Roman Studies

Neste artigo, analisamos a polêmica sobre o surgimento do politeísmo desenvolvida por Lactâncio na obra Instituições Divinas. Em especial, buscamos compreender a apropriação dos argumentos da Teófilo de Antioquia e de Evêmero de Messina em sua polêmica antipagã.

Resumo: Neste artigo temos por objetivo apresentar as principais correntes historiográficas que analisam o reinado do imperador romano Constantino I (306-337), atentando para a relação que foi estabelecida entre este imperador e as questões religiosas romanas no início do século IV.

In the ancient Roman world, to prevent a work on the public road, «quilibet ex populo» could apply for the interdicts. But the constructor who exercised «vis» in advance, should be subjected to the self-help («impune vim patietur»). This system takes lesser social cost, and would be counted among "Roman Administrative Law".

fought together against Rome in the second Samnite war, and remained loyal after Cannae. A similar pattern is identied in Apulia, although the textual evidence there is less robust (85-98, especially 89). F. draws on archaeological and numismatic material to argue that the communities who defected (namely Arpi and the neighbouring settlements of Herdonia, Salapia and Aecae) were bound together by economic and political ties stretching back to the fourth century B.C. Arpi's main rivals (Teanum Apulum and Canusium) remained loyal to Rome, echoing the pattern in Campania where rival powers adopted opposing sides, and dragged their 'satellite' settlements along with them. F. is nevertheless careful to leave room for contingent developments that deviate from this pattern. One important example is the case of Thurii and Taras, which were major rivals yet both revolted to . Practically all of the Italian states that F. takes into consideration are city-states. A slightly more peripheral place is given to the non-urban political communities of the central Apennines, where Hannibal seems to have had very limited success in eliciting defections. F. refers to central Apennine communities as 'tribes' (291-4), although there is evidence that by the late third century these communities were already complex polities which minted their own coins. F.'s treatment of the central Apennines is understandably less detailed, given the lack of written sources. Yet he rightly suspects that resentment towards Rome may have been more pervasive in the region than ancient historical writers suggest. For example, he challenges Livy's assertion that all of the Pentrian Samnites remained loyal after Cannae, by noting that the Pentrian settlement of Fagifulae defected to Hannibal (Liv. 24.20.5). This comes as a timely contribution to broader debates about the extent to which ethnic identity inuenced allegiance and political action in republican Italy, especially in areas where the city-state was absent. It is becoming increasingly clear that ethnic identity was one of several factors that shaped military and political action, as recently demonstrated by Isayev with regard to élite networks among the Hirpini in the second and early rst centuries (E. Isayev, 'Italian perspectives in the period of Gracchan land reforms and the Social War', in K. Lomas, E. Herring and A. Gardner (eds), Creating Ethnicities & Identities in the Roman World (2012)). The potential of F.'s approach to interstate relations goes beyond the Second Punic War, and opens up new interpretative possibilities for understanding Roman expansion in Italy. He makes some thought-provoking points about Rome's tumultuous relationship with the Samnites, suggesting that it may have resulted from an enduring rivalry where previous wars made subsequent wars more likely, rather than from any 'pathological' bellicosity on the part of Rome or, for that matter, the Samnites, who are often accused in ancient as well as modern historical writing of being distinctively prone to war. On a methodological level, F. makes a convincing case that aspects of Livy's narrative cannot be summarily dismissed as pro-Roman distortion, as upon closer inspection he reveals the complexity of relations among Italian communities. There is clearly some pro-Roman bias in Livy's image of Italic communities who repeatedly appeal to Rome for help. Yet, from the standpoint of realpolitik, F. convincingly argues that such an image is coherent with a highly competitive political setting such as that of Republican Italy, suggesting that it was by manipulating the local rivalries between Italian communities that the Romans justied their interference and extended their inuence. Overall, F.'s book contributes substantially to the history of the Roman Republic and appeals to a wide readership, from undergraduate students to specialists on the politics, society and culture of Republican Italy.

The work describes stratification of a land servitude as a branch of civil and land law and as a part of regulation over exercise of real rights. The work identifies historical, ancestral and structural features of servitudes functioning with the goal to improve relations emerging in private-legal and public-formation areas. We have determined that servitudes on land resources are not only participants in relations, which are presented in the form of civil legal relations but also is a regulator of a general civil idea about the usage of owner's property including the necessary factors. The relevancy of the research is based on the fact that for the first time land servitudes are examined not as a category of land law, whose source is the branch of civil law, but as a doctrinal system of legal competence from civil circulation. The article shows how the status of land changes when transferred from the branch of property transaction laws to its doctrinal understanding in the form of modernising branch principles of law. Practical application of this aspect of the issue is possible under the condition of its functioning in countries that apply the servitude for purposes of structural functioning and development of the general legal system.

