Sympotic Performance

In these two elegies, the issue of revenge oscillates between the language of (retaliatory) justice and the well-known principle of reciprocity. Starting from the historical context in which these and other poems from the Corpus Theognideum can be placed, the paper suggests hypotheses for the reconstruction of a communicative code used by aristocratics in the VI century. It shows how this code, inscribed in traditional values also echoed in Greek tragedy (namely, Aeschylus' Oresteia)  gradually disappeared in the polis.

I argue that Damophilos, mentioned at the end of Pythian 4 (279–299), is presented by Pindar as a poet on the basis of the comparison with other pindaric passages that contribute to the construction of the cycle of peace and poetry as first formulated by Slater (1981). [120th Annual Meeting of the Classical Association of the Middle West and South (CAMWS 2024) – St. Louis, MO (Apr. 3–6, 2024)]

This paper explores the Pindaric tradition in Μπολιβάρ. It discusses how the poetics of praise and their function in Pindar's odes may illuminate the modern poem's form and aspirations especially as far as the role of the poet within the community is concerned. What is more, the discussion of the sculptural monuments within the poem allows for a better illustration of the tensions that Engonopoulos stages in Μπολιβάρ between the poet as hero and the poet as outcast. The paper also explores the cultural and intellectual circumstances in the decade prior to the publication of the poem that may have led Engonopoulos to choose the figure of Simón Bolívar as the central character of his poem and of Abraham Lincoln as Bolívar's "double" in the poem's famous conclusion. ver since the time of Horace, Pindar's poetry has been referred to as a poetry of the sublime: he is "like a river, rushing down from the mountains, / that the rain has filled above its us...

This chapter revisits the story of Agariste's betrothal in Book 6 of Herodotus' Histories and its relation to the Buddhist Jataka tale of the 'Dancing Peacock'. On the one hand, there is no reason to seek the origins of Herodotus' story in diffusion from India or in animal fable and in fact the implicit presumption of similarity to the Jataka has led to some forced interpretations of Herodotus' text. On the other hand, a more systematic comparison between Herodotus and the Indian tale helps clarify elements of Agariste's betrothal, in particular the role of the three protagonists: her father, Cleisthenes of Sicyon, and the two main suitors, Hippocleides and Megacles. It is suggested that the relationship between history and myth in the case of Agariste's betrothal is of a mis-enabime variety. Evidence from India suggests that there is nothing impossible in Cleisthenes staging an epic-like betrothal for his daughter; such a historical event could have been both fictionalized and modeled on myth, which, in its turn, could have reflected prior historical events.

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Alla concezione oligarchica della teatrocrazia si oppone la visione democratica del teatro ateniese quale luogo della libertà di parola, pensiero e espressione artistica tramandata da Dione di Prusa (Ad Alexandrinos [XXXII] 4-6 von Arnim). Vd. Aug. Civ. Dei II, 9 (derivante probabilmente dal De Republica di Cicerone).

O homem, por sua própria natureza, está submetido ao efêmero. De fato, a fugacidade da juventude e, em consequência, a aproximação da velhice são preocupações do ser humano de todos os tempos. A tônica da senectude apresenta-se, desde a Ilíada e, ainda, na maior parte dos fragmentos dos poetas da Grécia Arcaica, como um mal irremediável semelhante à doença e à morte, ideia que encontra nota proeminente nos versos de Mimnermo de Cólofon. Essa concepção pessimista da velhice não é, entretanto, a única expressa na poesia arcaica, a julgar pelo reconhecimento e respeito atribuídos aos anciãos homéricos Nestor, Príamo e Laertes e, ainda, pela permanente perspectiva de usufruir da sabedoria e do progresso intelectual na velhice, como expressou Sólon: "Envelheço aprendendo sempre muitas coisas" (F 18 W). Propõe-se, no presente trabalho, examinar a natureza e a representação da velhice na poesia grega arcaica, nomeadamente nos fragmentos 1 a 6 Adrados do elegíaco Mimnermo, considerando-se as judiciosas observações de van Groningen a respeito da estrutura e do estilo dos versos do poeta de Cólofon.

