Regime change

This paper extends global games theory to analyze regime change and bank runs with a large external agent, heterogeneous risk aversion, and network effects. We develop a framework where one large agent (foreign power, military or large depositor) with measure λ ∈ (0, 1) interacts strategically with a finite population of small agents (citizens, small depositors) embedded in social networks with adjacency matrix A. The model generates three main theoretical results: (1) Under Gaussian signals, the large agent's observable attack strictly raises small agents' participation thresholds, increasing the attack region; the shift is increasing in visibility λ and decreasing in signal noise τ ; (2) A spectral condition ρ(A) • κ > 1 determines cascade dynamics, where κ is the local strategic complementarity parameter-we prove sufficiency via Perron-Frobenius theory and establish necessity under global Lipschitz continuity; (3) Under CARA utility with heterogeneous risk aversion γ g , groups participate sequentially with exact thresholds p * g = (1-exp(γ g c))/(exp(-γ g (1-c))-exp(γ g c)). We provide a fully worked baseline for regular networks with explicit computation of κ, derive comparative statics, and outline empirical tests and policy applications.

The high sensitivity of crystallization to shear flow is a subject of great research interest the last several years. A set of syndiotactic polypropylene/clay composite samples were used to examine the effect of shear flow on crystallization kinetics. This phenomenon alters both processing and material final properties. In the present work, the effects of clay contents and shear flow on the rate of flow induced crystallization were investigated using rheological technique. Small amplitude oscillatory shear experiments were performed using advanced rheometric expansion system (ARES). The crystallization rate is found to alter by both shear and clay contents in the polymer composites.

Recent research suggesting that leader transitions increase the probability of war termination is based on the assumption that leader change is exogenous. However, the exogeneity of leader change needs to be tested, not assumed. This paper uses a bivariate discrete survival model to test the exogeneity of leader change and correctly estimate its partial effect on war termination. The paper extends the analysis by estimating a competing risks model of types of leader transitions. The evidence shows that leader change in large coalition systems never increases the probability of war termination, while leader change in small coalition systems never reduces the probability of war termination. In short, leader transitions in autocratic systems are more likely to bring interstate war to an end than leader transitions in democratic ones. The study also shows that the marginal effect of leader change fades away as the war progresses, and that war has negative duration-dependence.

The experience rated unemployment insurance system in the United States results in some firms paying more or less than their share of generated UI claims largely because of upper and lower bounds on the maximum UI payroll tax rate. Firms that pay less are thus receiving a subsidy relative to their peers. Per unit of paid UI benefit to the separated worker, the cost paid by the firm is called the marginal tax cost of separation, MTC, where firms with an MTC below one are receiving such a subsidy. This paper provides new empirical evidence that the MTC matters for the composition of quits versus layoffs. Unlike the existing literature, this paper calculates a time-varying forward looking measure of the marginal tax cost as opposed to the widely used steady-state MTC. This measure is both consistent with the firm’s optimization problem and incorporates a firm’s expectations about the future. This paper shows that an increase of 10% in the marginal tax cost generates an increase of 17% ...

In the past three years, Sri Lanka, Bangladesh, and most recently Nepal have all witnessed regime collapse triggered not solely by political intrigue but by deepening economic despair. Nepal’s September 2025 uprising, sparked by a ban on social media platforms, underscored how youth discontent over unemployment, remittance dependency, and economic stagnation can escalate into nationwide upheaval. Similar dynamics drove Bangladesh’s 2024 revolt, fueled by inflation and corruption, and Sri Lanka’s 2022 Aragalaya protests, born of debt crises, shortages, and policy missteps. This article argues that economic precarity—manifested in food insecurity, joblessness, and declining household survival capacity—has become the decisive driver of political instability in South Asia. Generational mobilization, amplified by social media, has transformed these grievances into mass movements that toppled entrenched elites. The paper situates these crises within broader Indo-Pacific geopolitics, highlighting how South Asia’s so-called “demographic dividend” has become a destabilizing force. Stability in the region, it concludes, cannot be secured through electoral engineering or elite bargains alone; it requires structural responses to unemployment, corruption, debt dependency, and reliance on narrow growth sectors.