In 1986, seven thin slabs of wood with ink drawings were discovered in an officer's grave of 239 B.C., providing a map of a region to a scale of c. 1:300,000. Thirteen years before, the excavation of a ruler's grave, dating to 168 B.C., had produced a map, drawn on a large piece of cloth, again of a region. On this 1:180,000 map, plains, mountains, rivers, roads and settlements are represented by standardized symbols and identified by their names; the map also covers, in less detail, regions which were not under the ruler's sway. Another map, from the same grave, shows a part of this region at a scale of 1:100,000, omitting some information presented in the 1:180,000 version, but giving further -and especially military -detail on the region. Recently-found material evidence, then, demonstrates that scale maps were available to the officer of 239 B.C., and the ruler of 168 B.C. Literary sources support such a view. According to a historian of the second or first century B.C., the son of a certain ruler commissioned, in 227 B.C., a henchman to kill a neighbouring dynast. As a means to get close to the latter, the henchman offered to show him a map of the region which his master was -or so he claimed -prepared to transfer to the dynast's power. When the man was admitted to the dynast, and opened the map's container, the rolledup map was not the only item he fetched from it -there also was a dagger! However, the attempt at the dynast's life failed. Twenty years later, in 207 B.C., the capital of this dynasty was attacked, and, while there would have been ample opportunity for plunder, the attackers concentrated on the administrative centre, looting all documents and especially maps from there -thus helping their master found his own dynasty which went on to rule until A.D. 9. These artifacts and stories show us a civilization in the third to first centuries B.C. where maps to scale were made for, and understood by, rulers and military officers. However, this evidence belongs to a very different civilization from the Hellenistic and Roman one -to ancient China. 1 And it is precisely the fact that neither artifacts nor

Andrew McClellan offers a much needed examination of how the treatment of corpses varies across imperial Latin epic. As M. rightly points out, amid the abundant studies of corporeal violence in Roman epic, less attention has been paid to the mistreatment of bodies once they are deadcorpse abuse. As a natural extension, M. also analyses distorted funerary practice in imperial epic. M.'s skilful engagement with the complex web of intertexts at play in such poetry is impressive. He consistently incorporates Homer and Vergil while also making use of Ovidian intertexts. His argument also focuses throughout on the contemporary socio-political realities related to corpse abuse and distorted funerary practice. In ch. 1, M. assesses a certain sense of decorum regarding the mistreatment of corpses in Homer's Iliad, observing that violence done to corpses, while often threatened in the Iliad, is rarely realised. Vergil's Aeneid responds to Homer by eliding the violence done to the corpses of Mezentius and Priam, whose abused corpses are only visible after the abuse. Vergil goes beyond Homer's threats by narrating the violence, while still exhibiting an allegiance to Homeric 'decorum' (65) by avoiding the staging of corpse abuse. M. uses ch. 2 to offer sample scenes of corpse abuse (decapitation specically) which frame the poetics of Lucan, Statius and Silius, each of whom later receives a full chapter to himself. M. points out that the death scene of Lucan's Pompey is extended and repeated through fragmented narrative and syntax, while Pompey's intertextual nod to Vergil's Priam features corpse abuse in a manner elided by Vergil. As elsewhere, M. offers an innovative perspective on an often-noted aspect of Lucan's text, namely Lucan's inversion of Vergilian models. Analysis then focuses on how Statius extends Tydeus' death and mutilation of Melanippus' corpse, spreading the nefas from this scene throughout the Thebaid. At the same time, Silius' handling of the decapitations of Asbyte and Theron (Punica 2) bring the staging of Vergilian silence around corpse abuse to a 'gruesome' conclusion' (97) through abundant modelling on both Vergilian and Homeric characters. Lucan's Bellum civile and its 'distorted death rites' (115) are the focus of ch. 3. M. presents Pompey's funeral as a distortion of traditional Roman rites (especially the half-burnt nature of his corpse). What is more, Pompey's death and accompanying 'rites' are intratextually repeated, allowing him to haunt the text until the poem's nal line. Caesar's lack of concern for funerary rites throughout the poem (especially during his crossing of the Adriatic, after the Battle of Pharsalus, at Troy and at Alexander's tomb) remind the reader of the historical realities of Caesarism. M.'s analysis of Erictho focuses on the corpse-soldier and on aspects of this scene which distort actual funerary practice. The corpse itself, revivied, is intertextually and intratextually linked to Lucan's Pompey, presenting both as macabre symbols which reinforce the endlessness of civil war. Ch. 4 focuses on Valerius' Argonautica, arguing that it avoids Lucan's emphatic presentation of goriness while still featuring critical instances of corpse abuse. However, even in Valerius' gruesome account of Amycus, the staging of corpse mistreatment is largely avoided, thus obeying Vergilian aesthetics in a way which Lucan shunned. Ultimately, this characteristic of Valerius' work represents an attempt to shade his audience from the lived abuses of civil war. The focal point of ch. 5 is Statius' Thebaid. M. analyses interment of bodies by bodies (such as Polynices covered by Eteocles) or other warped burials (such as Amphiaraus' katabasis) in the Thebaid. Analysis of such burials, coupled with insightful readings of Hypsipyle's staging of a mock funeral for her father and of Polynices' and Eteocles' funerary rites, contribute to the limitless enmity of Statius' text. M. uses funerary practice to engage with the question of political dissent in the Thebaid, noting that the poet provides a type of laudatio funebris for Maeon in

