Radical Environmentalism

The article is a sobering look at a shifting threat landscape. What was once a war of clearly defined ideologies is now a chaotic blend of extremism. This poses unique challenges for counter-terrorism efforts that are still structured around traditional ideological lines. But it is not a new development.

The Global Confluence on Radical Democracy, Autonomy, and Self-Determination held in Port Edward, South Africa from February 2 to 6, 2025, was organised by Global Tapestry of Alternatives (GTA), in collaboration with WoMin Alliance, Amadiba Crisis Committee (ACC), Academy of Democratic Modernity (ADM), and Jineoloji Academy. Together, these organisations provided both the theoretical and practical frameworks for the meeting, guiding the discussions and ensuring a multiregional focused discussions on grassroots and community-led alternative practices to the intersecting polycrises facing the world. The meeting brought together 44 participants from 20 countries, representing 34 communities across the Global South, mostly from Latin America, Asia and Africa. The primary goal was to forge deeper connections between local and global movements, share strategies, and strengthen collective power to confront the multifaceted crises that are increasingly defining our world.

At its core, this confluence was a call to reimagine democracy, governance, and self-determination through the lens of radical alternatives - those that prioritise the collective well-being of people and the planet, and challenge the entrenched systems of capitalism, patriarchy, colonialism, and anthropocentrism. By centering the voices and lived experiences of Indigenous peoples, grassroots organisers, and marginalised communities, and of the rest of nature, the gathering emphasised the urgency of confronting not only economic exploitation but also environmental destruction and social inequality.

This report captures the essence of the dialogues, the key themes discussed, and the actionable commitments made by participants. It serves not only as a record of the confluence but also as a foundation for the ongoing work of building global solidarity, mutual learning, and collective action in the pursuit of radical democracy and justice.

More information: https://globaltapestryofalternatives.org/events:radasd:report

This thesis concerns itself with a potential relationship between environmental philosophy and the philosophy of Martin Heidegger. Taking up the question of modern technology as a prima facie cause of environmental damage, I delve into Heidegger's deeper analysis of this phenomenon and its meaning for human life and the world. I focus on the boundless aspiration of technology, seeking to reveal the world in its entirety as standing reserve. What Heidegger calls Gestell or 'enframing' aims to create a system which values and finds meaning in mere utility alone. Such a world becomes unconcerned with the unique and individual expression and meaning of things, levelling these things into undifferentiated and anonymous resources. If place entails a sense of meaning and being with things, humanity loses their place becoming 'homeless.' I also demonstrate a second-order aspect of this boundlessness as being concerned with unlimited potential for the 'human project.' Both I take as indicating a cause for the environmental damage we now notice. The problem is to reacquaint ourselves with a proper sense of place, and to find meaning with things, treating them appropriately. Heidegger calls this dwelling. This is perhaps the true theme of this paper. I discuss further the concepts of poiesis and techne, as well as poetic thinking, as avenues that allow for dwelling to occur. This is the positive solution that I critically engage with as a potential basis for an environmental philosophy. In the final chapters, I examine the potential of dwelling with machines, and the re-orientation in thinking that could allow for this. While some reservations may be made for connecting Heidegger's philosophy with environmental concerns, I conclude that Heidegger's thought as a whole offers a way for us to begin thinking about finding meaning and value that is noninstrumental. It is this thinking that contributes most to a proper environmental philosophy and attitude.

This thesis concerns itself with a potential relationship between environmental philosophy and the philosophy of Martin Heidegger. Taking up the question of modern technology as a prima facie cause of environmental damage, I delve into Heidegger's deeper analysis of this phenomenon and its meaning for human life and the world. I focus on the boundless aspiration of technology, seeking to reveal the world in its entirety as standing reserve. What Heidegger calls Gestell or 'enframing' aims to create a system which values and finds meaning in mere utility alone. Such a world becomes unconcerned with the unique and individual expression and meaning of things, levelling these things into undifferentiated and anonymous resources. If place entails a sense of meaning and being with things, humanity loses their place becoming 'homeless.' I also demonstrate a second-order aspect of this boundlessness as being concerned with unlimited potential for the 'human project.' Both I take as indicating a cause for the environmental damage we now notice. The problem is to reacquaint ourselves with a proper sense of place, and to find meaning with things, treating them appropriately. Heidegger calls this dwelling. This is perhaps the true theme of this paper. I discuss further the concepts of poiesis and techne, as well as poetic thinking, as avenues that allow for dwelling to occur. This is the positive solution that I critically engage with as a potential basis for an environmental philosophy. In the final chapters, I examine the potential of dwelling with machines, and the re-orientation in thinking that could allow for this. While some reservations may be made for connecting Heidegger's philosophy with environmental concerns, I conclude that Heidegger's thought as a whole offers a way for us to begin thinking about finding meaning and value that is noninstrumental. It is this thinking that contributes most to a proper environmental philosophy and attitude.

The introduction to this special issue considers contemporary climate activism around theatre, exploring why Just Stop Oil and Extinction Rebellion might have chosen three plays and operas with nineteenth-century origins for the site of their interruptive activism (at the musical Les Misérables in London and Henrik Ibsen's An Enemy of the People and Richard Wagner's Tannhäuser in New York City) in 2023-24. It argues activist disruptions of these events acted to reconfigure theatrical audiences' relationship to performance, unsettling Wagnerian immersion and the theatrical contract characteristic of the proscenium arch theatre in favour of a more active mode of spectatorship common in the nineteenth century and appropriate to our own age of environmental catastrophe. The introduction further situates contemporary climate activism around the arts in the tradition of nineteenth-century campaign and protest theatre.

