Social movement coalitions

What can the analytical framework of settler colonialism contribute to sociological theorizing, research, and overall understanding of the social world? This essay argues that settler colonialism, a distinct social formation with common statuses and predictable dynamics, has much to offer towards new sociological insight regarding the United States. In expanding the scholarly models of colonialism applied to the United States, settler colonial analysis suggests that an underlying logic of Indigenous elimination and settler replacement informs a diverse set of contemporary outcomes and structures. It provides a coherent and overarching framework for explaining such political phenomena as the vigorous presence of "extraconstitutional" tribal governments within the United States, recurrent Native-white conflicts, and the distinctive nature of contemporary Indigenous social and political agency. The essay also analyzes how settler supersession and the desire for Indigenous lands shapes the intensive state management of Indigenous identity, the differing racialization of African Americans and American Indians, and the contrasts between Indigenous and black sociopolitical agendas. Insights from a reconceptualization of the US as a settler colonial society are not limited to a focus on politics, American Indians, race, or the past. The article suggests additional directions for new research that have the potential to reveal contemporary social forces operating at multiple levels and in numerous fields of social action. Finally, the essay offers simple suggestions to sociologists who wish to incorporate settler colonialism in their research and teaching within the discipline or to contribute to interdisciplinary scholarship about American settler colonialism.

American Indian tribal members are citizens of both tribal nations and the larger national body. Tribal nations' contemporary resurgence has made tribal citizenship politically visible, materially significant, and politically contested. Conflicts about tribal members' status are not merely racial or ethnic in character, but reflect fundamental tensions between settler societies and indigenous survivors who challenge national narratives and demand collective rights. Tribal members' dual citizenships and the conflict about them are the result of discordant federal policy legacies, tenacious tribal survival, and the erosion of racial barriers to citizenship. Differences between ethnonational tribal citizenship and republican-based US citizenship fuel public criticism in the context of widespread ignorance about treaties and tribal rights. Crucially, while legal and political dimensions of citizenship have been partly extended to tribal members, they remain excluded from the national identity.

This article contributes to our understanding of how social movement coalitions with an intersectional political perspective function. It analyzes the development in Uruguay of a network of social movements that successfully promoted the so-called "new

