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Romani Migration

Romani Migration

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Romani migration refers to the movement of Romani people, an ethnic group with origins in northern India, across Europe and other regions. This phenomenon encompasses historical and contemporary patterns of migration influenced by socio-economic, political, and cultural factors, often resulting in diverse experiences of integration, displacement, and identity among Romani communities.
lightbulbAbout this topic
Romani migration refers to the movement of Romani people, an ethnic group with origins in northern India, across Europe and other regions. This phenomenon encompasses historical and contemporary patterns of migration influenced by socio-economic, political, and cultural factors, often resulting in diverse experiences of integration, displacement, and identity among Romani communities.
Define the Migrant, Imagine the Menace. Remarks on Narratives in Recent Romani Migrations to Graz. In: Helmut Konrad, Stefan Benedik (Hg.): Mapping Contemporary History 2. Wien, Köln: Böhlau 2010. S. 159-176.
by Stefan Benedik
Bibliografische Information der deutschen Bibliothek: Die Deutsche Bibliothek verzeichnet diese Publikation in der Deutschen Nationalbibliografie, detallierte bibliografische Daten sind im Internet über http://dnb.ddb.de abrufbar. Das... more
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Antropologia migracji polskich Romów – wypełnianie luki w badaniach migracyjnych i romologicznych
by Kamila Fiałkowska and 
1 more
Elżbieta Mirga-Wójtowicz

2018, STUDIA ROMOLOGICA s.299-336

ANTHROPOLOGY OF THE MIGRATION OF POLISH ROMA: FILLING THE GAP IN THE MIGRATION AND ROMA STUDIES The article discusses the main findings of a two-year long pioneering research project on Roma migration from three localities in Poland... more
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Harming "Cultural Feelings": Images and Categorisation of Temporary Romani Migrants to Graz/Austria. In: Michael Stewart, Márton Rövid (Ed.): Multi-Disciplinary Approaches to Romany Studies. Budapest: Central European University Press 2010. S. 71-90.
by Stefan Benedik

