Sociology of Governance

This study investigates the effectiveness of local governance in Kaski District, Nepal, by analyzing citizen perceptions across urban and rural municipalities. The research was based on two primary objectives, such as to examine citizens' perceptions of service delivery, civic participation, and grievance mechanisms, and to analyze the variations in these governance practices between urban and rural settings and their implications for women's representation. Employing a mixed-methods approach, data were collected from 111 respondents purposively selected across five local government units (Pokhara Metropolitan City, Madi, Annapurna, Machhapuchhre, and Rupa Rural Municipalities) through surveys, key informant interviews, and field observations. Findings reveal a significant urban-rural divide. Rural municipalities demonstrated higher citizen satisfaction, attributed to closer official-community ties, whereas the urban center struggled with bureaucratic inefficiencies. While grievance mechanisms were generally accessible, concerns over political favoritism were prevalent. Civic engagement was moderate but constrained for women by structural barriers like dual workloads, leading to a reliance on informal channels. The study concludes that effective local governance hinges not only on resources but on fostering inclusiveness, responsiveness, and trust. Strengthening genuine women's representation and ensuring equitable service delivery are crucial for achieving accountable governance.

espanolEn este documento, se ha analizado la politica de la UE que influye significativamente en el contenido y la direccion de las reformas economicas, politicas, administrativas y legales implementadas en los paises candidatos y estados vecinos, asi como en las actividades de politica exterior. Como resultado, una organizacion supranacional de poder puede ejercer una influencia significativa en la soberania de estas categorias de estados. Como conclusion, el impacto en la soberania del estado se ejerce a traves de la autorizacion directa del propio pais, teniendo en cuenta los intereses nacionales, a pesar de las aspiraciones politicas de la UE. EnglishIn this paper, the policy of the EU significantly influencing the content and direction of economic, political, administrative and legal reforms implemented in the candidate countries and neighboring states, as well as foreign policy activities have been analyzed. As a result, a supranational organization of power is able to exert a...

Governance refers to the structures, systems, and procedures through which authority is exercised, resources are allocated, and policies are enforced. Scholars have analyzed governance from various perspectives, highlighting its role in decision-making, social regulation, and institutional stability. Historically, governance evolved from centralized rule in ancient civilizations to modern decentralized systems, with the Treaty of Westphalia (1648) establishing sovereign nation-states. The 19th and 20th centuries saw global governance expand through institutions like the UN, while local governance gained significance in community development. Nepal’s governance history includes monarchies, the Rana regime, constitutional democracy, and the federal democratic republic established in 2008. The 2015 Constitution promoted federalism to decentralize power and improve local governance, crucial for democratic participation, transparency, and accountability. Local Governance (LG) in Nepal faces challenges such as inadequate laws, poor coordination, and global economic pressures. Kaski District serves as a case study for analyzing governance efficacy, particularly in civic satisfaction and service delivery. While models like Kerala’s participatory planning demonstrate effective decentralization, Nepal struggles with implementation. Despite research on governance, limited attention has been given to LG in regions like Kaski. This study, titled Efficacy of Governance among the Local Governments of Kaski, Nepal, aims to explore local government structures, their effectiveness in addressing community needs, and systemic governance challenges.

The right to belong and participate in some form of political community is the most fundamental social right there is. This dissertation argues that social rights have not been understood broadly enough, that there has not been enough attention paid to their historical roots, and that they must not be viewed as being simply passive welfare rights. Rather, they must be seen in their historical context, and they must be seen for what they are: a much larger and more substantive phenomenon than what liberal theory has projected: both theoretically and empirically. I am calling this body of discourse "the social citizenship tradition." This dissertation hopes to show that there was more than one definition of social citizenship historically and that social rights are certainly not "new." In surveying a vast literature in Britain, the United States, and Canada, it points to places where alternative social rights claims have entered politics and society. By looking at writings from these three countries over three centuries, the evidence points to some similarities as well as differences in how scholars approached questions of economic and social rights. In particular, similar arguments over labour and property figured prominently in all three countries. The contextual ground of right was different in each country but the voice of social action was similar. The objective here is to reunite this common tradition of social citizenship with its past. It is because of classical liberalism that social right has lost focus and power, and a whole tradition of political thinking has been lost.This tradition has been narrowed to the point that it might be unrecognizable to the more radical forces, those who also fought for it, in the American, Canadian and British pasts.