Este artículo contribuye al conocimiento sobre el funcionamiento de las coaliciones de movimientos sociales que cuentan con una perspectiva política interseccional. Para ello se analiza un caso latinoamericano: el desarrollo en Uruguay de una red de movimientos sociales que promovieron exitosamente la denominada “nueva agenda de derechos” durante el periodo de gobierno progresista (2005-2020). Se trata de un caso particularmente interesante por el nivel de éxito en términos de cambios legales y de políticas públicas, y por el papel que jugaron los movimientos sociales en estos cambios. A partir de lo anterior, ¿las organizaciones sociales uruguayas de la nueva agenda de derechos conforman una red integrada de acción? De ser así, ¿cuál es el nivel de segmentación que asumen las organizaciones a partir de los temas principales? A través de un análisis de redes se demuestra que estas organizaciones funcionan en una red integrada, fortalecida por la presencia de algunas de ellas que cumplen un rol central de intermediación. De todas formas, se prueba la existencia de una segmentación de los vínculos organizacionales, lo que muestra que, si bien existe cierta capacidad de interacción entre las diferentes industrias de movimientos sociales, prima una lógica temática a la hora de comprender las interacciones en la red. El análisis de redes propuesto se basa en información recolectada en una encuesta original, que se realizó a 49 organizaciones de Montevideo involucradas con la nueva agenda de derechos. A nivel empírico, el artículo permite avanzar en el conocimiento de este peculiar caso en el contexto latinoamericano, a través de una metodología novedosa para el análisis de estos fenómenos. A nivel teórico, responde al llamado reciente de la literatura respecto a los efectos que tiene la perspectiva interseccional en la acción y efectos de los movimientos sociales y su capacidad para formar coaliciones exitosas.
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This article contributes to our understanding of how social movement coalitions with an intersectional political perspective function. It analyzes the development in Uruguay of a network of social movements that successfully promoted the so-called “new rights agenda” during the progressive government (2005-2020). This case is particularly interesting given its level of success in terms of legal changes and public policies and the role played by social movements in these changes. Considering the above, do Uruguayan social organizations in the new rights agenda form an integrated network of action? If so, what level of segmentation do these organizations assume based on their main issues? Through an analysis of networks, we show that these organizations operate within an integrated network, which is reinforced by the presence of specific entities that play a central intermediary role. However, the existence of organizational link segmentation is evident, indicating that while there is some capacity for interaction among different social movement industries, a thematic logic predominates when understanding interactions within the network. The network analysis presented is based on information collected in an original survey conducted with 49 organizations in Montevideo involved in the new rights agenda. Empirically, the article advances our knowledge of this unique case in the Latin American context through an innovative methodology for analyzing these phenomena. On a theoretical level, it addresses recent discussions in the literature concerning the impact of an intersectional perspective on the actions and outcomes of social movements and their capacity to create effective coalitions.
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Este artigo contribui para conhecer sobre o funcionamento das coalizões de movimentos sociais com uma perspectiva política interseccional. Nele, analisa-se o desenvolvimento no Uruguai de uma rede de movimentos sociais que promoveu com sucesso a chamada “nova agenda de direitos” durante o governo progressista (2005-2020). Esse é um caso particularmente interessante devido ao nível de sucesso em termos de mudanças legais e de políticas públicas, e ao papel desempenhado pelos movimentos sociais nessas mudanças. Diante do exposto, as organizações sociais uruguaias na nova agenda de direitos formam uma rede integrada de ação? Em caso afirmativo, qual é o nível de segmentação assumido pelas organizações com base nas principais questões? Uma análise de rede mostra que essas organizações operam em uma rede integrada, fortalecida pela presença de certas entidades que desempenham um papel intermediário central. De qualquer forma, a existência de segmentação dos vínculos organizacionais é comprovada, o que mostra que, embora haja certa capacidade de interação entre os diferentes setores do movimento social, uma lógica temática prevalece quando se trata de entender as interações na rede. A análise de rede proposta baseia-se em informações coletadas em uma pesquisa original com 49 organizações de Montevidéu envolvidas na nova agenda de direitos. No nível empírico, este artigo permite avançar nosso conhecimento sobre esse caso peculiar no contexto latino-americano por meio de uma nova metodologia para a análise desses fenômenos. Em nível teórico, ele responde ao recente apelo da literatura sobre os efeitos da perspectiva interseccional na ação e nos efeitos dos movimentos sociais e sua capacidade de formar coalizões bem-sucedidas.

William A. Gamson’s career was nothing less than remarkable. A prolific scholar, Gamson wrote at least eight books and more than a hundred articles from 1961 to 2014. And he bequeathed social movement studies substantial theoretical contributions and methodological innovations in numerous areas including coalitions, resource mobilization, political opportunities, framing, and culture. His legacy also includes pioneering simulation games both for teaching and for use by social movements, novel pedagogies (in part inspired by his wife, sociologist, Zelda Gamson), and a well-articulated scholar-activist model that has—and will continue—to inspire. This article discusses his extraordinary career and his legacy for social movements, academia, and beyond.

Coalitions are among the most important tactical tools available for social movements and civil resistance campaigns as they enable the sharing of networks, resources, expertise, and information, while simultaneously, projecting an image of power through unity and numbers. Though exceptionally challenging to build, diverse coalitions are viewed by many as particularly important. However, there is considerably less literature that explicitly discusses them. In this article, I review the literature on diverse coalitions, with a focus on both their theorized and documented importance for social movements and civil resistance campaigns, and the challenges they face (including the factors working against their formation and sustainability). To do so, I bring two closely related but often separate literatures into conversation: social movements and civil resistance. I conclude by evaluating the state of this research area, highlighting remaining gaps, and suggesting directions for future research.

Social movement scholarship convincingly highlights the importance of threats, political opportunities, prior social ties, ideological compatibility, and resources for coalition formation. Based on interviews with Palestinian, Israeli, and international activists involved in two transnational coalitions in Israel/Palestine, this article illustrates the emergence of transnational coalitions, particularly those that cross polarized ethno-national divides, depends not only on such facilitators, but also, and critically, on the belief that such diverse cooperation is strategic. I argue these unique coalitions intentionally formed with individuals and organizations situated in different national communities out of a strategic decision by the Palestinian initiators, given the closed political opportunity structure they faced domestically, to enlarge the scope of conflict by drawing in new people and communities who may have some leverage on the Israeli government. Consequently, this paper also makes clear that partners in the global South make intentional choices about who to partner with, and that the agency is not solely linked with their more privileged partners in the global North (cf., Bob, 2001; Widener, 2007). Finally, it illustrates that coalition partners are recruited not only because of social ties, prior histories of interaction, ideological similarity, and shared organizational framing, but also due to key considerations including perceptions of what the ethno-national diversity, varying networks, and differing privileges make available.