This article seeks to provide a model to investigate the reaction of the stock market index, risk-taking and investors' sentiments to the monetary policy shock in the form of non-linear models. The approach used in this paper is smooth transition nonlinear regression (STR). For this purpose, the statistical information of the period 1989-2021 has been used based on the frequency of seasonal data for index returns, economic and financial variables. In this research, the existence of non-linear behavior in the relationship between risk tolerance index, investors' sentiments and monetary policy was confirmed. The obtained results indicate that the relationship between index return and investor sentiment index and monetary policy is non-linear and asymmetric, and among the macroeconomic and financial explanatory variables, the exchange rate is a transfer variable or regime change factor. The relationship between the return of the index and the index of investors' sentiments and monetary policy during the establishment of the first and second regimes, which respectively indicate the low fluctuation of the exchange rate and the high fluctuation of the exchange rate, has been different.

This paper addresses the fundamental political anthropological assumption underlying and shaping Aristotle's regime science. I hope to show how assumptions about the natural sociability of human beings, the intersection of human nature (biologically and socially understood), and the aggregated construction of the human political habitat through discrete structures underlie Aristotle's understanding of how and why human beings use the political community to achieve their optimal condition for their existence. And to show how Aristotle's political, anthropological assumptions offer a critique of the anthropological assumptions that drive much of not only modern political thought, but also contemporary political science.

The political drama that unfolded in Nepal the other day, where large-scale youth-led riots compelled the Prime Minister to step down, underscores a reality that South Asian regimes can no longer afford to ignore: the growing assertiveness of the region's restless youth. What began in Kathmandu as sporadic demonstrations over unemployment, inflation, and allegations of corruption soon transformed into a formidable force that paralysed governance. The resignation of Nepal's premier was not merely a capitulation to street pressure but an acknowledgement that young citizens, once considered politically dormant, have emerged as a decisive political actor in that country.

Michigan State University agrees to and does hereby grant to the United States Government a royalty-free, non-exclusive and irrevocable licence throughout the world to use, duplicate, disclose, or dispose of this publication in any manner and for any purposes and to permit others to do so.

Amir Kia* Department of Economics Carleton University Ottawa, Ontario K1S 5B6 Canada Phone: 613-520-2600 ext. 3753 Email: akia@ccs.carleton.ca ... Hilde Patron Department of Economics and Finance Louisiana Tech University Ruston, LA 71272 USA Phone: ...

We investigated the complex temporal fluctuations of particulate matter data recorded in London area by using the Fisher-Shannon (FS) information plane. In the FS plane the PM10 and PM2.5 data are aggregated in two different clusters, characterized by different degrees of order and organization. This results could be related to different sources of the particulate matter.

This paper calculates indices of central bank autonomy (CBA) for 163 central banks as of end-2003, and comparable indices for a subgroup of 68 central banks as of the end of the 1980s. The results confirm strong improvements in both economic and political CBA over the past couple of decades, although more progress is needed to boost political autonomy of the central banks in emerging market and developing countries. Our analysis confirms that greater CBA has on average helped to maintain low inflation levels. The paper identifies four broad principles of CBA that have been shared by the majority of countries. Significant differences exist in the area of banking supervision where many central banks have retained a key role. Finally, we discuss the sequencing of reforms to separate the conduct of monetary and fiscal policies. IMF Staff Papers (2009) 56, 263–296. doi:10.1057/imfsp.2008.25; published online 23 September 2008

Apuseni Mts. represent the biggest exhumed area of two major tectonic blocks of the Inner Carpathians: the Tisza and Dacia Mega-Units, with the Biharia Nappe System (NS) thrusted over the Codru NS, which in turn is thrusted over the Bihor Unit. Alpine metamorphism was previously detected in the Bihor Unit and the Biharia NS, but not in the Codru NS. This study is aimed at explaining this difference, using deformed Permian volcanic rocks from the Codru NS. Illite/mica is the dominant metamorphic mineral in the deformed felsic rocks, while chlorite dominates in the deformed mafic rocks. Illite/mica is a mixture of 1 M and 2M 1 polytypes (also 1M d in one sample), perfectly non-swelling, and with the 0.31-0.35 Δ° 2θ range of the standardized Kübler index. Electron probe microanalysis (EPMA) documented two varieties of illite/mica: illite/phengite and illite/muscovite. Combined mineral metamorphic indicators (illite/mica characteristics, presence of epidote, and the absence of metamorphic biotite) restrict the maximum metamorphic temperatures to the 250-310 °C range, explaining the lack of Alpine ages in the earlier studies: temperatures below resetting of the old coarse-grained micas, which were used for dating. Our new K-Ar data constrain the cooling ages of illite/mica in the Codru NS to 117-112 ± 3.2 Ma in the Dieva and Moma nappes, and 102 ± 3 Ma in the Arieseni nappe. These ages correspond to the denudation during the eastward advancing of the thrust wedge during the "Austrian" tectonic phase.

