országok népegészségügyi mutatói rosz szak, esetenként még romlanak is.* Journal of Economic Literature (JEL) kód: I100, I112, I118. * A szerző értékes tanácsaikért köszönettel tartozik Szilágyi Györgynek és Győrffy Balázsnak (KSH], valamint a két anonim lektornak. 1 Itt és a továbbiakban mindenütt q, p és Y n elemű vektorok. Mihályi Péter a Pannon Egyetem és a Közép-európai Egyetem tanára.

carries out studies in the social sciences on Australian cities. Work undertaken in the Unit is multidisciplinary and ranges widely over economic, geographic, historical, sociological, and political aspects of urban and regional structure and development. URU Working Papers are issued on an occasional basis with the intention of stimulating discussion and making research results quickly and easily available. Most papers will be published in final form elsewhere. In some cases, material will be published which, although of specialist interest, has no ready outlet. Working Papers represent the work of members of the Unit or papers presented to a URU-sponsored seminar or conference. In most cases, the Working Papers are Australian in content or relevant to the Australian context. Proposed papers are subject to a preliminary internal review of a committee comprising the Series Editors and the Head of Unit. If the review committee deems the papers suitable for possible publication, it is then sent to at least one external assessor for further comment.

Social democrats are seeking a project beyond New Labour's dwindling Third Way. In particular, they have seized on the idea of a ‘progressive consensus’ as a means of entrenching a deeper, cultural shift in British society on centre-left terms. This article assesses the potential of social democratic responses to New Labour for fulfilling this task. ‘Traditional’ and ‘modernising’ perspectives are identified, each of which have a positive and critical variant. The critical-modernising approach emerges with the greatest potential for moving beyond the New Labour project. Critical-modernisers operate on the Third Way's analytical terrain—recognising the still-changing operating environment of the centre-left. However, they seek simultaneously to develop a political narrative that is distinct from the Third Way. In order to achieve this latter objective, the normative heritage of more traditional approaches remains a key resource for critical-modernisers, as they seek to show h...

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El análisis muestra distintos modos de gestionar y manipular el conocimiento en diversos niveles de organización del discurso. Palabras clave: Conocimiento, discurso, análisis crítico del discurso (ACD), análisis crítico epistémico del discurso, modelo mental, modelo contextual, poder, discurso político, Tony Blair, Irak.

Review of Alanbrooke:  The Reluctant Warrior by Julian Horrocks

New biography still making use of the war diary first used by Arthur Bryant which has since damned FM Sir Alan Brooke
Aimed was to (1) present the role of the CGIS which Sir Winston Churchill airbrushed out in his 6 vols history of the Second World War, (2) present central government decision .making in wartime 1941-45, & (3) create a template for similar future occasions

Horrocks used the template to show decision making in Blair's government during 2001, and post 2004 Afghanistan war against the Taliban, and Iraq War (2nd Gulf War)
Comments on Falklands, the growing tension since 3022 in the Ukraine, in the Middle East, China and Argentina

Public inquiries into matters of conflict and security are vitally important yet undertheorised. This article explores the potential of inquiries for the democratic scrutiny of foreign policy, military doctrine, and grand strategy. In recent decades, there have been numerous inquiries into contentious foreign and security policy incidents in Britain, a trend reflected elsewhere in global politics. Inquiries can unveil facts, identify lessons, and rebuild trust. But critics claim that inquiries overlook systemic flaws. Our analysis transcends the usual arguments for or against public inquiries by explaining how inquiries produce knowledge and how this could be improved. We argue that inquiries necessarily involve the following three distinct processes: scandalisation, archivisation, and epistemology. We suggest how future inquiries could overcome extant limitations through a broader scope, diversification of evidence, and methodological pluralism. Such inquiries can play an improved role in promoting reflection and dialogue about a just international order and Britain's role within it.

Part II of this work is made up of the histories of the leaders, while Part III comprises transcripts of interviews with former leaders Michael Howard and William Hague. These interviews provide a good insight into the views of practitioners on this academic analysis of leadership, and show how the theoretical does not always chime with 'on the ground' experiences. While both leaders do see value in the statecraft approach, Hague's suggested additions of building a strong institutional capacity (both within the party organisation and in local government) and in managing foreign affairs do address what could be seen as blind spots within the statecraft framework. Overall, this volume has numerous strengths. It offers something to both a general and academic audience by providing a cohesive framework for a comparative analysis of party leaders (both within the Conservative Party and, combined with the other books in the series, across parties) while also ensuring that each chapter can stand alone as a valuable contribution to the history of Conservative Party leaders.