Multi-Disciplinary Approaches to Romany Studies

———— Relative Proportions of Bulgarians, Turks and Roma without Written Contract by Sector of Employment
Figure 2. Distribution of Gypsy mothers at Paloca according to age at the time of the birth of first child, 2004 Figure 1. Distribution of mothers at Lapos ccording to age at the time of the birth of first child (2004
The mid/late 1990s press discourse on Zingari in Pescara. Actors: 1. Zingari; 2. State (police); 3. Inhabitants of Rancitelli; 4. Civil society (4x Romani, 4y non-Romani grassroots associations). Themes: A. Humanitarian emergency; B. Cultural and social integration.; C. Crime. word nomads, Whicn 1S US€d aS OItEN aS AlNngarl. During the earlier period, reports in the press mention four actors and three main themes, The actors are 1. Zingari; 2. the State, i.e. police forces; 3. Inhabitants of Rancitelli, and 4. Civil Society, a Romani (4x) and a non-Romani (4y) grassroots associations: Opera Nomadi and Romano Prahl respectively; and the main themes are: A) Humanitarian emergency, due to the presence of potential refugees; B) Cultural and social integration, and C) Criminal activities carried out by both migrant and non-migrant Roma. The following is a schematic representation of the intersections between themes and actors:
Table 4. Total fertility rate amongst the total population, the Hungarian Gypsy population and the segregated Gypsies of Lapos (1999-2004)
Percentage of Employed Bulgarians, Turks and Roma Aged 18—65 by Gender, Place of Residence, Age Group and Education
ee Labour Status of Employed Bulgarians, Turks and Roma
Labour Status of Employed Bulgarians, Turks and Roma by Place of Residence With regard to the respondents’ labour status in terms of gender, there are substantial differences between the three ethnic groups. There is general gender equality among Bu garians’ labour status with the difference in the male-female values well within the survey’s maximum tolerance for statistical error. Inequality is most prominent within t] population. In both than the proportion he Turkish community but it is also considerable among the Roma the latter ethnic groups the proportion of employed males is higher of employed females, and at the same time the proportion of female unpaid family worl kers is more then twice as high as the proportion of male unpaid family workers (table 4).
able no. 1. Scale of anti-Gypsy hostility in European Countries, 1999-2008 On the other hand, in Italy, hostility towards ‘Gypsies’ has been growing steadily over the last decade: it has risen by 22 percentage points. The WVS data do not allow us to compare growth tendencies in all the Countries, because not many nations have kept the question: nevertheless they allow us to compare the dynamics of hostility in two countries particularly relevant for our purposes. First of all with Spain, often associated with Italy in terms of a number of structural characteristics (Migliavacca, 2008), but with remarkably different political dynamics, cohabitation policies and
Table no. 2. Cross-tabs of anti-Gypsy hostility ind hostility towards ethnicities different from one’s owr
Table no. 3. Cross-tabs. Socio-demographic variables, political and value aspects of sympathy towards Gypsy groups on the feeling of sympathy, on opinion regarding the possibility of coexistence and on preference for integrative policies (2007)
Labour Status of Employed Bulgarians, Turks and Roma by Gender ——e———O Labour Status of Employed Bulgarians, Turks and Roma by Gender Certain differences in labour status depending on the ethnic group of the respondents may also be observed at the level of education status (table 5). The employer status among Bulgarians is directly proportional to education: a higher level of education is correlates strongly with a larger number of persons in this category. No such correlation exists among Turks and Roma. Within these two ethnic groups the proportion of employers is highest among persons with secondary education. [here are significant differences between Bulgarians, Turks and Roma in terms of self-employment. Among Bulgarians, the level of self-employed is highest among persons with primary and lower education. It is exactly the opposite among the Roma population—the proportion of self-employed persons is highest among the persons with higher education. While within the Turkish community the proportion of self- employed persons is lowest among those with higher education, the difference within the other is so negligible that it can be said that the status of self-employed persons among Turks does not correlate with the education of the respondents. Nevertheless, there are certain similar trends between all three groups with regard ‘0 the level of education. The status of unpaid familv worker is inversely proportional Table 4
Labour Status of Employed Bulgarians, Turks and Roma by Level of Education ———— Labour Status of Employed Bulgarians, Turks and Roma by Level of Education
os Types of Labour Agreement of Employed Bulgarians, Turks and Roma Among Bulgarians, gender makes little difference to whether or not an employe worker has a contract, but there is considerable genderfication within the Turki: community and to a certain extent among the Roma—the number of women wi employment contracts is much larger than the number of men with employme contracts. The most significant differences between the three ethnic groups can | observed with regard to place of residence and especially the age of the respondent While the place of residence is not a condition for signing an employment contra among the Turkish population, the relative proportion of Bulgarians and especial Roma with employment contracts is higher among those living in urban areas. TE ahkawld ha antad that <ieith wacnavwd ta aerrn Phan Penna amnne fawn Dialaawtann ay Table 6
——— Relative Proportions of Bulgarians, Turks and Roma Working with Contracts by Gender, Place of Residence, Age Group, Education and Duration of Contract
Table 10 Participation of the Three Major Ethnic Groups in the Various Sectors of the Labour Market