conoscitore del greco, abbia sbagliato a salutare in questa lingua e ipotizzano pertanto che la lingua della salutatio sia stata il latino (avrebbe detto vale per ave). L'analisi non mi persuade, poiché il presupposto del lapsus non è l'ignoranza, ma proprio la conoscenza della parola corretta. 19 Sull'aneddoto cfr. Heckel 2016, p. 78. 20 Questo episodio avvalora la critica di Meringer (1923, p. 134 = 123-124) all'affermazione di Freud (1924, p. 112 = 141-142) sull'assenza di lapsus in situazioni in cui «man ganz dabei ist» («ci si impegna con tutta la persona»), ad esempio «in einer Verteidigungsrede um Ehre und Namen vor den Geschworenen» («in un discorso davanti ai giurati in difesa del proprio onore e del proprio nome»). Il lapsus dell'imputato lucianeo potrebbe segnalare che egli era davvero colpevole, oppure che ormai si prefigurava una condanna ingiusta. 21 Confermata finanche in relazione al sogno di un saluto sbagliato da Artemidoro di Daldi negli

In a recent article Felix Budelmann argued in favour of keeping the distinction between symposion and public feast on the basis of a comparative examination of Pindaric and Bacchylidean epinicians and encomia. 7 Following a different line of enquiry I reached a similar conclusion in two earlier publications, where I discussed Pindar's representations of the symposia of Hieron and Chromius and argued for the political significance of the aristocratic symposion for enhancing their profile through their representation as hospitable, affable, and relaxed fellow-symposiasts. 8 I observe the distinction here too, because it is, in my view, a useful hermeneutical tool for the study of the political agenda, the ideological apparatus, and the emotional impact of Pindar's representations of performance settings. 9 This is not to deny, however, the permeability of the boundary between symposion and public festival, which I also take into account. In what follows I broaden the field of my inquiry through survey of (i) epinician sympotic metaphors and similes and (ii) representations of the δεῖπνον/συμπόσιον as performance and/or entertainment venues on the basis of two criteria: (a) the identity and political status of the honorand, and (b) the nature of the envisaged banquet and/or symposion, that is, whether the poet depicts small events in the company of friends or big public gatherings. My discussion includes representations of musical events that are not termed banquets or symposia, namely the musical events in the opening of the first Olympian (8-19) and in the closure of the fourth Pythian (298-9) which feature lyre-playing and singing but no wine-drinking. Classification according to the political status of the honorand reveals an interesting distribution: sympotic similes and metaphors are mainly found in songs for private citizens, that is, Aeginetan victors and Diagoras of Rhodes, whereas brief descriptions of symposia as entertainment or performance venues are mainly found in songs for tyrants, kings, and their circle, that is, Hieron and his general Chromius, the Emmenids of Acragas, and King Arcesilas IV of Cyrene. I shall further argue that (a) Pindar distinguishes between public festival, termed θαλίαι, ἀγλαΐαι ἀστυνόμοι, δαῖτες θεῶν, τελεταὶ μακάρων, and elite symposion, which is represented as a tranquil, sophisticated, and, as a rule, indoor gathering around the table or the crater; and (b) comparative study of Pindar's depictions of the symposia of kings and tyrants shows that they are not distinguished either for their size or luxury, a feature that is all the more remarkable if, in reality, they were big, spectacular, and 7 See Budelmann (2012), who argues that encomia tend to anchor their performance in the symposion, whereas the epinician is 'far too ambitious and aggressively comprehensive a genre to allow itself to be confined in the symposion' (p. 190). In favour of the distinction see also Stehle (1997) 214 n. 5. 8 Athanassaki (2009a) 165-252, (2009b) 259-66. 9 I discuss the emotional impact of Pindar's representations of agonistic events and celebrations in Athanassaki (2012c).

This doctoral dissertation investigates how Plato elaborates and incorporates the works of the poets in the preludes to the laws. It is argued that the poetic style of the preludes represents a key element for the Athenian’s purpose of persuading the citizens of Magnesia to spontaneously abide to the new legislation that is being laid out.

The analysis is divided in four chapters. Chapter 1 discusses the general approach that has been followed in the reading of the dialogue, for example, the acknowledgement of the parainetic and protreptic nature of the Platonic dialogues. Chapter 2 engages with the methodology used, a distinction is here made between poetic influences and poetic references occurring in the preludes. Chapter 3 concerns the investigation of 21 preludes which have been divided in three groups: group 1, “Praise and Blame”, examines the encomiastic discourse of the Athenian, and more specifically the poetic references to the epinician genre; group 2, “Jussive Parainesis”, analyses the diction and the prescriptive style of the preludes; group 3, “Myth as Poetic Rationale” focusses on the resort to fictive stories as a useful means to instil in the young the desire to follow the regulations established for Magnesia. Each group is followed by a concluding section, which summarises the results of the preceding analysis. Chapter 4 restates the findings of the investigations, interprets the preludes in relation to tragic theatre and engages in a discussion regarding the important meaning at 7.717b of the πολιτεία as “truest tragedy.”