This article observes well-preserved Late Roman Republic honorific male statues in the Roman Empire. Archaeological materials (such as statues) help us to understand appearances or displays relating to the honour tradition in antiquity. The goal of this article is to collate the statues dated in the Late Roman Republic and classify them. There is no specific geographical limit.
Generally, the perspective of both Roman policies and Roman art will be observed according to the statues' ‘typology of appearance’.

Der Beitrag betrachtet gut erhaltene, männliche Ehrenstatuen der spätrömischen Republik im Imperium Romanum. Archäologisches Material (wie Statuen) hilft uns, Darstellungen un Aufstellungen im Kontext von Ehrungen in der Antike zu verstehen. Das Ziel dieses Beitrags ist es, Statuen ohne geografische Begrenzung zu klassifizieren, die in die späte Republik datieren. Generell wird die Sichtweise der römischen Politik und der römischen Kunst nach der Typologie des Erscheinungsbildes‘ der Statuen betrachtet.

Cicero is one of the most studied persons of antiquity. This status is based not only on the fact that he left a rich collection of writings, but that his speeches and letters allow for a detailed (elite and certainly biased) look at everyday life in late republican Rome. His writings, letters and speeches are and have constantly been mined for information about the ancient world. Likewise, his reception history is as varied as his own writings and began early on, shortly after his death, creating an image which changed and yet remained constant throughout the ages. The present volume contains the proceedings of a conference which took place at the Warburg Institute in May 2015, dedicated to the 'Afterlife' of Cicero. Its focus is on a segment of this afterlife, beginning in the thirteenth century, that is at the onset of the Renaissance. The focus of the book is two-fold: the rst six papers trace the impact of Cicero on Italian duecento to cinquecento politics, while the second group of papers goes beyond the Italian context to the Latin American, revolutionary French and Anglophone context. What is missing is a consideration of (the gure of) Cicero in the German-speaking world, which is only briey referenced in the contribution by Matthew Fox. However, this gap might well be due to the fact that other case studies have already focused on this aspect, notably various essays in William H. F. Altman (ed.), Brill's Companion to the Reception of Cicero (2015). Manuwald's edited volume instead puts much stress on the political inuence of Cicero in earlier centuries. That his inuence was continuously great becomes clear in the case studies presented for the Italian context. Contrary to (possible) expectations, Petrarch gures only in the contribution of Laura Refe (ch. 2), where she discusses the marginalia in the Troyes codex on Cicero's De natura deorum, underlining the 'discussion' Petrarch engaged in with the ancient author. Focusing instead on lesser-known examples, the volume offers a rich variety of instances in which Cicero the man, the philosopher, the politician and the authority were used to bolster the claims of one or the other, or both sides, to rule. The volume opens with Catherine M. Keen's contribution (ch. 1), in which she discusses the parallels Bruno Latini drew between himself and the Roman homo novus in the Guelf/Ghibelline conict, drawing on the gure of the rhetor to stress the importance of speech and oratorical skills in the Florentine polity. Carole Mabboux (ch. 3) then moves to the changing political landscape of due-and trecento Italian towns, demonstrating how the necessity for speech and thus eloquence assigned prime authority to Cicero, while also citing him as moral authority, demonstrating a continuous Ciceronian presence in the writings of that time, even where his perception as historical person shifted. The visual arts take centre stage in three contributions to the volume, the rst of which is Virginia Cox's juxtaposition of Martino Filetico's 'textual portrait' of Battista Sforza with Piero della Francesca's 'visual portrait' at the palace of Urbino (ch. 4). In both cases, the gure of Cicero serves to underline the supposed and desired virtues of the ruling house of Montefeltro, depicting Battista as a quasi female Cicero while her husband is portrayed as the embodiment of the togate consul, learned and wise. These virtues also explain the absence of a portrait type of Cicero in the Renaissance, as L. B. T. Houghton states (ch. 6), with artists of the cinquecento rather developing a type of Cicero which personied or translated the qualities of an exemplary character, above all eloquence and erudition. The nal paper considering Cicero in the visual arts, by Nina L. Dubin (ch. 11), considers the ambiguous role of letters in the context of the visual arts of the French Revolution. While documents in writing were supposed to provide proof, the introduction of the public postal service eroded trust in the written word, as letters were easily manipulated. By comparing various artwork of that time, the author outlines the crux of the revolution, 'grappling with what it meant to found a republic on contingencies of trustthat is, on paper' (196).