Diverse coalitions hold great potential for social movements, but they also face tremendous challenges. In this article, I review the literature on diverse alliances with a focus on how trust, commitment, and, ultimately, solidarity can be developed and sustained across divides. The article begins by discussing the needs of diverse alliances to build trust and commitment, and the coalitional characteristics deemed vital for doing so, with a focus on shared neutral space, ongoing interaction, and social ties and bridgebuilders. Five coalitional processes and practices are identified and discussed that have been empirically found or theorized to be imperative for cultivating solidarity across difference and inequality. These processes include (a) uniting around shared principles while engaging difference; (b) acknowledging and managing inequalities; (c) making space for each other; (d) attention to managing conflicts; and (e) actions that confirm the shared commitments and negotiated identity. I conclude by evaluating the state of research on developing and sustaining alliances across divides.

Collective identities, as literature suggests, are constructed via an emphasis on sameness within a group and in the downplaying of internal difference, while simultaneously drawing boundaries (and often accenting differences) from those they oppose. This study, however, found that collective agency, and resultingly, collective identity, was fueled just as much by a careful negotiation of internal difference as it was a group’s core similarities. Based on interviews with Palestinian, Israeli, and international activists involved in two Palestinian-led coalitions in Israel/Palestine, the study shows how uneven privileges and other differences, could be leveraged for the benefit of the coalitions as a whole, particularly through assessing what each organization and ethno-national group brought to the collective. When members enacted their closely negotiated and distinct roles, the coalition’s sense of “we” was further solidified, thereby illuminating their collective agency and togetherness. Indeed, as this article illustrates, difference as well as unequal privileges, can be perceived as a defining feature of a strategically constructed collective identity and the reason for a partnership, not simply a problem to be managed.

This article expands the conceptual repertoire of the social movement approach to co-operative development. It critiques market-focused and policy-focused approaches to co-operative development, arguing that neither accords a central role to democratic association and action. To illuminate this blind spot, ideal-types of a ‘frozen’ and ‘developmental’ movement are proposed. This continuum of development action further establishes the range – and difficulties – of movement-driven economic action. Similarly, the frozen movement ideology of ‘business co-operation’ is contrasted with the developmental movement ideology of ‘social co-operation.’ It is argued that business co-operation both reflects and reinforces co-operative movement degeneration – the tendency of movements to lose democratic vitality and development focus and ‘freeze-up’ as they mature. This is contrasted with the potential of ‘social co-operation’ to drive democratic regeneration and the achievement of developmental m...

Is the #NoDAPL mobilization, which was historically unusual as a national scale grassroots campaign featuring American Indians grassroots activists and tribal governments in coalition with others, an indicator of future similar efforts? Or, will the Standing Rock resistance be a relative aberration, based on a unique set of circumstances? To explore these questions, I draw upon theory and historical scholarship about American settler colonialism; cross-group collaborations and social movement coalitions; and American Indian movements. A variety of within-group, intergroup, and larger structural factors pose significant obstacles to American Indian participation in grassroots social movement coalitions. However, striking threats, the existence of social ties between American Indian movements and environmental movements, and overlap between ideologies and frames generated by each movement were sufficient to generate robust coalitional mobilization.