O artigo revisita o Fr. 20B (Maehler) de Baquílides, conhecido como "Encômio a Alexandre, o filho de Amintas", a fim de apresentar um olhar mais detido sobre diversos aspectos relevantes da composição, alguns já antes abordados, outros, ainda não contemplados. Ao fazê-lo, busca analisar o modo como se entrelaçam os mundos das Musas, de Afrodite e de Dioniso na trama que conjuga canção, vinho, desejo e delírio. Mais: procura compreender a maneira como o poeta projeta cada um desses elementos que entretece ao elogio a seu destinatário, o filho do rei da Macedônia.

His research interests and publications focus on Archaic and Classical Greek intellectual and cultural history, especially Greek epic and lyric poetry, theatre, rhetoric and the First Sophistic, as well as satyric drama. His main current project is a book provisionally entitled The Rhetoric of Greek Art. 2 I am grateful to the editors, especially Heather Reid, to Chris Pelling, and to audiences at the Exedra Center, Sicily, and the Faculty of Classics and University College, Oxford, for comments on earlier versions of this paper.

Inscribed agonistic epigrams of the archaic and classical time represent a privileged field of work on strategies of communication because they share topics and function with another major literary genre: the epinician ode.  The two forms had the same function (celebrating the victory), and shared some common topoi and expressions, but the results are radically different, not only because of the extension. The material support of inscriptions influences the poet, who pays great attention to the visual disposal of words and to the relationship of the epigram with the statue it accompanies.
Simonides plays a crucial in role in the relationship between the text and the material support, because he is the first author who gives literary dignity to a genre so far considered as “ancillary” like the epigram. As a lyric poet, author of epinician and encomiastic odes, he intends the epigram as a poetic product and not as a mere “complement” of the statue and its base. At the same time, he is well aware that the material support is a fundamental trait of this genre, which makes his art unique: this is the reason why he never forgets to obey to the laws of the stone and to the stylistic conventions which took place in the epigraphic field. The brevity imposed by the material support forces the poet to invent new modes in order to concentrate all the necessary informations in two lines and, possibly, find some artistic variations to the most essential lists.
Another difference between agonistic epigrams and epinician odes is the context of performance: epigrams we know were mainly dedicated in Panhellenic sanctuaries, whereas the great part of epinicians were performed in the victor’s home town. This implies a different mode of self-presentation of the victor in accordance to the audience (local or panhellenic), which becomes particularly evident in those few lucky cases in which we possess both odes and epigrams of the same dedicator (e.g. Hieron of Syracuse).

1. All'inizio degli Aitia (fr. 1 Pfeiffer) il poeta si rivolge ai Telchini che gli hanno rimproverato di non aver composto un poema continuo (ἓν ἄεισμα διηνεκές, v. 3) e, dopo un primo insulto indirizzato a quella genìa di biliosi detrattori (ϕῦλον … τήκ[ειν] ἧπαρ ἐπιστάμενον, vv. 7-8), passa a evocare alcuni autori che diedero le loro migliori prove poetiche proprio nella creazione di opere piccole. Il linguaggio è denso e allusivo: meglio la Demetra di Filita (ὄμπνια θεσμοϕόρο[ς, v. 10) rispetto a un'altra opera, evidentemente più corposa, dello stesso Filita; meglio le altre poesie di Mimnermo rispetto alla 'grande' Smirneide, o alla Nannò (cf. infra) 1 ; meglio i dolci usignoli, piccoli uccelli (ἀ̣ [ηδονίδες] δ ̣' ὧδε μελιχρ[ό]τεραι, v. 16), rispetto agli epici scontri tra gru e pigmei, o tra Massageti e Medi. Un confronto, quest'ultimo, che non è escluso fosse sorretto da ulteriori allusioni letterarie (a poesia arcaica?), se sono da valorizzare in tal senso i riferimenti ad A.P. IX 184, 9 (Ἀλκμᾶνος ἀηδόνες) e Hesych. s. v. ἀηδόνα· ᾠδήν, già segnalati in apparato da Pfeiffer 2 . Questa parentesi di esempi letterari si conclude, poi, con un distico che recupera lo ψόγος della prima apostrofe ai Telchini (vv. 7-8) e prelude al ricordo delle parole che Apollo Licio in persona rivolse al poeta sin dall'epoca delle sue prime esperienze letterarie (vv. 21 ss.). Il distico in questione è costituito dai vv. 17-18:

Un breve recorrido por la vida y obra del poeta elegíaco griego arcaico Tirteo, La biografía queda aclarada a una nueva luz al ponerse de relieve los rasgos de operador cultural fundacional que la tradición filoespartana acumuló bajo el nombre del poeta tradicional, sin ningún empeño por conservar datos fiables o auténticos. Es un resumen de las conclusiones de la tesis de licenciatura leída en la Universidad de Barcelona en abril de 1990.

Warmest thanks to Xavier riu for his invitation to Barcelona, his input and his editorial care; to the director of the national archaeological Museum of athens, nikolaos Kaltsas, for the kwmo" photographs and the permission to reproduce them; to peter agócs, ewen Bowie, angelos chaniotis, Jonah rosenberg, dimos spatharas and the two anonymous readers for helpful comments and suggestions on this version. 1 For pindar's indifference to ephemeral details see slater 1984, 241.

Se Aristotele (EN IV 127a 20ss.) definisce l'ἀλαζών «chi fa mostra di glorie che non ha» -un vizio, questo, opposto all'εἰρώνεια, la «dissimilazione» -Teofrasto (Char. 23) sottolinea, fra le millanterie di tale carattere, quella di pretendere una ricchezza assolutamente inesistente. Tali elementi sono ripresi nel lessico di Fozio (α 889) -compreso il confronto con l'εἴρων -dove si aggiunge una spiegazione etimologica del termine: l'ἀλαζών sarebbe colui che, dedito a peregrinazioni e vagabondaggi, vive non in virtù delle sue occupazioni, ma proprio grazie al suo girovagare. Sebbene Bonfante (1936) ritenga ἀλαζών un derivato dal nome della popolazione degli Ἀλαζῶνες (cfr. Hdt. IV 17,1; cfr. Corcella 1993, 243 s.), è la connessione con il verbo ἀλάομαι («errare») che viene considerata etimo logica mente significativa dall' erudizione antica: essa è infatti ripresa fra gli altri da Esichio (α 2731), dalla Synagogè (B α 833: ὁ ἀλώμενος) e dalla Suda (α 1057). Tale spiegazione etimologica, del resto, è accettata anche da MacDowell (1990, 289 s.). Per quanto riguarda il senso del termine, i lessici spiegano ἀλαζών con πλάνος «imbroglione», ὑπερήφανος «arrogante» e ψευστής «bugiardo»: l'ἀλαζών sarebbe in sostanza un individuo dedito all'ἀπάτη «inganno» e al κόμπος «millanteria» [cfr. Phot. α 890: ἀλαζὼν καὶ κομπός· ψεύστης καὶ κομπαστής. οὕτως Κρατῖνος (fr. 375 K.-A.)]. Come sottolinea la Suda (α 1057), del resto, gli ἀλαζόνες sono propriamente i bugiardi che parlano di ciò che non sanno, mentre Fozio (α 981 s.v. ἀλαζονεύεσθαι) sottolinea che l'ἀλαζών è -oltre a uno ψεύστης -un φέναξ, un «impostore», un «ciarlatano».

This paper argues that the interplay between the narrative and performance of Pindar’s eighth paean embeds it within the physical environment of Delphi, at the site of the Alcmaeonid temple for which it was composed. The use of choreographic and musical images to describe the temple’s mythical predecessors merges with the chorus’s own choreia, which thus has a doubling effect, visually and acoustically overlaying the Alcmaeonid temple with these older structures in a complex interaction of real and imagined space.