IV. THE LATE EMPIRE 217 huge wealth and numerous converts but also compromises which they viewed as dangerous. They felt that the Church, the Bride of Christ, was being polluted and invaded by unclean elements. They therefore wished to close up all orifices (195). They rejected the world around them and this rejection manifested itself in their rejection of food. Christians had always advocated celibacy-it was only in Late Antiquity that they started to argue that eating led to lustful thoughts. ('Not that God, the Lord and Creator of the universe, takes any delight in the rumblings of our intestines or the emptiness of our stomach or the inflammation of our lungs; but because this is the only way of preserving chastity.' Jerome, Letter 22.11 quoted 164.) The author used to work in a department of Biochemistry and Human Nutrition so it is perhaps not surprising that one of the aims for her study is to 'hold up a "distant mirror" to some of our modern conflicts concerning food, eating and our bodies' (13). It would seem that her interest in modern anorexia stimulated her interest in the ancient ascetic (1-13) and there is rather more fasting than feasting in this book. G. covers a huge time-span and an enormous number of texts and her work is sure to provoke vigorous debate, although there is no examination of what, to an outsider, seems to be the most peculiar aspect of Christianity's relationship to food: what is going on when Christians eat Christ's body and drink his blood? Her observations are thought-provoking: 'Actually, the highly valued Christian practice of fasting, instead of eliminating pleasure, may even maximize it when food is finally taken' (182). Is this perhaps the secret behind the popularity of other ascetic practices?

IV. THE LATE EMPIRE 279 account of the archaeological remains of Roman Naples for students of the earlier period and includes documentary sources in the creation of 'an archaeological perspective'. The key theme of the book, though, is what happened to Naples and the towns of Campania in the period of transition between the classical and medieval worlds, and to contribute to the discussion of the survival of Roman towns into the medieval period generally. He notes in passing that 116 of the 372 Roman towns of Italy simply disappeared with no survival of even their location. A key event horizon in the change in Naples' fortune is the decline and virtual abandonment of Puteoli, perhaps caused by its submersion due to bradyseism in the fifth century A.D. Other settlements in the region underwent significant stagnation, if not actual decline. Naples not only took on the role of Puteoli, but became the central trading city of the region-a change from its role as a 'consumer town' amongst many other 'consumer towns' with Puteoli as the dominant central place. This is not to say that there was not dislocation in Naples in this period; there is now clear excavated evidence for the abandonment of buildings. However compared to other places in the region, Naples emerged as the dominant city-ameliorating the effects of population decline via immigration from the other towns of the region. In terms of Naples' linguistic history, A. highlights how by the third or fourth centuries A.D., Latin had replaced Greek as the institutional language, yet in the tenth century, of a sample of 200 documents a third are written in Latin with a Greek script. Conceptually, some might find A.'s definition of urbanism, with central place theory and functionalism at its heart, a little dated with its basis drawn from Richard Hodges' Dark Age Economics (1982). There are some areas that have become central to discussion of towns that are missing: the roles of imagery and ideology of the city are not subjects for this book; ethnicity and cultural identity are mentioned but could be pursued further in this period of dislocation and migration. However, this might be a matter of conceptual quibbles, which might be discussed by others in the future. What we have here is a book that reveals the urban dynamic within the walls and grid of streets laid out by the Greek colonists so many years before. The continuity of that grid is remarkable, but more important in terms of urban history are the changes within the buildings facing onto those streets and the revelation of the lives of the inhabitants of the city. Urban form is shown to be adaptable to new purposes in this book. Overall, this book will take its place within the bibliography on urbanism and will be much referred to. More importantly, the book demonstrates how the evidence of Late Antiquity, revealed through modern excavations, has far more to say with reference to urbanism than its classical predecessor associated with the ideal types of The Roman City.