This paper examines the changing dynamics of labour of the Ex-Tea garden tribe from the Tea garden tribe in the Sonitpur District of Assam. Hence, factors such as migration or labour mobility, social, economic, cultural, and political aspects have been taken into account for understanding the socioeconomic contribution of the Ex-Tea garden tribe labour population in the region. The paper also argues that Ex-Tea garden tribe labour despite their distinct identity and socioeconomic contribution to the region is overlooked in different aspects of society in the region. This endangers the growth and development of Ex-Tea garden tribe labour community in various fields in the Sonitpur District of Assam.

Small Tea Industry is a significant part of tea industry. It is a rural based agro industry. Assam is the pioneer of producing tea and known as the "Garden of tea world". Small Tea Growers (STGs) constitute an integral part of tea industry. The STGs covered 2.5 lakh hectares of land in India. Tea Board of India defines the Small Tea Growers holding area up to 10.12 hectares. Small Tea Growers contribute 25 per cent of total tea production of Assam, which is 500 million kg per year. The STGs of Sivasagar district play initiative role in tea production. Sivasagar alone has 10116 Small Tea Growers out of 1.2 lakh in the state. This study is based on primary data collected from 100 respondents of Sivasagar District by using purposive sampling method. We will highlight the Small Tea Growers socioeconomic condition, various problems of Small Tea Growers.

The article offers a succinct conceptual and analytical framework for approaching the 'great rule of law debate' currently unfolding in the EU (European Union) and the contending positions of the various EU institutions embroiled in it. It addresses the challenge of conceptualization imbued in the notion of the rule of law, and critically examines the definition of the concept provided by the EC (European Commission). It then demonstrates that over the course of modern European integration, the rule of law emerged as a central dimension in four distinct core areas of EC/EU identity and activity. Should the contemporary crisis of foundational values persist or deepen, each of the four is expected to be adversely affected. Finally, the article explores the emerging 'rule of law turn' in the EU.

One of the most popular known beverages in the world is tea. Tea industry is one of the oldest industries in India and also one of the biggest industries in the country. In India if we see tea is grown basically in two regionsNorth-East and South. A larger portion of tea is produced in Assam and North Bengal while in other states like Sikkim, Tripura, Manipur, Arunachal Pradesh, Nagaland, Meghalaya, and Mizoram, production is on a lesser scale. The state which has the highest area under tea cultivation and is also the largest producer of tea in India is Assam. Sonitpur is one of the thirty three districts of Assam. It is an administrative district in the state of Assam. Its economy is basically an agrarian one and its one of the most unique feature is the existence of large number of tea gardens. Both Brahmaputra and Barak valley in Assam has tea gardens. The purpose of this study is to look into the role of trade unions in Sonitpur District of Assam, India, and to analyze the parti...

Economic situation plays a vital role in individual as well as in social life. Without a sound economic condition, availing of rights and enjoying of equality, liberty, fraternity can't be expected. Tea tribe of Assam is one of most underdeveloped community and the women of this community are more vulnerable in comparison to man. Others social evils like superstition, exploitation also being inevitable among the poor and marginalized groups of people. Prevailing superstition and un-challenged customs of the society can be remarked as one of the major reason of women rights violation in Assam. Basically, women whose economic and education standard is not in expected level have been facing rigorous threat in enjoying their rights. Without awareness of scientific knowledge through education, women would not be able to enjoying their rights and protect them from the prevailing superstitions which are harmful not only for that section but also for the society as a whole.

Tea industry is one of the oldest industries in India and enjoys the status of one of the best organised industries in the country. The Indian organised tea sector currently employs over 1.1 million workers throughout the tea growing states. Women constitute more than 50% of the total labour force. This is the only industry in the organised sector that employs such a high proportion of female labour. The industry boasts as an organised sector with various legislations in place specially the Plantation Labour Act of 1951. The present qualitative study of the tea gardens provides substantial content to understand the status of women in the tea industry in Darjeeling. The data used for this study is obtained from the primary survey conducted in the tea gardens of Darjeeling in May, 2009 and in May, 2010. The survey covers a representative sample of 180 women workers. The data was collected with the help of an in-depth interview schedule. Observations on households and housing pattern m...