Als der Arabische Frühling 2011 Syrien erreichte und das Assad-Regime mit einer wachsenden islamistischen Opposition konfrontiert war, entschieden sich die syrischen Kurden gegen eine Parteinahme. Stattdessen kämpften sie für eine demokratische autonome Selbstverwaltung.

La chute de Nicolae Ceauşescu en 1989 conduit à de fortes mobilisations intellectuelles pour la condamnation du régime communiste de Roumanie dans un contexte politique où l’exercice du pouvoir est assuré dès 1990 par une formation composée d’anciens membres de la nomenklatura. Marginalisé dans un premier temps, ces demandes de condamnation aboutissent au milieu des années 2000 à l’officialisation d’un discours de criminalisation du passé par le chef de l’État fortement appuyé dans sa démarche par une minorité d’historiens. Elle suit de près à la déclaration de reconnaissance par la Roumanie de sa participation à l’Holocauste durant la Deuxième Guerre mondiale. Cette thèse interroge les recompositions politiques et intellectuelles qui se déploient après 1989 sur le terrain des combats d’interprétation du passé pour montrer comment se structure un espace où cet exercice d’exégèse de l’histoire nationale devient consubstantiel à la légitimation démocratique du nouveau régime.The fall ...

Masovno i metodično prebijanje građana od strane policije i grupa huligana i kriminalaca koje je unajmila vladajuća stranka, kao i najave ekstremnih oblika represije sa samog vrha vlasti, treba shvatiti ozbiljno. Iskustvo nam govori da su spremni da sopstveni opstanak na vlasti plate našim životima i našom imovinom. Zato takvoj strategiji i pretnjama vlasti treba prilagoditi otpor građana koji traje već gotovo deset meseci.

This study evaluates the activity of the Collective Compelling Policy (KZP) through Syrian and Libya interventions. In the study, intervention processes in two cases; Pre -intervention conditions were examined in terms of the strategic objectives of international actors, military and diplomatic methods applied and the sustainability of the results. Using the qualitative comparative analysis method, official documents, international establishment reports, academic studies and data obtained from media sources were analyzed. The findings reveal that despite the rapid results in Libya intervention, long -term stability cannot be achieved, and in Syria, it has failed to achieve the goals of the KZP. In both cases, international legitimacy, the conflicts of interest of regional actors and the inconsistencies in implementation strategies have come to the forefront as the main factors that limit the success of the KZP. The study offers preventive diplomacy, multilateral coordination and flexible strategic planning suggestions in order to apply more effectively in the future.

How do we assess the impact of these "democratizing" interventions? Beyond evaluating their level of success of bringing about democratic forms of government, we also need to ask whether hostile interventions can help human conditions in general in target countries. In this policy brief I attempt to offer preliminary insights into whether human rights are improved when the United States attempts regime change through hostile intervention. In the next section I briefly discuss the impact of American attempts to create regime change through hostile military intervention since World War II. I subsequently test the proposition that human rights are improved as a result of these hostile interventions, and conclude with a few policy recommendations.

Are countries risking dire political consequences by succumbing to the pressures of the globalization phenomenon? This study attempts to explain the effects of trade and financial liberalization in developing countries on the level of domestic political stability. Using a sample of 65 countries from the developing world from the time period of 1985-1992, this paper uses a pooled-cross-sectional time series design to explain variations in the instability across space and time. The analysis finds that trade and financial openness exhibit downward pressure on the level of political instability. The model also finds evidence that higher levels of economic development are linked to higher levels of stability. The link between economic openness and domestic stability may show the path by which developing countries may achieve the stability of their developed counterparts.