Professor Mathisen's work contains (in the first volume) 'translated texts from Gaul and western Europe' from the fifth and sixth centuries A.D., and (in the second volume) the corresponding Latin texts. He suggests that the two volumes can function independently; but the chance of holding translation against Latin original is too valuable to lose. A good half of the extracts have never been translated into English before. M. is anxious, however, to offer more than a 'reader', and succeeds splendidly. He provides 'connective tissue' (1: x): extracts are embedded within a clear and authoritative discourse, divided into seven chapters-on aristocrats and litterateurs, the less privileged, families, social disruption, religion, elite women, and 'inappropriate activities'. M. is determined, moreover, to focus on the 'human sides' of his subjects (1: xi). Without descending into anecdote for its own sake, he moves beyond a preoccupation with barbarian polities and literary decline. He respects the distinction as well as the connection between personal and political insecurity, and the seriousness with which 'personal expression' was achieved. M.'s chief theme can be labelled 'opportunity'. His point is that insecurity and unpredictabilityoffered people a chance to gain advantage or to express themselves in ways that would have been difficult in earlier centuries. Each section illustrates first the heritage and expectation inherent in categories of social order, and then the ways in which heritage and expectation were challenged or undermined. M. has captured both the danger and the excitement that accompanies the experience of radical change. Since Sidonius Apollinaris makes a predictable appearance, it is instructive to observe how M. resists the temptation to bathe in the afterglow of a threatened culture. Literary pursuits remained the hallmark and bond of an aristocratic elite; but they had now become a conscious compensation, 'a lowest common denominator', uniting men in most other respects quite isolated: 'their undertakings represented a literary and cultural dead end' (1: 19, 20). The emphasis, therefore, is on an instinct for survival that recognized the necessity of alternative endeavours, which flowered so remarkably in Christian and specifically ecclesiastical writing. What also survived was a characteristic stiffness of tone, laborious allusion and analogy, a knowing coyness that marked the exchanges of the privileged classes. M. preserves that 'strangeness', without making the message seem either archaic or incredible: one's imaginative ear remains convinced that the sentiments are 'real'. The division into chapters causes some overlapping. Reflections on education are as evident in the treatment of the family as in comments on the literary world (extracts 3.12-14, for example), and women feature prominently in the chapter on the Church (extract 5.8). Women also play a striking role in 'inappropriate activities'-behaviour that challenged received authority. We find both the bewitched and the bewitching (about which Gregory of Tours in particular had plenty to say); but women can appear suddenly and calmly at moments of crisis and achieve profound effect, only to then withdraw quietly from the scene (extract 7.9). Without improper bias, M. suggests that women may have been the best served by the disruptions of the age, which put many traditional authorities to the test. Yet he is not starry-eyed about enduring limitations: 'when women did appear in their own right, it often was only in death' (1: 92). The reference is to sepulchral inscriptions, of which there is an agreeable selection; and M. is as careful with legal as with anecdotal evidence, giving us a broader picture than is sometimes offered in such collections. True to his overriding intention, he also remains alert to rare but telling signs of mutual affection and concern in relations between women and men: the anonymous poema coniugis ad uxorem (extract 3.26) is particularly touching. However, old familiars are included: Chlothild and Radegund amaze as always, together with a bevy of wives and daughters skilled in both generosity and intrigue. (My favourites are Alcima and Placidina, who brought Sidonius' dynasty to an ignominious but entertaining end, extracts 6.7-9.) Constant strife marked the lives of early medieval Christians. M. illustrates major tensions that we would expect: between pagans and Christians, subsumed under the heading 'conversion', and between Arians and those loyal to Nicaea and Chalcedon. But beneath the surface of theological tension lurked more personal antagonisms: wives less than enthusiastic about sharing the chastity of their devout episcopal husbands; clerics uninhibited in jealous or vindictive rebellion against their bishops. The guilt and fury that accompanied social strain was compounded by constant traffic across formal frontiers-between Roman and barbarian, slave and free, the beleaguered and the captive. One sees people in M.'s extracts edging towards new legal sanctions and guarantees; but pain predated the formulation and observance of barbarian law codes, and demonstrated the instability of social experience in the intervening period. The second volume, the Latin texts, is equally continuous and reflective, without being merely repetitive, and includes full bibliographical references, comments on various manuscripts, editions