Aims and Objectives: The aim of the present study is to identify the factors that can determine the poverty status of the tea garden labour community. Methodology: To identify the sample household’s poverty status the state specific rural poverty line as fixed by the Rangarajan Committee of Planning Commission of India (2014) is used. A Logistic regression model is used to identify the main determinants of poverty of the sample households. Results: The results show that the household size, education of the head of the household, employment status of the head of the household and the number of earning members in the household are the main determinants of poverty of the tea garden labour community. Conclusion: The policymakers should give importance on access to education, employment opportunities and should also made effort to encourage smaller family size to reduce poverty.

and Networking (CRACIN) is a four-year partnership between community informatics researchers, community networking practitioners and federal government policy specialists, funded by a grant from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council (SSHRC). CRACIN brings together researchers and practitioners from across Canada, and internationally, to undertake case studies and thematic research on enabling the uses of new information and communication technologies (ICTs) by communities and through community-based organizations, and to investigate Canada's national programs and policies for promoting the development and public accessibility of digitally enabled activities and services.

The articles that follow constitute the first installment of a special double issue of Studies in Social Justice devoted to the perils and potentialities of combining scholarly work in an academic setting with social justice activism. They are also the first pieces published by the journal since it moved to the Social Justice Research Institute (SJRI) at Brock University. 1 It is appropriate that the journal's inaugural issues at its new home focus on the simultaneously fraught and productive relationship between activist and academic work, because the circumstances that brought Studies in Social Justice to Brock exemplify some of the challenges, opportunities, and ironies implicit in that relationship. Studies in Social Justice was launched in 2007 at the University of Windsor, and published its first eight volumes from Windsor's Centre for Studies in Social Justice. In 2013 the Centre was dismantled as part of the University's response to the Government of Ontario's governance agenda for the province's tertiary education sector; an agenda that combines funding cuts with greater provincial oversight, rationalisation of programming, and an emphasis on public-private partnerships as sources of university revenue. Studies in Social Justice was left without funding or an institutional home, a casualty of neoliberal rationalisation. At about the same time-and in response to the same provincial strategy-Brock University created and funded five new transdisciplinary research institutes. One of them, The Social Justice Research Institute (SJRI), assumed management of Studies in Social Justice. The SJRI's establishment is a welcome development for Brock faculty and students eager to pursue social justice research and activist work in a supportive and well-resourced academic environment. Its programming so far has generated many productive collaborations among scholars and with

A population, which has been living since more than a century and half and contributing to the economic and cultural landscape of Assam has grown in its size and aspirations. They are the tea garden workers community, popularly known as 'tea tribe' community. Their quest for establishing a separate identity and getting a fair share in the resources for their development has resulted in a complex social mosaic in the state with increasing ethnic tensions and alienation among various communities. At present, the tea tribes form a distinct population of Assam and constitute about 20 percent of its population. Majority of them belong to various Adivasi communities of central India, who were once lured to come and work in the tea gardens of Assam and other parts of the North East during later part of nineteenth century. Many non-Adivasi communities too came along with Adivasis. Their socioeconomic condition has remained at margin and their struggle for an identity and getting a just share in the resources and opportunities has been going on for long time. This paper is a critique on the identity and entitlements of 'tea tribe', based on some historical contours and continuum.

Health is the basic requirement for fulfillment of all human aspiration. Health refers to a state of complete Physical, mental and social wellbeing. Health security, as discuss in the earlier chapter refers to minimum protection from diseases and unhealthy lifestyles. Health security now regard as a major component of Human security. Human Security is not (only) a concern with weapons. It is a concern with human dignity. In the last analysis, it is child who did not die, a disease that did not spread an ethnic tension that did not explode, a dissident who was not silenced, a human spirit that was not crushed.

Health is the basic requirement for fulfillment of all human aspiration. Health refers to a state of complete Physical, mental and social wellbeing. Health security, as discuss in the earlier chapter refers to minimum protection from diseases and unhealthy lifestyles. Health security now regard as a major component of Human security. Human Security is not (only) a concern with weapons. It is a concern with human dignity. In the last analysis, it is child who did not die, a disease that did not spread an ethnic tension that did not explode, a dissident who was not silenced, a human spirit that was not crushed.