"[...] İsrailliler, örneğin, bir Kürt devleti yaratmaya dönük, kökleri derine inen bir çıkar gütmekteler. Oldum olası merak etmişimdir, İsrailliler bir Kürt devleti yaratmaya neden ilgi duyuyorlar, ve Kürt milliyetçiliğine neden bu kadar dikkat harcıyorlar?"

Cow/calf producers operating in the Dakotas were surveyed on their price discovery strategies, marketing channel preferences, and their perceptions of how regime change in the public price reporting system for fed cattle affected the beef industry in general and the cow/calf industry in particular. Survey results indicate cow/calf producers consider local institutions (auction barns etc.) to be more reliable for price discovery and marketing their feeder and stocker cattle than regional or national institutions (futures market etc.). Consistent with this view, producers perceive that the current public price reporting system is less reliable than local market sources when making individual marketing decisions. However, Dakota cow/calf producers perceive livestock mandatory price reporting as benefiting the beef industry in general.

In a recent paper Giugale and Korobow (2000) present evidence to suggest the time that output takes to return to its trend following a negative shock is faster under a flexible exchange rate regime than under a fixed exchange rate. In this paper VAR models are used to provide empirical evidence on the speed of recovery of real output following an interest rate shock for a number of Asian economies. We find little evidence that the degree of persistence in output is systematically related to the type of exchange rate regime that particular countries have adopted. Across a number of specifications we find that real output for Hong Kong and Australia has the least persistence following a negative interest rate shock. These countries represent the two ends of the spectrum, the former has an exchange rate that is pegged to the U.S. dollar via a currency board and the latter has one of the more flexible exchange rates in the Asian region. This paper was written while the authors were Visiting Research Fellows at the Hong Kong Institute for Monetary Research. We thank the HKIMR for their hospitality and support. Emily Cheng provided research assistance for the paper. Comments and suggestions from seminar participants at the HKIMR and two referees are gratefully acknowledged. The views presented in this paper are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect those of the Hong Kong Institute for Monetary Research, its Council of Advisors or the Board of Directors.

In late-socialist Hungary, the system for the production and distribution of visual arts underwent significant changes. While marketization increasingly took hold, art policy allowed more space for artists who followed Western trends. After the post socialist transition of 1989, these processes accelerated, and the protagonists of the former avant-garde – holders of the most important symbolic capital – became the new elite of the artistic field. However, this process also led to intense conflicts and sharp institutional debates. These conflicts did not stop at the edges of the field of artistic production; rather, they became the subject of political battles between leading market-liberal and national-conservative protectionist factions. In this study, I will present the structure of the economic and administrative system of fine arts under state socialism, examine the history of the successor organizations to the Magyar Népköztársaság Művészeti Alapja [Art Fund of the Hungarian People’s Republic], and describe the debates between the Magyar Képzőművészek és Iparművészek Szövetsége [Union / Association of Fine and Applied Artists] and the Budapest Kunsthalle in post-socialist Hungary.