in the symposium, Plato presents his readers with many different characterisations of the aulos and the performers of this instrument. at the very beginning of the drinking-party (symp. 176e7) the aulos-girl is sent away: given that this instrument played a very significant role in the sympotic practices of Classical athens, this exceptional choice calls for an explanation. in the light of the following developments of the dialogue, the dismissal of the αὐλητρίς becomes even more significant. in fact, on the one hand, this character reappears at a key moment of the dialogue, as alcibiades' dramatic appearance on scene is announced and accompanied precisely by the sound of her "voice" (αὐλητρίδος φωνὴν ἀκούειν, 212c8; cf. 212d6). On the other hand, in his following discourse of praise, alcibiades characterises Socrates as 'the most wonderful αὐλητής' and claims that this image not only epitomises the effect of Socrates' words on the souls of his listeners (cf. 215b-216d) but reveals no less than "the truth" about Socrates (τοῦ ἀληθοῦς ἕνεκα, 215a9). but what do Socrates' words have in common with the seductive voice of the aulos? in this paper, i will show how these apparently conf licting images can help us understand Plato's complex and nuanced attitude towards the alluring voice of the aulos and its psychological effects. more specifically, i will contend that alcibiades' characterisation of Socrates as the 'most wonderful aulete' reveals how the power of Socrates' seductive words can be truly likened to a 'good use' of auletic music. Just as marsyas' and Olympus' divine music is capable of revealing who needs to participate in mystic rites, so also Socrates' aulemata are capable of achieving an effect that goes much deeper than mere rational persuasion and exposes the true ethical needs of his interlocutors. differently from what is often maintained, then, i will argue that Plato is not at all concerned with the capacity of the aulos to provoke deep and powerful emotions; on the contrary, far from rejecting entirely the intense and even ecstatic effects of music, Plato's aim is to highlight the importance of using these powerful forces correctly. if oriented correctly, both musical and rhetorical aulemata become crucial educational "tools" to give shape to the soul and its inner hierarchy of desires. if oriented in the wrong ethical direction, both the power of persuasive speech and that of music lead to the exact opposite result: psychological (and therefore political) strife.

Inspired by insights of modern cognitive science, this article investigates the use of self-referential metaphors in Pindar's epinicians and demonstrates that these metaphors serve to enhance the cognitive effect of the rhetoric of praise. The starting point of the argument is the (dis)analogy between the self-referential deixis that religious hymns use to map aetiological myths to their performance context and the self-refer-ential metaphors that Pindar uses to blend the observable context of the victory celebration with the context of the original victory. It is to emphasize the 'presentification' of the victory in the context of the victory celebration (and beyond) that Pindar employs the analogy between poetry and visual arts—presenting his poems either as architectural structures commemorating multiple layers of the past (Olympian 6) or as victor statues endowed with speech and movement (Nemean 5). Keywords Pindar – victory celebration – self-referential metaphors – text and image

Anche gli indici analitici, non solo i dizionari, sono come gli orologi: pure quelli non particolarmente puntuali sono meglio di niente 1 . Quando si prende in mano il volume di Raffaele Grisolia Oi \ jomoli* a. Struttura e tecnica drammatica negli scoli antichi ai testi drammatici 2 , sfogliandolo dal fondo ci si imbatte in quello che promette di essere un filone ricco: un «Indice dei principali termini tecnici che compaiono negli scoli» (pp. 119-121). È succinto, e avrebbe acquistato maggior pregio se i lemmitecnicismi, appunto -fossero stati sistematicamente accompagnati da traduzione 3 . Ma chi abbia a consultare il fondamentale studio d'ambito affine di Roos Meijering 4 sentirebbe pressoché a ogni passo la mancanza di un indice terminologico, sia pure altrettanto succinto. Se però si segue il filone intravisto nell'indice di Grisolia andando alle pagine del testo indicate per ogni voce, si resta spesso un poco delusi, perché non se ne incontra una trattazione se non di rado, e sovente neppure una segnalazione né una traduzione precisa, sicché, nei contesti in cui ricorrono, quei termini rischiano di passare inosservati e non riconosciuti nella loro valenza tecnica. Di qui è nata la curiosità che ha condotto dalle ricognizioni nel testo di Grisolia alle escursioni nei testi scoliastici ed esegetici, soprattutto drammatici 5 .

One arresting feature in the Aeginetan epinician songs of Pindar and Bacchylides is the idealized image of Aegina that they generate. The paper argues that this image should not be taken at face value because it hardly maps onto the fifth-century Aeginetan milieu; rather it is an ideological construct that conceals existing tension and strife.