A growing retreat from multilateralism is threatening to upend the institutions that underpin the liberal international order. This article applies network theory to this crisis in global governance, arguing that policymakers can strengthen these institutions by leveraging network effect pressures. Network effects arise when networks of actors—say language speakers or users of a social media platform—interact and the value one user derives from the network increases as other users join the network (e.g., the more people who speak your language, the more useful it is because there are more people with whom you can communicate). Crucially, network effect pressures produce what is called ‘lock-in’—a situation in which actors are unable to exit the network without incurring high costs and as a result become locked into the network. For example, because of their powerful network effect pressures, users of Facebook and the English language cannot easily exit these networks.

International organizations such as the UN, the WTO, the IMF, etc., are networks of sovereign states that likewise produce network effect pressures. As such, intensifying their network effect pressure can lock countries more firmly into these institutions. To that end, this article proposes a suite of strategies policymakers may use to manipulate the network effect pressures generated by international organizations to strengthen these institutions and the multilateral treaties that establish them—an approach the article calls treaty hacking. The article offers a toolkit from which policymakers can draw to bolster the liberal order in the face of growing global instability and change.

The purpose of this paper is to explore the existing scholarly approaches to the notion of constitutional identity and examine the potential applicability of this concept for the analysis of the processes of post-Soviet transformation, Europeanization and regional integration.
Drawing upon the multiple definitions proposed in international academic literature, the author views ‘constitutional identity’ as a combination of four interrelated meanings: (1) as identity of a constitution; (2) as identity of the people, or imagined political community; (3) as constitutional identity of a society, or an actual political community and (4) as identity of a national constitutional order in its interrelations with other legal orders. It is argued that the
concept of ‘constitutional identity’ taken in these four dimensions can serve as an effective analytical tool to characterize the transformation processes in the countries in transition – both those that run internally (e.g. transformation of constitutional culture) and those that have
external relevance (e.g. regional integration). The paper reflects the initial stage of the research project; thus, the author does not have an ambition to cover the issue comprehensively, but introduces theoretical framework and poses the questions for further investigation.

The largest number of child labours resides in India. Due to poverty and social security the number of child labourer in India exponentially increased. For this study, child labourer in Marathwada region, India selected for analysis to identify the root cause of child labour. The primary data was collected from scheduled interviews of child labours in Marathwada region. The secondary data was collected from census and statistical reports. The socio-economical factors also considered for identification of problems related to child labours. This study reveals that the age of 78.60% child labours is in between 9-14 years. The 10001-20000 is the average annual income of 88% families of child labour. 67% child labours are homeless and 44% child labours comes from divorced family. There are 35% child labours intact with their families. The child labour studies have found estimated prevalence of 87% children ate a food without nutritional value. The 33% child labours depends upon one time meal in a day for survival. Most of the child labours comes from those family, where family members are badly addicted to alcohol and tobacco. The 39% children have working as a child labour due to poor economical conditions of family. Mostly, child labours working on garages, bricks factories, waste collections and hotels in very minimum wages. The working hours of 37% child labours are more than 12 hours. The 23.20%, 39.80 and 37% child labours are badly affected by skin diseases, handicaps and infectious diseases respectively. The 79.60% child labours was found illiterate and out of school. To overcome child labour's problems Indian constitution constitute an effective acts or laws to prevent child labour as well as the central and state government launches a various schemes to stop child labour. But due to poor implementations of schemes, political interference, government irresponsiveness, flexible clauses in laws and lack of social awareness is the main reasons of failures to stop child labour. To stop child labour the remedies such as to implement economical development schemes, make education free, increasing awareness about prevention child labour and successful implementation of the act would certainly go a long way in eradicating child labour in India.