What, if anything, was Thatcherism? This article aims to gauge the extent to which it is credible and useful to speak of Thatcherism in the singular. It does so by developing a series of periodisations of the policy-making process in different policy domains since the late 1970s. This allows us to assess the degree to which a common rationale—such as might be associated with Thatcherism (as an instinct or project)—is exhibited in the sequencing of policy developments in different fields. In the process we seek to establish a new and more generally applicable methodology for establishing the existence of path-shaping political projects (such as Thatcherism) by gauging their periodisability. We conclude that the label Thatcherism is, indeed, warranted, since an account couched in such terms can illuminate an analysis of policy development since the late 1970s in a range of fields and can contribute to our understanding of the timing and sequencing of policy developments in each domain...

The three great Western political traditions (conservatism, liberalism, social democracy) incorporate three of the four possible combinations of the core political axes: traditional, unchanging authority versus the challenge of change, and egalitarianism versus inegalitarianism. The fourth possibility—egalitarian conservatism—has appeared in various guises, but has usually become submerged within the right, including its most authoritarian forms. Current xenophobic movements claiming to represent those suffering from excessive change—for example, those involved in the UK's EU referendum and Donald Trump's victory in the USA—are seeing an apparent resurgence of this neglected tradition. What are its implications for politics in general?

The article aims at assessing the functioning and characteristics of the most recent systems employed by the British Labour Party for selecting its leader. To this end I compared five leadership races: the huge success of Tony Blair in 1994 in the newly reformed electoral college system; the undisputed election of Gordon Brown in 2007; the narrow and disputed victory of Ed Miliband in 2010, still held under the electoral college system; the large but controversial successes of Jeremy Corbyn in the 2015 and 2016 closed primaries. The article first traces the evolution of the Labour leadership election systems in recent decades. Secondly, the five leadership races are analyzed and compared, taking into account two main variables: inclusiveness and divisiveness. These have been addressed looking at indicators such as selectorate and candidacy inclusiveness, campaign negativity, race competitiveness and elite attitude, which transversally affects all the other dimensions. The findings s...

Unions and Universities will be of varying interest to several audiences, including those concerned with labor history, politics of higher education, adult and continuing education, and especially labor education and union leadership. Joel Denker is an "insider" in the labor education movement, having taught in university extension labor education programs and recently established what may become a model, degree-granting program in labor education at the University of the District of Columbia. This book can be conceptualized within three, not always distinguishable, sections. The first traces the history of workers' education beginning with the Brookwood Labor College, which because of its commitment to structural social change through general education met its demise at the hands of the American Federation of Labor in the 1930s. Denker then describes the evolution through the "nuts and bolts" approach of extension programs to the present stage of degree programs to certify and train specialists for union leadership. Those interested in labor history may feel that the author devoted too little effort to analysis in this section. The second section treats the politics of higher education during the establishment of degree-granting programs. It is here that Denker's personal background plays its greatest role as he uses his own experiences developing the masters degree program at University of the District of Columbia as a case study. The problems of intrusion on "established turf," meeting the demands and needs of a constituency-in this case unions-and developing academic legitimacy for programs and personnel are carefully explored. As in most such instances, the personal vantage point of the author is at once a strength and weakness of the analysis. The final segment of the work addresses policy questions. The author raises practical, tactical, ethical, and conceptual problems endemic to labor education. But more than simply raising questions from the perspective of a disinterested scholar, Denker is an advocate. He makes it clear that labor education has evolved from worker education to education for union leadership and that the primary constituency for labor educators is the unions. His policy recommendations are designed to increase the effectiveness of union leadership. Denker has done a competent work. It is well researched and lucidly written and will be of value for readers concerned with labor education.