Wiebe's is the second monograph in recent years to treat the much maligned and, until recently, poorly studied emperor Valens. As with U. Wanke's Die Gotenkriege des Valens (1990), W.'s book represents the reworking of a dissertation on a circumscribed aspect of the reign: Valens' confrontation with the 'heidnische Opposition' during the usurpation attempt of Procopius (365-6) and the treason trials in Antioch (372). With so lengthy a book on so narrow a topic, W. is able to offer an extremely thorough account. The book is divided into four chapters, the first of which treats Procopius' usurpation. W. argues that Procopius was a pagan who found his support among pagan partisans of Julian. The second chapter, on the Antioch trials and their aftermath, argues that Theodorus too was promoted by pagans as an 'alter Iulianus'. Of note is W.'s careful division of the trials into three phases, each increasingly removed from the initial charges, and his contention that the 9EO8-oracle reported in the sources is a fabrication of the historiography. The third chapter branches into the broader implications of treason and magic trials as indicators of conflict between pagans and Christians, and the final chapter contextualizes Valens' laws on magic and divination. Because the focus is narrow, the reading can be turgid and the arguments myopic. Valens' role in causing the demise of paganism is overinflated at the expense of a broader picture of ongoing conflict. Moreover, despite the detail, there are surprising gaps: W. offers no treatment of the oracular tablet from the walls of Chalcedon and very little discussion of the connections between Valens' Antioch trials and Valentinian's simultaneous treason trials in Rome. A Delphian inscription (BCH 86 (1962), 238) may have saved W. (241-6) from efforts to refute Zos. 4.3.3 as a fabrication based on an unlikely combination of Cicero and the Theodosian Code (cf. similarly weak source critical arguments at 12-20; 34-5). The rigid scheme of pagan versus Christian also compels W. to bend prosopographical data to suit his case (45-6; 52-4; 107-8; 131-2; 134-41), to attribute CTh 9.16.7 to Valens rather than Valentinian and to date CTh 9.16.8 impossibly late. Most notably, W. has ignored secondary scholarship which could have permitted a more nuanced account. Matthew's Roman Empire of Ammianus (1989), 180-203, may have saved W. from insisting that Procopius' usurpation was based on religious rather than dynastic claims; Fowden's work on pagan holy men (JHS 102 (1982), 33-59) could have put the political importance of neo-Platonic philosophers in better perspective; and Brown's Power and Persuasion (1992) might have diffused W.'s picture of unmitigated tension between pagans and Christians in the mid-fourth century.

REVIEWS call it, following the A manuscripts). On the other hand, it is frustrating that the contributors, for whatever reason, have not engaged much with each other's arguments: they take contradictory positions on some important issues, but do not argue in detail with the opposing case. Thus, for instance, Brian S. Hook, 'Nothing within which passeth show: Character and Color in Senecan Tragedy' (53-71), argues that Seneca's characters have no interiority-the characters are simply their rhetoric-and this is juxtaposed with Hanna M. Roisman, 'A New Look at Seneca's Phaedra' (73-86), who certainly does attribute a rich inner life to the characters, in a paper which compares Seneca with Euripides (building on her book Nothing Is As It Seems: The Tragedy of the Implicit in Euripides (1999)). Other papers, too, implicitly contradict Hook's position, but nobody takes up his arguments. On the central issue of staging, there are, as it were, two and a half contributors who do not believe the plays were written for staging. John G. Fitch, 'Playing Seneca?' (1-12), reviews the debate, and proposes that some scenes of Seneca's plays are for staging and others are not. Elaine Fantham, 'Production of Seneca's Trojan Woman, Ancient? And Modern' (13-26), first argues against the Troades being written for staging, on the basis of the theatrical inefficacy of the choral odes, and then-changing gear-describes how she herself would want to produce the play on the modern stage. Sander M. Goldberg, 'Going for Baroque: Seneca and the English' (209-31), stimulatingly contrasts Seneca both with English Renaissance tragedy and with earlier Roman tragedy, arguing that his plays were for recitation, and were part of the rhetorical aristocratic culture that consciously set itself apart from the staged spectacles of mythological mimes and costumed executions. On the other side of the debate, C. W. Marshall, 'Location! Location! Location! Choral Absence and Dramatic Space in Seneca's Troades' (27-51), argues that choral exits and entries contributed to the establishing of changing locations in the play. The editor, Harrison, in 'Semper Ego Auditor Tantum? Performance and Physical Setting of Seneca's Plays' (137-49), argues that Seneca composed for the odeum or small covered theatre. The producer of the Xavier performance, Gyllian Raby, describes the evolution of her production in 'Seneca's Trojan Women: Identity and Survival in the Aftermath of War' (173-95); while an insight into a very different modern performance is provided by Katharina Volk, who played Andromacha in W. Stroh's production of Troas (sic) in Latin at Munich in 1993 ('Putting Andromacha on Stage: A Performer's Perspective' (197-208)). None of these really tackles the anti-staging arguments in detail; though one should not complain too much that a book forces one to think for oneself.