Drawing from developments in sociology and organizational studies, this paper argues for a new understanding of volunteer tourism as liquid organization. It aims to explore the organization of volunteer tourism using a liquid organization perspective and to better understand the potential implications of this liquidity on the responsibility of volunteer tourism organizations to host communities. The analysis is based on data collected from 80 volunteer tourism organizations. The findings reveal that the volunteer tourism organizations show characteristics of liquid organization to varying degrees. The significance of the research is to problematize the way in which the institutional characteristics of volunteer tourism are (not) conceptualized in current literature and to introduce liquid organization as a means of reinvigorating debate about responsibility.

The idea and ideal of the rule of law has ancient roots in Babylonian, Hebraic, Hellenic, Roman, and in some respects Chinese political thought. 1 Each tradition has made indelible contributions to the emergence of modern European conceptions of the rule of law and, ineluctably, to those found in the contemporary European Union (EU). 2 Fascinating and important as the history of their ideas undoubtedly is, this chapter does not trace the evolution of the rule of law within those millennia-old traditions, nor does it cover the distinct rule of law conceptions and cultures that developed in the national systems of each EU member state. A final caveat: this chapter addresses notion of the rule of law as it emerged and developed within the EU governance system per se, but does not pretend to account for other pan-European conceptions and uses (notably the ones found in the context of the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR) and its interpretation by the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR), the Council of Europe (CoE) more broadly, or the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) except as they significantly shaped that of the EU itself. 3 This chapter traces the origins and evolution of the concept of the rule of law within the EC/EU governance system (Section I). It then delineates the four main areas in which the rule of law forms a central pillar of EC/EU identity and activity (Section II). Finally, the chapter provides a cross-cutting, critical review of the EU-rule of law nexus, identifying key debates where the concept of the rule of law plays a substantial role in contemporary EU studies, as well as where the EU governance system can be said to be lacking in terms of its adherence to the salient constitutive features of the rule of law (Section III). Throughout, the chapter places emphasis on the identification of key concepts, areas of activity, and debates so as to facilitate future research into the EU-rule of law nexus.

The Legal Aid, Sentencing and Punishment of Offenders Act (LASPO) has been described by many commentators as a dramatic curtailment of access to justice which is likely to impact disproportionately on marginalised groups and individuals. This paper seeks to set LASPO in its historical context -as a radical development, but nevertheless one that is consistent with the policy discourses of responsibilization and consumerism dominant from the 1990s. It uses research into the experience of the Not For Profit sector's involvement in legally aided welfare advice to frame this perspective. Key findings include the extent to which respondents (both managers and front line workers) felt that Legal Services Commission funding had transformed organizational practices and ethos but that the implementation of LASPO and the austerity programme represented a critical watershed for the sector and its capacity to fulfil what front line workers in particular felt was their 'mission'.

The main occupation of the Tea garden labour is wage labour. The economic condition is not highly sound among the Tea Garden community. The permanent workers have their own quarters allotted by the owner of that particular Tea garden. This study aims to show the living conditions of the tea garden labourers of Maijan Rajgarh Borline. A primary survey is conducted on Maijan Rajgarh Borline of Maijan tea garden i.e male and female, skilled and semi skilled. The study reveals that the conditions of the tea garden labours are very poor although they avail the facilities from the management of the Tea Garden. The data were collected from daily wage labour, elderly persons, permanent workers, etc.

Small Tea Industry is a significant part of tea industry. It is a rural based agro industry. Assam is the pioneer of producing tea and known as the ‘Garden of tea world’. Small Tea Growers (STGs) constitute an integral part of tea industry. The STGs covered 2.5 lakh hectares of land in India. Tea Board of India defines the Small Tea Growers holding area up to 10.12 hectares. Small Tea Growers contribute 25 per cent of total tea production of Assam, which is 500 million kg per year. The STGs of Sivasagar district play initiative role in tea production. Sivasagar alone has 10116 Small Tea Growers out of 1.2 lakh in the state. This study is based on primary data collected from 100 respondents of Sivasagar District by using purposive sampling method. We will highlight the Small Tea Growers socio-economic condition, various problems of Small Tea Growers.