Over the past decade, the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region has seen profound change. Eight years ago, popular uprisings against authoritarian regimes illustrated a deep desire for more responsive and accountable governance. The hope remains that broader economic and political participation can deliver a better life to the citizens of the region. Despite the instability of subsequent years, the people of the MENA region continue to raise their voices. They are demanding leadership that confronts corruption and welcomes citizen participation in addressing long-term socioeconomic challenges. Tunisians are preparing for a second round of presidential and parliamentary elections later this year, an important milestone in consolidating their democratic institutions. And we're seeing the people of Algeria demonstrate for change in government after 20 years under former President Bouteflika. As protests, elections and wars in the region continue to make headlines, we are reminded every day just how much the Middle East matters. In the face of the region's persistent challenges, we've had to question our assumptions, move away from things that didn't work, and look at new ideas for advancing U.S. interests. For this administration, U.S. engagement in the region is a top priority. As Secretary Pompeo said earlier this year in Cairo, a strong, secure and economically vibrant Middle East is in our national interest. Consistent with the president's foreign-policy agenda, we are protecting American security at home and abroad. That means working actively with our partners to counter the threat from terrorist groups and states that sponsor terrorism. That means ensuring critical natural resources and international commerce flow freely, preserving a vital linchpin of the global economy. That means preventing the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction. And that also means a steadfast commitment to the protection of our strongest allies, including Israel. Secretary Pompeo has made it clear that the United States has been and will continue to be a force for good in the Middle East. As we celebrated the 40th anniversary of the SympoSium: Future oF u.S. engagement we are also working to broaden our relationship across a range of areas including trade, culture and education. Last month, the president announced that U.S. troops will remain in northeast Syria as part of the continuing de-ISIS coalition. Our goals in Syria have remained consistent. We are committed to the enduring defeat of ISIS, a political resolution to the ongoing conflict in Syria in line with UN Security Council Resolution 2254, and the complete withdrawal of Iranian-commanded forces from the entirety of Syria. We will not provide U.S. reconstruction assistance from areas of Syria held by Assad until Iran and its proxy forces withdraw and until we see irreversible progress toward a political resolution. Only by working together in support of the UN-backed political process can we end the conflict and allow for the safe and voluntary return of millions of refugees who have fled the violence in Syria. Another example of our efforts at coalition building to bring security and stability to the region is the Middle East Strategic Alliance (MESA). This is an initiative to enhance multilateral cooperation in the political, economic, energy and security spheres. Not only will MESA build a strong foundation for countering Iran's malign influence, but it will enhance our partners' capacity to be positive contributors to regional security. Just last week, we had a team in Saudi Arabia to continue the discussion with member countries as we move forward to shape the alliance. As Secretary Pompeo acknowledged last month, it'll take us a bit, it won't be straightforward, but our shared interests provide an opportunity to get our partners to come together. A unified GCC, obviously, is a key building block for MESA. Second, let's talk about Iran. Iran is pursuing dangerous nuclear and ballistic-missile technology and stoking deadly conflict through its support of proxy groups. Iran is the world's leading state sponsor of terror. It spends billions of dollars supporting terrorist groups and proxy organizations, and it continues to develop and test ballistic missiles in defiance of UN resolutions. Iranian malign activity in Syria and Yemen, and its continued support for designated terrorist groups such as Lebanese Hezbollah, prolong regional conflicts that radiate instability This administration is engaged in a powerful pressure campaign to cut off the revenues the Iranian regime uses to spread terror and destruction throughout the world, and that pressure campaign is working. Our oil sanctions have taken approximately 1.5 million barrels of Iranian oil exports off the market since May 2018. In addition, 23 entities have reduced their purchases of Iranian crude to zero. These actions deny critical revenue for Iran's malign activities. Earlier this year at the Warsaw Ministerial, Secretary Pompeo outlined our vision of how we can work together to achieve peace and security in the Middle East. Iran stood at the center of that discussion. The international community largely shares the view that Iran's policy choices are destructive. We're now developing issue-specific working

This paper explores the relationship between a policymaker's reputation and the optimal wage indexation in an inflation-targeting framework, in which there is uncertainty regarding the policymaker's ability for commitment. The main result of this work is that the optimal wage indexation is non–monotonic in the policymaker's reputation. In particular, at low levels of reputation, a rise in reputation leads to an increase in the wage indexation, while at higher levels of reputation, a rise in reputation leads to a reduction in the wage indexation. This result holds both in the social planner framework and in the case where there is a labor union that determines not only the nominal wage but also its level of indexation.

In this study, Feldstein-Horioka hypothesis on saving-investment relationship was tested for the period 1968-2008 in Turkey using Hansen-Seo, Gregory-Hansen and Hatemi-J models. First of all, when Feldstein-Horioka hypothesis was researched by Hansen-Seo method, the variables did not exhibit a nonlinear structure. Then, with Gregory-Hansen and Hatemi-J models, it was found that the saving-retention coefficient got a value close to 1 and 0.426 respectively. It was understood that the Feldstein-Horioka puzzle continued. The results obtained show that in testing Feldstein-Horioka hypothesis, instead of a fixed parameter assumption, applying test techniques that take endogenous structural breaks into consideration would give more reliable results.