The international cooperative movement has prioritised supportive legal frameworks as a key constituent of cooperative growth (ICA, 2013). Unfortunately, there is not a robust literature on cooperative policy to help meet this need. Supportive legal frameworks for cooperatives are a "deeply under-researched area" (Adeler, 2014: 50). We recently conducted a review of the existing research and found that despite its dearth, the literature points to six primary forms of policy support that have been successfully deployed internationally to support cooperative growth: cooperative recognition, financing, sectoral financing, preferential taxation, supportive infrastructure, and preferential procurement. The most developed examples of these policies are found in areas of dense cooperative concentration, or "co-op hot spots": the Basque region of Spain, Emilia Romagna in Northern Italy, and Quebec, Canada. This article accounts for how these six policy forms appear in the cooperative dense regions. The aim of this analysis is to facilitate further research in the understudied area of cooperative policy, and to clarify policy successes for organisers in the cooperative movement interested in emulating them. The international cooperative movement has prioritised supportive legal frameworks as a key constituent of cooperative growth (ICA, 2013). Unfortunately, there is not a robust literature on cooperative policy to help meet this need. Supportive legal frameworks for cooperatives are a "deeply under-researched area" (Adeler, 2014: 50). We recently conducted a review of the existing research and found that despite its dearth, the literature points to six primary forms of policy support that have been successfully deployed internationally to support cooperative growth: cooperative recognition, financing, sectoral financing, preferential taxation, supportive infrastructure, and preferential procurement. The most developed examples of these policies are found in areas of dense cooperative concentration, or "co-op hot spots": the Basque region of Spain, Emilia Romagna in Northern Italy, and Quebec, Canada. Below is a summary of how these six policy forms appear in the cooperative dense regions. The aim of this analysis is to facilitate further research in the understudied area of cooperative policy, and to clarify policy successes for organisers in the cooperative movement interested in emulating them. Cooperative Recognition The distinct benefits of cooperatives have been officially recognised in Spain, Italy, and Quebec. The Spanish constitution of 1978 pledged to legislatively support cooperative growth. According to Adeler, this "constitutional norm set the ground for building the rest of the legislation and policies to regulate co-operatives" (2014: 53). The Italian Constitution of 1947 also recognises the value of cooperatives by noting how: The Republic recognises the social function of cooperation with mutual character and without private speculation purposes. The law promotes and favours its growth with the most appropriate means, and ensures, with appropriate controls, its character and purposes (Corcoran & Wilson, 2010: 7). Quebec does not have a constitution, and so does not have official and salutary language on cooperatives. But the Cooperative Development Policy of 2003 began with the phrasing: By acknowledging the central role cooperatives play in the economy and tackling the specific problems they face, the Cooperative Development Policy takes resolute aim at ensuring the harmonious development of cooperatives , marking an important step in the reaffirmation of Québec's leading role in this key sector (Government of Quebec, 2003).

This article expands the conceptual repertoire of the social movement approach to co-operative development. It critiques market-focused and policy-focused approaches to co-operative development, arguing that neither accords a central role to democratic association and action. To illuminate this blind spot, ideal-types of a ‘frozen’ and ‘developmental’ movement are proposed. This continuum of development action further establishes the range—and difficulties—of movement-driven economic action. Similarly, the frozen movement ideology of ‘business co-operation’ is contrasted with the developmental movement ideology of ‘social co-operation.’ It is argued that business co-operation both reflects and reinforces co-operative movement degeneration—the tendency of movements to lose democratic vitality and development focus and ‘freeze-up’ as they mature. This is contrasted to the potential of ‘social co-operation’ to drive democratic regeneration and the achievement of developmental movements. Finally, the case of co-operative ambulance conversions in the Canadian province of Québec provides an empirical illustration of the model.


Keywords: co-operatives; business co-operation; degeneration; social co-operation; regeneration; developmental movement; social movements.

Throughout much of 2001 the Mobilization for Global Justice Coalition (MGJC) planned a series of mass demonstrations targeting the World Bank and International Monetary Fund to occur in Washington, DC in late September. The terrorist attacks of September 11 created a crisis for the 117 social movement organizations (SMO) involved in the broad-based coalition and forced protest leaders to reevaluate their coalition strategy. This analysis chronicles the dissolution of the MGJC and explains the decisions made by SMO leaders to abandon or disband the coalition. By leading their organizations in ways they expected to be perceived as legitimate in the eyes of key allies and supporters, leaders sought to preserve their SMO's core exchange relationships through the 9/11 crisis. At a minimum, leaders sought to insulate their organizations from irreparable harm and position them competitively for the uncertainties of the post-crisis environment. Many organizations made decisions commensurate with homophilous or exemplary organizations in a process resembling "social contagion" while others capitalized on the crisis enhancing their influence. This research relies upon participant observations of pre-and post-9/11 organizing meetings, examination of coalition documents, and interviews with key MGJC leaders.