Increasing cost of production of Indian Tea is forcing planters to demand for more incentives and subsidies from the Government for sustainable productivity. A recent study reveals that social cost is the major cost driver in the total cost of production. The social cost in tea sector comprises of associated expenses relating to labour which includes housing, sanitation, medical benefits, education and other welfare expenses. As per the estimates made by an Inter-Ministerial Committee set up by the Ministry of Labour & Employment, the social sector cost component alone works out to about Rs.7.20 per kg of made tea. This has instigated the planters to demand for compensation from the Government for sharing reasonable proportion of social cost burden. It was also proposed that the Union and State Governments intervene and share some of the social costs. Considering this, at present the major share of expenses are borne by the Central Government alone in the form of subsidies through Tea Board. However, Tea Plantation Companies are demanding the Central Government to share the social cost incurred by them as the State Governments are reluctant to share and extend social schemes to the plantation labourers. Under these circumstances, a study was required to explore the extent of social cost burden taken by the Central Government through several social schemes, viz., National Rural Health Mission (Health benefits), Sajal Dhara (Drinking water), Sarva Siksha Abhiyan (Education) etc. to avoid duplication of social cost burden of Indian Tea Plantation. It was, therefore, a necessity to identify the possibilities of optimizing social cost by linking other schemes of the Government in reducing the social cost of the Indian Tea on one hand and in strengthening the sector on the other.

This essay examines the changing character of public sector work in the Canadian federal public service context. It is based on an empirical examination of various forms of contractual relations currently operative within the Canadian state and on a comparative approach of other western liberal state reform initiatives. We argue that contract governance is an ongoing process involving distinct interrelations between the public and privatesectors. In this context, we identify various forms of contract governance and flexibility schemes that have been enfolded and refolded into the conventional structures of governance, and unfolded into a liminal space between the state and civil society through the establishment of nonstandard work and the creationof alternative service delivery programmes.

Scholarly interest in the camp has grown over recent years, inspired in part by Giorgio Agamben's (1995; Homo Sacer: Sovereign Power and Bare Life) work. Scholarship in this area has built on Agamben's view of the camp as an abject space of exception and bare life but also, in reaction to this view, has theorized the camp as a political and social space which constitutes refugees and displaced persons as political subjects, active in demanding rights and social justice. Building on existing scholarship, this article draws attention to another important trend in the camp which has emerged alongside the growing activism of refugee populations, dissatisfied with their lack of rights and abject conditions. This is the trend of engaging refugees to become self-governing in the management of the camp, to think of the camp in terms of community development, with camp life providing the experiences through which refugees are to refashion themselves as resilient, entrepreneurial subjects. Our analysis examines this trend through the issue of humanitarian emergency governance of refugees and IDPs and within the context of reforms undertaken by the United Nations—specifically, through what we term “resiliency humanitarianism.” We use this term to suggest a particular rationale of care, camp coordination, and management which emerges within neoliberal government and which focuses on assisting refugees and IDPs to adapt to, and survive, crisis with the aim of responsibilizing them.

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The combination of flawed penality, crushing poverty, and a natural disaster that devastated Haiti’s already fragile criminal justice infrastructure made the country a fitting candidate for a new kind of international aid effort, which we call penal aid.  This international aid effort uses rule of law theories and practices to develop credible criminal justice institutions and reform penal practice throughout the world. According to rule of law measures, detention indicates flawed justice and a weak state, whereas trial and transformative punishment promotes global security and poverty reduction. The rule of law is a method for punishing better, a mechanism of international aid, a measure of global security, and a means for recognition of law-abiding states. Rule of law reconstruction is about international state-crafting and remaking Haiti in the image of a global penal state.

A very complicated chain of political and administrative considerations led to the representation of class by the castes and tribes. The appropriateness, desirability, efficacy and effectiveness of this representation are though questionable, since it has given rise to caste and tribe consciousness, and subverted class-consciousness Like many other caste and tribe groups, the tea tribes of Assam as well began demanding the ‘Scheduled Tribes’ status. This demand is naturally not. Welcome by many other sections of Assamese society. This led to unrest and uprising of the tea-tribes in Assam in the recent past. At the same time, broad dimensions of health and nutritional problems of the tea garden population of Assam based on which public health action can be strengthened. A comprehensive public health policy should be developed including preventive, promotive and curative measures to address the health and nutritional needs of the tea garden population.

Unlike the formal public and private banks, economic transactions through  the informal village banks (Gaonlia banks) are crucial in the daily life of the people. These transactions are based on social trust, not on the written laws,
official paper works, rules and regulations. Villagers still perceive government as the unreachable, higher and distance entity.