A parchment codex of the early sixth centurya.d., now in Vienna, contains a remarkable series of nearly 400 full-page illustrations of individual botanical species. These illustrations accompany an alphabetical recension of a pharmacological treatise on the medicinal properties of plants written by Dioskourides of Anazarbos, a Greek author of the first centurya.d. Both the date of the codex and the style of its botanical illustrations have encouraged suggestions that the latter were modelled somehow on classical archetypes. This article presents new observations in support of the classical archetypes theory, but questions the traditional view that these archetypes were transmitted by ‘illustrated texts’ or ‘pattern books’ executed in papyrus or parchment. What follows is a new hypothesis concerning the nature of the artistic intermediaries used by painters, mosaicists and sculptors during antiquity.

H. Van Enckevort, M. Driessen, E. Graafstal, T. Hazenberg, T. Ivleva and C. Van Driel-Murray (eds), Proceedings of the 25th International Congress of Roman Frontier Studies, vol. 2 : Strategy and Structures along the Roman Frontier, Leiden: Sidestone Press, p. 447-453.

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The urban changes in North African cities during the Late Roman Empire is a controversial topic that many recent scholars have sought to resolve. While the late city “decline” hypothesis has begun to dissipate in recent years, giving way to a new view that sees this period as a time of  urban prosperity and development for the cities of Roman North Africa, the variations in the trends of the late transformations of each city's urban landscape, make it necessary to examine each case individually. This article explores the urban changes of Thamugadi (Timgad, Algeria) during the Late Roman period. We relied on an attempt to inventory and re-read of the available archaeological and epigraphic evidence of late-period construction and restoration. After organizing, tabulating and mapping the data on a city map using ArcGIS software, we set out to interpret the results concerning urban changes in Thamugadi during the Late Roman period, focusing on the following elements: Private and Public Investments, Urban Functions and Christian Buildings. The results demonstrate the city's distinctive urban dynamism during the period in question. They also provide a framework for understanding Thamugadi's urban development and continuity during that era the city's history.

The urban changes in North African cities during the Late Roman Empire is a controversial topic that many recent scholars have sought to resolve. While the late city “decline” hypothesis has begun to dissipate in recent years, giving way to a new view that sees this period as a time of  urban prosperity and development for the cities of Roman North Africa, the variations in the trends of the late transformations of each city's urban landscape, make it necessary to examine each case individually. This article explores the urban changes of Thamugadi (Timgad, Algeria) during the Late Roman period. We relied on an attempt to inventory and re-read of the available archaeological and epigraphic evidence of late-period construction and restoration. After organizing, tabulating and mapping the data on a city map using ArcGIS software, we set out to interpret the results concerning urban changes in Thamugadi during the Late Roman period, focusing on the following elements: Private and Public Investments, Urban Functions and Christian Buildings. The results demonstrate the city's distinctive urban dynamism during the period in question. They also provide a framework for understanding Thamugadi's urban development and continuity during that era the city's history.

An introduction to the Special Issue on "Approaching the Early Medieval Iberian Economy from the ground up" whose overall aim is to demonstrate how ordinary people lived through and helped transform the late-Roman into the early medieval economy in Iberia. The introduction first outlines the historical framework of early medieval Iberia (focused on actors, spaces, and chronology) and a set of analytical tools that are intended to contextualise the individual contributions. The next sections explore: 2) “Background” 3) “How did the tributary state work?” 4)“Iberian economies turned up-side down” and 5) "Variations on a theme."