The model presented in this paper clarifles lhe links existing between lhe stabilization policies which were implemented in Brazil dming lhe 1981-88 períod, lhe trade balance, lhe GDP palh, lhe rate of inflation and lhe dynamics of lhe relative income of lhe workers of a dual economy. Basing our analysis on special tabulations of household surveys (PnadfIBGE) we show that this very general model contributes to understand how, despite lhe stagnation that characterized this period as a whole, lhe losses of lhe informal workers were smaller than Ihose of lhe formal. o modelo que apresentamos neste texto explicita as relações existentes entre as políticas de estabilização implementadas no período 1981-88, a balança comercial, a trajetória do PIB, a taxa de inflação e a dinâmica do diferencial de salários em mna economia dual. Baseando nossa análise em tabulações especiais da PnadfIBGE, mostramos que esse modelo é capaz de explicar por que os trabalhadores informais registraram perdas menores que os formais ao longo desse período. * lEI/UFR1 and Ipea. ** Delta (Paris) and Nuffield College (Oxford). 1 For surveys about distributional effects of stabilization policies and structural reforms see and Bourguignon et alii (1991).

What might Iran look like if the current clerical regime falls? After twelve days of attacks from Israel – and later also the United States – speculation is growing about a possible regime change. Although Iran and Israel have now signed a ceasefire, both political and military actors are preparing for a possible power vacuum.

Israel’s June 13 strikes did not just cripple Iran’s military infrastructure—they revealed a network of Persian expatriates who claim to oppose the regime while protecting the ideological heart of the Islamic Republic. These self-proclaimed anti-regime voices advocate for “regime change” from the safety of foreign capitals, yet shy away from challenging the strongholds of Persian dominance—Tehran, Isfahan, Shiraz. They condemn foreign intervention and invoke Gaza, all while remaining silent on decades of harsh repression against Iran’s ethnic and national minorities. True change won’t come from those who disguise supremacist agendas as reform, but from those who confront the regime head-on and reject its entire oppressive system, no matter where it hides.

Iran started the nuclear program in late 1950s by signing Atom for Peace agreement with USA. Furthermore, the state elites started negotiation for assistance with Russia, France and Argentina to make the hidden arrangements in 1990s. Finally in 2003, the Iran's perception for acquiring the strategic means of the nuclear program revealed by International Atomic Energy Agency report. Since that time, this program is in the domain of serious consideration for various western states and international organizations. It has been argue that Middle East's security instability and Iran-Israel rivalry being perceived by Iran's political leadership accelerated for nuclear aspirations. By centralizing the strategic dimension of Middle East and the role of Iran's political stakeholders, this research has established a framework that why Tehran go for nuclearization as end means. It also has been reinvigorated that how the state elites manage international diplomacy in this whole scenario. The state is still perceiving to go nuclear weapons in post US withdrawal from the JCPOA. The paper further tries to reevaluate the question that in what circumstances, denuclearization of Iran is possible.

As Israel’s precision strikes weaken Iran’s military command, the country’s marginalized Kurds and Baluch face a historic crossroads. Long repressed yet strategically positioned, they are choosing restraint over rebellion—for now. This piece explores why these national groups are holding back, the risks of acting alone, and what they stand to gain—or lose—if the Islamic Republic falls. Their silence is not surrender; it is strategy. But when the collapse comes, they won’t settle for symbolic change—they will demand a real stake in Iran’s future.

As the war between Israel and Iran intensifies, the Islamic Republic of Iran has escalated domestic repression, particularly targeting the historically marginalized regions of Kurdistan and Baluchistan. These territories may play a pivotal role in shaping Iran’s post-Islamic Republic future, through asserting regional autonomy.

As Israel reshapes the regional order and Iran’s regime teeters under sustained internal and external pressure, the prospect of Kurdish autonomy in Eastern Kurdistan is no longer a distant scenario. Drawing on lessons from Kurdish self-rule in Syria and federalism in Iraq, this piece examines whether a unified Kurdish front could assert control in the event of regime collapse—and whether the fall of the Islamic Republic could redraw the map of the Middle East once again.