Tea plantation still continues and shares a major part of the economy in Assam. Plantation is a labour intensive process. Tea plantation in Assam has a distinct form of involvement of labour and is having a particular social history. Colonial administration brought labours from outside Assam especially from Chottangapur Platueue. The living condition of plantation labour in Assam has been pathetic. Even though government has introduced several welfare programmes and social protection schemes, it has not percolated down much to help the tea garden labours. This study is based on 15 tea estates located in 7 districts of Assam state. It has used both quantitative and qualitative research techniques. This paper explores the social formation of tea garden labour in Assam. It also looks at various social protection schemes and analyse the social conditions of tea garden labour. Health and education are taken as vital social indicator of development. This article looks at the conditions of children and various social welfare schemes floated by the government. It refers to the garden as a walled city and living inside a garden as ‘estate within the state’. Finally it raises few pertinent questions on how to address the problem faced by tea garden labour. It suggests tea garden management and state can coordinate to solve some of the fundamental problems faced by tea garden communities in Assam.

This paper analyses practices for monitoring, tracking and assessing the international aid and reconstruction efforts in Haiti in an attempt to ‘build back better’ from the devastation of the January 2010 earthquake. We suggest that aid and reconstruction efforts filter through an international network of development organisations. This network also acts as a governing auspice, overseeing the transformation of Haiti from a ‘failed state’ to a strong democratic state. The central governing mechanism in this reconstruction effort involves the embedding of the ideas and practices of audit within Haitian political and civic culture. We reveal how, in Haiti, this culture of audit monitors aid and reconstruction through biopolitical technologies such as benchmarks and performance indicators, and through the constitution of calculable and accountable entities. More than a means of implementing disaster recovery, audit culture is a technique of biopolitical governance that aims to transform Haiti's state, civic institutions and citizens into entities accountable to an international development agenda.

SUZAN ILCAN and TANYA BASOK
This paper analyzes the ways in which the Canadian voluntary sector has beencreated as a ‘community of service providers’. Drawing upon a governmentality perspective, we illustrate how governmental interventions have been largely successful in carrying out the voluntary agencies’ responsibilization efforts within the sector. We trace this responsibilization project through fiscal policies and programmatic schemes, characteristic of advanced liberalism. Once invested with the task of governing, we argue that voluntary agencies take it upon themselves to train their volunteers to become responsible citizens. As a form of, what we call, community government, these voluntary agencies have therefore become doubly responsible: they provide social services to disadvantaged individuals and simultaneously train community members to assume their moral duties. Overall, this paper contributes to the growing literature on governmentality and citizenship studies by producing new insights into the links between the voluntary sector and ‘responsible citizenship’ under advanced liberalism.

This paper analyzes the ways in which the Canadian voluntary sector has been created as a 'community of service providers'. Drawing upon a governmentality perspective, we illustrate how governmental interventions have been largely successful in carrying out the voluntary agencies' responsibilization efforts within the sector. We trace this responsibilization project through fiscal policies and programmatic schemes, characteristic of advanced liberalism. Once invested with the task of governing, we argue that voluntary agencies take it upon themselves to train their volunteers to become responsible citizens. As a form of, what we call, community government, these voluntary agencies have therefore become doubly responsible: they provide social services to disadvantaged individuals and simultaneously train community members to assume their moral duties. Overall, this paper contributes to the growing literature on governmentality and citizenship studies by producing new insights into the links between the voluntary sector and 'responsible citizenship' under advanced liberalism.

"Contenido:
- El Programa Managing Global Governance
- El concepto de Gobernanza Global
- América Latina: ¿Por qué somos como somos? / Desempeño económico pasado y actual / Efectos sociales del desempeño económico / Valores políticos comunes / Mecanismos de cooperación
- ¿Dos América Latina?
- Algunos temas actuales de Gobernanza Global y la relación de América Latina con ellos: ¿Por qué necesitamos una Gobernaza Global renovada? / Global Shift / Reforma de la ONU / Reforma de las IFI / Negociaciones comerciales multilaterales / Negociaciones internacionales sobre cambio climático
- Comentarios finales"