War has always been an important issue in philosophy. Very many philosophers have discussed different aspects of war. This paper, using Conceptual Metaphor Theory (CMT) as theoretical frame work, focuses on the language of war. It discusses 'War is Business' metaphor that ensues Loss Gain framing-informing public/audience that going into conflict/war is gain and not going is loss; winning war is gain and losing war is loss; status quo is risk; enemy's loss is our gain and our gain is enemy's loss. Moreover, helping the refugees and providing aid to the victims is narrated as, Corporate Social Responsibility. Loss gain framing, like other framings, blocks criticism on the pretext that critics don't want our gain and if we accept their arguments then there would be losses. This paper explains the way loss gain framing works in times of war and conflict. It focuses on the way this framing was instrumental in the context of the War on Terror in Afghanistan. The argument is: in the context of 9/11 leaders of both sides, especially Tony Blair, defined and framed the War on Terror in a way that it appeared that not going into war would entail great future losses.

The relationship between the UK and the EU has always been depicted as a difficult one; and the master of British Euroscepticism, the key ingredient in UK's often fraught relationship with the European partners, has always been indicated in Margaret Thatcher. In fact, she has often been accused of a sudden U-turn in her attitude towards the European issue, in particular after 1988, and from an aloof but vigorous participation to a severe opposition. This paper tries to sustain Thatcher was never too incoherent in her attitude towards European integration; indeed, her combative posture was her distinctive character through her whole career, and her oppositive outlook was the consequence of a set of elements, the key reason being her performance as the premier of the United Kingdom and the leader of the Conservative Party. Thatcher was not Eurosceptical in a strict ideological sense, and she never really changed her attitude towards the integration process. Until 1990, she was able to compromise with her European partners. But she always had reservations towards the transformation of the Community in a supranational entity with particular characteristics as those of what would be the Union.

Irak-mérleg a kivonulás után 2011. december 18-án lényegében az összes amerikai katona elhagyta Irak területét. Ezzel formálisan is befejeződött az iraki háború, amelynek mérlegét az Egyesült Államok szempontjából alighanem a drámai jelzővel lehet leginkább kifejezni. Az irakiak mérlege sem jobb, itt is az elszenvedett veszteségek esnek súlyosabban a latba. A 2008 novemberében megkötött amerikai-iraki SOFA-egyezménynek 1 megfelelően 2011 végén lényegében az összes amerikai katona elhagyta Irak területét. 2 Bár az iraki kurdok és szunniták a síita politikai dominancia egyfajta ellensúlyozására szívesen látták volna Irakban továbbra is az amerikai haderő egy részét, az amerikaiak jelenlétének meghosszabbítására a Teherán erős befolyása alatt álló, Muktada as-Szadr vezette síiták politikai ellenállása miatt nem került sor. Bagdadnak és Washingtonnak praktikusan azért nem sikerült megállapodnia egy új SOFA-egyezményről, mert feloldhatatlan nézeteltérés alakult ki az Irakban állomásoztatni tervezett amerikai katonák feletti bíráskodás kérdésében. 3 Az amerikai mérleg A 2003. március 20-i invázió óta az amerikaiaknak 4487 katonájuk esett el Irakban (a nemzetközi koalíció tagjai további 318 katonát vesztettek), s 32226 amerikai katona sebesült meg. 4 Az eredetileg legfeljebb hat hónaposra tervezett háború 5 csaknem kilenc éve alatt több mint egymillió amerikai katona fordult meg Irakban (a háború csúcspontján, 2007-ben 505 amerikai bázison egyidejűleg 171000 volt a létszámuk), 6 s 30%-uk visszatérése után poszttraumatikus stressz-szindrómában (PTSD) szenved. 7 A háborús műveletekrea George W. Bush vezette adminisztráció által tervezett 50-60 milliárd helyett 8-több mint 800 milliárd dollárt költött az Egyesült Államok. 9 A műveleti kiadások azonban csupán egy részét jelentik annak a háborús számlának, amelyet még hosszú évekig kell majd fizetniük az amerikai adófizetőknek. Ide tartoznak ugyanis a gyógykezelésekre és veteránok eltartására fordított összegek, valamint a háborús adósság törlesztése, Amerika ugyanis hitelből háborúzott Irakban. A Nobel-díjas Joseph Stiglitz szerint az iraki háború összköltsége optimista becslés szerint 2000 milliárd dollárt, pesszimista számítások 1 Agreement between the Republic of Iraq and the United States of America regarding the Withdrawal of the American Forces from Iraq and Regulating their Activities During their Temporary Presence in Iraq.