Considerando-se a escassez de dados relativos à biografia do poeta da Grécia arcaica Teógnis de Mégara, à sociedade que o viu nascer e florescer, sem mencionar as dificuldades de delimitar o âmbito da autenticidade dos Theognidea, complexa se torna, por vezes, a análise de versos elegíacos neles insertos. Por conseguinte, julgamos relevante privilegiar, a par de aspectos extraliterários, o próprio texto das elegias como base principal de estudo de alguns fragmentos do corpus cuja tônica é a philía, que, no contexto teognídeo, constitui um significativo veículo de preservação da ideologia aristocrática.

Registrazione Tribunale di Roma n. 146/2000 del 24 marzo 2000 c o p i a a u t o r e GIULIO COLESANTI Il dev cesqai ta; skov lia in Aristoph. Vesp. 1208-1250 * Desidero ringraziare Emanuele Dettori per l'interessante discussione che ho avuto con lui su vari punti di questo lavoro. 1 La scena ha destato l'interesse di alcuni studiosi di scolî attici e poesia simposiale: vd. si interessano di v. 1226. 2 Vd. ad es. Clearch. Sol. fr. 63 I Wehrli tw' / prwv tw/ e[ po" kai; ij ambei' on eij pov nti to; ej cov menon e{ kaston lev gein kai; tw' / kefav laion eij pov nti aj nteipei' n to; eJ tev rou poihtou' tino", Plut. Quaest. conv. 1. 1 deuv teron d∆ ej fexh' " eJ kav stw/ mursiv nh" paradidomev nh", h} n ai[ sakon oi\ mai dia; to; a[ / dein to; n dexamev nou ej kav loun. Mi riferisco all'esecuzione di scolî di secondo tipo, che secondo Aristosseno-Dicearco sono quelli cantati da tutti i convitati in successione (distinti da quelli di primo tipo, cioè i peani, cantati da tutti all'unisono, e da quelli di terzo tipo, appannaggio dei più esperti; per tutto questo vd. Severyns 1934, p. 836 s.). 3 Seguo RVG, come già altri (ad es. Brunck 1783, Bekker 1829), nell'attribuire kalw' " di v. 1222 a Bdelicleone e a[ lhqe"… di v. 1223 a Filocleone. Alcuni studiosi (Meineke 1860, Bergk 1877, Engelbrecht 1882, p. 65, van Leeuwen 1909, Coulon 1928) assegnano kalw' " a Filocleone e conse-Nella scena dei vv. 1208-1250 delle Vespe aristofanee, ultimo atto di una più ampia scena di paidei' a ( vv. 1174-1250), viene presentato Bdelicleone inten to a saggiare le competenze poetiche del padre, perché questi non corra il ri schio di far brutta figura quando dovrà prendere parte a un simposio 1 . Bde licleone simula addirittura una riunione in atto, immaginando una auj lhtriv " già all'opera (v. 1219), e annoverando tra i convitati (v. 1220 s.) nienteme no che Cleone con alcuni dei suoi più importanti accoliti (Teoro, Eschine, Fa no); egli stesso, intonando qualcosa, fingerà di essere ora l'uno ora l'altro di questi simposiasti, mentre Filocleone dovrà replicare all'Armodio (v. 1225), al l'Admeto (v. 1238) e al Clitagora (vv. 1245-1247), cioè a tre dei più noti e diffu si scolî attici, dando così prova di saper opportunamente selezionare un'idonea risposta. Naturalmente le repliche di Filocleone si rivelano le più inadatte possibili all'immaginaria compagnia, il che da una parte appare un fallimento degli sforzi paideutici di Bdelicleone, ma dall'altra sancisce il successo presso Filocleone dell'anticleonismo del figlio, buon maestro almeno in politica. La scena, dunque, riveste grande interesse, perché costituisce, no nostante sia formalizzata e esplicitamente simulata, l'unico caso effettivo di quella recitazione poetica simposiale che ricostruiamo dalle fonti 2 .

Questo volume si segnala subito all'interesse degli studiosi, in particolare di lirica greca arcaica e classica, poiché, fino a questo momento, per i carmi eseguiti nel simposio attico giunti fino a noi non esisteva un'edizione dotata di commento e dei necessari apparati. L'autrice ha dunque colmato un'ingiustificata lacuna, e con il suo lavoro, che si impone come opera di riferimento, ci ha fornito un prezioso strumento per la conoscenza di questi interessanti carmi.