This article contains full editions with commentary of a selection from the ink writing-tablets discovered in the excavation of 2017, four letters written by or to the prefect Iulius Verecundus. The editions are numbered continuously from 890, following the sequence in Tab. Vindol. IV.1 and 2.

Amphores romaines = Amphores romaines et histoire economique: dix ans de recherche. Actes du colloque international (Siena ig86) (1989); Basilicata = M. Salvatore (ed.), Basilicata: espansionismo romano nel sud-est d'ltalia. II quadro archeologico. Atti del convegno,Venosa ig8y

III. THE EMPIRE 269 grasps the complexity of the dealings of and impression made by governors in an inadequate and unsatisfactory manner. It is not to be denied that the aspects which M. discusses are of considerable importance. Anyone interested in the forms of communication between imperial governors and the provincial elites in contexts other than those of concrete dealings and actions will find some stimulating points. Nonetheless the domination of the Imperium Romanum should not be reduced to concepts such as honour and paideia alone, however central they may have been.

write to the emperor and wait for his message. There is no need to travel to petition the emperor personally, the message will come swiftly and regardless of rank, assisting everyone equally' (196). In fact, Aristides is not speaking about individual petitioners, but about the practice of governors of forwarding queries to the emperor, the odds of which must have been very slim. T.'s interpretation of anecdotes in Tacitus and Suetonius often leads to arbitrary and impressionistic claims about historical developments, such as the implausible claim that 'law was beginning to be a central preoccupation of the emperor' by the Flavian period (159, my italics), or that the imperial rescript system must have been founded by Hadrian because 'Trajan was consciously reluctant to issue rescripts in order to avoid setting legal precedents' (211), which depends on a single dubious passage in the Historia Augusta. Overall, considering its ambitious scope and historical claims, what T.'s study amounts to is an attempt to write the legal history of the Roman Empire in an anecdotal fashion from a very limited selection of sources (mostly literary and legal texts that explicitly mention the emperor's judicial activity) with little or no discussion of other directly relevant evidence (e.g. the evolving jurisdiction of Roman magistrates and governors) and virtually no engagement with the great mass of provincial evidence for the Roman administration of justice. Indeed, it is highly questionable whether one can adequately assess the development of the jurisdictional role of the Roman emperor without taking into account the developments taking place in the courts of the Roman Empire. As a consequence of its major aws of approach, selection and interpretation of sources, this study cannot be regarded as a work of reference on this massively important subject. Instead, the hope is that growing awareness of the subject and its importance will serve as a stimulus for future work.

One of the most peculiar features of Roman law was the father's dominant position. In theory, he exercised an almost absolute authority,patria potestas, over his descendants until his own death. The uniqueness of their family system did not escape the Romans themselves. In his mid-second-century legal textbook Gaius explained:Item in potestate nostra sunt liberi nostri quos iustis nuptiis procreavimus. Quod ius proprium civium Romanorum est; fere enim nulli alii sunt homines, qui talem in filios suos habent potestatem, qualem nos habemus. Idque divus Hadrianus edicto, quod proposuit de his, qui sibi liberisque suis ab eo civitatem Romanam petebant, significavit. Nec me praeterit Galatarum gentem credere in potestate parentum liberos esse. (Inst.1.55)Again, we have in our power our children, the offspring of a Roman law marriage. This right is one which only Roman citizens have; there are virtually no other peoples who have such power over their sons as we have over ours. This wa...

In this essay, I explore how Virgil uses the dance of the Salii and, in particular, the spatial implications of their choreographies in the proto-Roman site of Pallanteum. By reading the passage as a vivid “chronotope”, to follow Mikhail Bakhtin’s terminology, where time and space interfere with each other in the choral configuration of the Salian jumps, I propose to embed the rural, public performance of the Virgilian scene within broader
perceptions of civic and ritual male dance in the age of Augustus.

III. THE EMPIRE 3OI Greek texts; when on p. 6 H. provides a set of Homeric references, they are rendered useless by a double error that misprints I for r, and then simply reproduces the Iliad references for the Odyssey. There is certainly worthwhile material in this book, but the apparent haste with which it has been published means that the catalogues that appear to be its chief raison d'etre are too erratic and unreliable for effective use.