What is often presented as an internal conflict is frequently orchestrated by external forces, where geopolitical rivalries and foreign intelligence operations drive significant change. Albania’s tumultuous history under and after Enver Hoxha serves as a compelling case study, offering insights into contemporary events, such as the Israeli military action against Iran on June 13, 2025.

The micromagnetic continuum theory has been applied to perfect soft/hard multilayers characterized by antiferromagnetic interface coupling. The soft and hard phases have uniaxial anisotropy with a common direction, along which the external field is applied. The model assumes a nonuniform rotation of the magnetization, and it also considers an interface coupling that is reduced with respect to the strong-limit case. It is found that the deviation of the magnetization from the saturated antiparallel state can occur at two distinct nucleation fields, which mainly involve only one of the two phases. Moreover, in the case of a reduced interface coupling, the saturated parallel state becomes accessible and thus the nucleation from this state is taken into account. The critical equations have been deduced, allowing us to identify the conditions for which the nucleation regime changes from reversible to irreversible as a function of the intrinsic and extrinsic parameters. The results of the model, applied to a typical soft/hard system with planar anisotropy, have been summarized in suitable phase diagrams, as a function of the layer thicknesses and of the strength of the interface coupling. The analysis, supported by additional static and dynamic micromagnetic simulations, shows the occurrence of a rich variety of magnetization curves. As a secondary result we have found that, in the parallel nucleation process, the influence of the interface coupling extends inside the two phases to distances appreciably larger than the corresponding Bloch wall widths.

Constitutional theory in the legal academy during the late twentieth century was "obsessed" by the countermajoritarian difficulty. 1 Alexander Bickel informed law professors in 1962 that judicial review was "a deviant institution in the American democracy." '2 "[W] hen the Supreme Court declares unconstitutional a legislative act or the action of an elected executive," he famously asserted, "it thwarts the will of representatives of the actual people of the here and now." 3 Passionately devoted to both popular sovereignty and the Warren Court's decision in Brown v. Board of Education, 4 legal scholars filled the law reviews with essays attempting to reconcile democracy and judicial review. "Grand theory in constitutional law" 5 became a heroic quest

Constitutional theory in the legal academy during the late twentieth century was "obsessed" by the countermajoritarian difficulty. 1 Alexander Bickel informed law professors in 1962 that judicial review was "a deviant institution in the American democracy." '2 "[W] hen the Supreme Court declares unconstitutional a legislative act or the action of an elected executive," he famously asserted, "it thwarts the will of representatives of the actual people of the here and now." 3 Passionately devoted to both popular sovereignty and the Warren Court's decision in Brown v. Board of Education, 4 legal scholars filled the law reviews with essays attempting to reconcile democracy and judicial review. "Grand theory in constitutional law" 5 became a heroic quest

As Israel targets the foundations of Iran’s regional influence, the question arises: are Iran’s marginalized national groups—particularly the Kurds and the Baluch—prepared to act if the regime begins to fall? Armed, organized, and long-oppressed, these groups could play a decisive role in shaping a post-Islamic Republic future. But resistance without strategy is futile. This piece argues that only through unity, political planning, and a clear roadmap can these groups secure self-rule and influence the future of Iran. Without preparation, others will define the outcome.

This article interrogates the political metamorphosis of the American experiment from a confederation of sovereign states into a centralized, managerial regime. Synthesizing libertarian revisionism, historical evidence, and metaphysical critique, it argues that the loss of liberty in the United States occurred not through conquest but through consentengineered by elite maneuvering, ideological repurposing, and the ritualization of democratic form. Drawing on the Straussian and Voegelinian traditions, it defines regime not merely as a set of institutional structures, but as a concrete manifestation of metaphysical order.¹⁷ ¹⁸ In this light, the regime shift from a republic of states to a managerial democracy constitutes not only a political transformation, but an ontological rupture. Building on prior explorations of memory, alignment, and constraint,¹ ² ³ the article contends that cultural amnesia and institutional architecture now insulate governance from both responsibility and resistance. Genuine renewal, it concludes, depends not on electoral change but on the recovery of memory, place, and truth. To clarify the metaphysical use of the term regime, we follow Eric Voegelin in identifying political orders as manifestations of a deeper symbolic framework.¹⁷ Voegelin