1aNle 14 Participation of the Three Major Ethnic Groups in the Labour Market Sectors by Gender There are very significant differences between the three ethnic groups witl respect to education as a factor for the sector of employment (table 13). In fact th only sectors with a common trend at a national level are public administration anc agriculture. But while the level of education is directly proportional to administratio1 and management, it is inversely proportional to agriculture. In fact the trend is no so strongly marked among the Roma holding a higher education degree employed i1 agriculture but this can be explained by the smaller proportion of Roma people in thi education group in general. At the same time it is clear that the Roma with university degrees are employed in large numbers exclusively in two sectors—education (50%
Participation of the Three Major ] Ethnic Groups in the Labour Market Sectors by E: {Tr ducation
Participation of the Three Major Ethnic Groups in the Labour Market Sectors by Age Groups
Since persons unwilling to work constitute a special risk group which requires targeted integration policies, table 16 below presents the social characteristics of the respondents from the three ethnic groups. A mong the Bulgarian and Roma population, unwillingness to work is stronger among males whereas within the Turkish community it is more pronounced among females, although with a smaller intensity. The place of residence is not a factor for Bulgarians’ and Turks’ desire to work but the Roma living in urban areas are more willing to take jobs than those in rural areas. In fact the two major factors contributing to the desire for work (excluding ethnic group) are the age and the level of education of the respondents. Unwillingness to work is inversely As shown in table 15 below, there is a significantly high proportion of housewives among the unemployed representatives of the Roma community who have not looked forwork. Within the Roma population the proportion is approximately four times higher than the share of Bulgarian housewives and twice as high as the share of housewives in the Turkish community. One negative phenomenon is the considerably lower proportion of students among the Roma population. The proportion is approximately three times lower than the respective proportion for Bulgarians and half that of the Turkish community. The most negative phenomenon with respect to labourintegration, however, is the finding that the proportion of members of the Roma community not seeking jobs simply because they do not want to work (6.6%) is approximately six and a half times higher than for Bulgarians and three times higher than for Turks.
Relative Proportion of Respondents Aged 18—65 of the Three Major Ethnic Groups in Bulgaria Who Have not Sought a Job because They Do not Want to Work by Sex, Place of Residence, Age Group and Education In view of the difference in the relative proportions of employment between th evels of employment among Bulgarians (71.3%), Turks (69.1%) and Roma (46.9¥ presented at the beginning of the survey and the levels of employment from th control question, a methodological clarification needs to be made. In addition to pai abour, the former set of figures also includes unpaid family workers, farmers an stockbreeders. In the latter, the respondents say whether, in their own judgment, the have a permanent job. The comparison between the answers to the two questior shows that the work they have had in the past week is the permanent job for 95.5% « Bulgarians, while 3.4% belong to the category of working pensioners. If the answet of Bulgarians who said “Yes” to the question “Have you worked in the past 7 days? but did not chose the answer “I already have a job” to the question “Why haven't yo looked for a job in the past 4 weeks?” are considered from the point of view of sectc of employment, agriculture is much more prominent (81%) than retail and the servic
Source: ISPO 2007. N= 2.171. Our elaboration. Percentages of row. The column “Sympathy for Gypsy groups” is an index merging the answers “very much” and “quite” to the question “We do not like everybody in the same way. I ask you now to state your degree of sympathy towards other groups”. The column “Coexistence with Gypsy groups is considered possible” is an index merging the answers “yes, for sure” and “probably yes” to the question “Can the Roma, the Gypsies, coexist with us?” The column “Integrative social policies should be preferred” is an index of those who completed the statement “The condition of Gypsies in Italy could improve if...” choosing as the first of three possible answers “...they could live in healthiet and more proper housing”, or “... they were offered more opportunities of getting a regular job”, or “... their children attended compulsory schools”.
Source: ISPO 2007. Our elaboration. ** Sig. = 0.05; N = 1.025; R’ of Nagelkerke 0.168; Log. Likelihood 1.028.541. The dichotomous dependent variable is obtained by merging the answers “certainly yes” and “probably yes” versus “certainly not” and “probably not” to the question “Can the Roma, the Gypsies live together with us?” In the table are listed only the significant variables, but in model also included other variables related to gender, the cohorts of age (reference category: 40-49), level of education title, social-professional category, frequency of the attendance at Mass (reference category: every week), political self-identification (reference category: left), interest in politics, size of urban centre (reference category: between 5,001 and 20,000 inhabitants), geographical macro-area (reference category: North-East). Table no. 5. Logistic regression. Socio- demographic variables, political and value aspects of opinion regarding the possibility of coexisting with Gypsy groups
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Related Topics

  • Romani people
  • Romani Literature
  • Romani Language
  • Romani/Gypsy people
  • Romanian migrants
  • Romani women
  • History of the Romani People
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