Abstract: In an essay of 1971 Luigi Enrico Rossi, studying the laws of the Greek literary genres, recognized the existence of three periods: the Archaic period, in which laws are existing and observed, but have not been still made in writing in special manuals (that did not exist); the Classical period, in which laws are observed and begin to be writen in descriptive and normative manuals; the Hellenistic period, where laws are studied and then are put in writing, but are not respected, indeed are violated for liter- ary purposes. Also Rossi noted that learning the laws was oral in Archaic period, and took place in a sort of ‘apprenticeship of workshop’ (collaborating with teachers) or ‘direct practice’ (atending poetic performances), and also that the observations on po- etry and art must occur in the poems themselves. Checking the validity of these gene- ral observations in the restricted ield of elegy, we concluded the following. There’s only two periods of elegy: Archaic and Classical period, where the unwriten laws are respected; Hellenistic period, in which writen laws are not respected. In particular, learning in Archaic and Classical period was oral and only with direct practice, but you can also suggest the use of writen collections of elegies to derive the rules; those who learned are the young aristocrats, which serve as bearers in the symposia. It is conirmed in several elegies Rossi’s intuition according to which, in the absence of manuals for the elegy in the Archaic and Classical period, observations on the poetry and art must take place only in the poems themselves. Some violations of the laws (of the metric, the dialect to use, the topics to be treat, the symposion’s practice to observe) are nothing more than the usual exceptions that prove the law.

Una particolare caratteristica della silloge teognidea è la doppia redazione di alcuni enunciati, quasi sempre con lievi varianti, in luoghi diversi della silloge stessa ( 1 ). Le coppie interessate, note come 'dittografie', sono ventidue, per un totale di 60 + 60 versi sui 1418 trasmessi dal codice A (Parisin. Bibl. Nat. Suppl. Graec. 388, X sec.); ne fornisco due elenchi, imperniati l'uno sulle lectiones priores con a fianco la corrispondenza con i doppioni, e l'altro sulle lectiones alterae con a fianco l'indicazione delle redazioni che ricorrono per prime ( 2 ). 1107-1108 [1318a-b] 1278c-d [949-950] 1151-1152 [1238a-b] 1318a-b [1107][1108] x 1. Stato della questione

c o p i a a u t o r e c o p i a a u t o r e GIULIO COLESANTI Un agone simposiale in Theogn. 1003-1022 * Desidero ringraziare Massimo Vetta, al quale devo una discussione per litt. (29. 11. 1997) su al cune questioni. Ringrazio inoltre, per i loro interventi, tutti i partecipanti al Seminario di Lette ratura greca di Luigi Enrico Rossi, ai quali ho esposto una versione orale di questo lavoro (Roma "La Sapienza" 14. 5. 1998). 1 Il testo teognideo cui si fa riferimento è quello stabilito da West 1989. 2 Per generale consenso degli editori e degli studiosi teognidei si tratta di quattro elegie distin te; i soli e Young 1971 (nonché Young 1964) hanno unito i vv. 1003-1012 in un unico carme. h{ d∆ aj rethv , tov d∆ a[ eqlon ej n aj nqrwv poisin a[ riston kav llistov n te fev rein giv netai aj ndri; sofw' / , xuno; n d∆ ej sqlo; n tou' to pov lhiv te pantiv te dhv mw/ , 1005 o{ sti" aj nh; r diaba; " ej n promav coisi mev nh/ . xuno; n d∆ aj nqrwv poi" uJ poqhv somai, o[ frav ti" h{ bh" aj glao; n a[ nqo" e[ cwn kai; fresi; n ej sqla; noh' / , tw' n auj tou' kteav nwn eu\ pascev men: ouj ga; r aj nhba' n di; " pev letai pro; " qe _ w' n, ouj de; luv si" qanav tou 1010 qnhtoi' " aj nqrwv poisi, kako; n d∆ ej pi; gh' ra" ej lev gcei ouj lov menon, kefalh' " d∆ a{ ptetai aj krotav th".

On the basis of more than four thousand ostraca that have been found in the Ceramicus, it is fair to say that Megacles, true to his ancestral modus vivendi, did not keep a low profile in Athens. He was ostracised most probably twice: first in 487 and then in 471. 1 The ostraca that reflect the annoyance of a great number of his fellow-citizens with his ostentatious lifestyle belong to his second ostracism, but the reasons for the first were probably similar if not the same. 2 Horse-breeding, trendy hair-style, adultery, greed for money, arrogant extravagance and the Cylonian hereditary curse are the reasons that some Athenians made a point of recording on the potsherds in order to justify their verdict. 3