Sylvaine Bulle Des visions contrastées de l'effondrement. Le cas d'une zone à défendre Résumé L'article porte sur les grammaires temporelles et écologiques de la zone à défendre (ZAD) de Notre-Dame-des-Landes (Bretagne, France), une lutte environnementale emblématique portant un projet d'autonomie politique. Cette ZAD est née d'un processus de résistance à la création d'un aéroport. D'abord animée par des élus locaux et une association de riverains, elle fut ensuite rejointe, en 2010, par de nouveaux occupants issus pour la plupart des mouvances autonomes anarchistes. L'occupation s'est étendue de 2012 à 2018. Elle incluait une soixantaine de « bases de vie », c'est-à-dire des résidences collectives installées dans un milieu fragile, à préserver. La résistance et l'autodéfense continues ont amené les pouvoirs publics à abandonner le projet d'aéroport en 2018. L'étude menée ici ne concerne pas l'histoire de cette lutte, ni l'organisation sociale de la ZAD, mais un questionnement sur les différentes représentations temporelles et écologiques qui sont à l'oeuvre dans cette quête d'émancipation. La ZAD traduit en effet, à travers une série de valeurs et d'émotions, une préoccupation sur les fins et sur la survie du monde qui croise la critique du capitalisme, des institutions et, plus généralement, la critique sociale. L'analyse s'appuie sur une hypothèse théorique concernant les grammaires temporelles qui sous-tendent ce type d'expérience autonome. La particularité de cette expérimentation est d'évacuer l'imaginaire utopique et les grands récits révolutionnaires pour s'ancrer dans l'« ici et maintenant » et, simultanément, de valoriser le temps présent, conçu comme un temps fini, celui de l'effondrement, où peuvent naître des subjectivités radicales. Notre hypothèse est ici nourrie par le concept d'exode que l'on trouve en philosophie politique dans les travaux du philosophe Giorgio Agamben. Elle s'articule avec une observation sociologique montrant qu'au-delà de points d'appui communs, une grande disparité caractérise les pratiques des acteurs. Si les autonomes anarchistes sont liés par la tentative de mettre en place des espace-temps auto-institués, séparés de l'extérieur, et par une quête collective d'émancipation, la ZAD apparaît comme une communauté aux valeurs contrastées, autant dans les rapports au temps, à l'habitabilité qu'à l'économie. Cela ressort de la seconde partie de notre analyse, qui concerne la partie Est de la ZAD, où le rapport à l'environnement est le plus

In the years 2015-2021, Russia’s rank in Global Terrorism Index became lower every year. In 2015 and 2016, it was classified as third among the European countries, behind Ukraine and France. In the following period (2017-2021), the United Kingdom also found itself ahead of Russia, which fell to the fourth position. The present article has the form of a quantitative analysis. The research goal is to identify trends related to terrorism that take place in the Russian Federation in the years 2015-2022 (in some parts, the analysis covers the time span  between 2015 and 2021, due to lack of data). According to the hypothesis: The phenomenon of  terrorism in Russia is closely related to the activities of jihadist organizations, and groups with a different profile pose a marginal threat. Quantitative analysis of the attacks conducted in the analyzed period will enable the verification of the hypothesis and determine the prospects for the development of this aspect.

This chapter analyses how environmental movements' struggles for environmental sustainability have overlapped with social concerns and considers their implications as well as contradictions for democracy and transformation concerns. More particularly, it scrutinises debates over movements' varieties of environmentalism, over their institutionalisation processes and new grassroots environmental activism, from the environmental justice and LULUs movements, to those focused on urban interstitial alternatives, and the new 2019 environmental upsurge. Problematising a general bias towards a post-material understanding of environmental movements, it follows the conceptualisation of a strand of studies that have placed a democratic quest at the core of their understanding of environmental movements. It delves on a specific subset of environmental movements, what is referred to as 'socio-environmental movements', i.e. those movements whose expression of ecological concerns went hand-in-hand with broader socio-political claims, reflecting on their transformative potential as well as contradictions and ambiguities linked to forms of actions, types of strategies and organisational modes.

Today humanity is facing a sixth mass extinction: the first in 65 million years. The extinction underway is occurring at a rate faster than any previous mass extinction in Earth’s history. Our current forms of extraction economics, overproduction, and consumption are not just unsustainable – they are literally annihilationist towards our biosphere. They endanger the very fabric of life in our planet. Yet to imagine a redesign is nearly impossible for many who currently benefit from such systems. Where does the knowledge and critical consciousness for how to reimagine new systems of living reside? Two questions guide our research: 1) Can education play a role in redesigning such systems? 2) How do resistance movements and their associated forms of education help us reconsider the imaginaries of what is possible? Specifically, we explore the ways in which activist has evolved into a form of education, particularly through its engagement in non-formal education.
Keywords: ecopedagogy, activism, non-formal education, critical consciousness, climate change

22nd December, 2024 (Forthcoming Publication). Presented a Paper entitled “The Criticality of Thresholds: Nisargaśṛṅgāra as a Libertarian Praxis” under Research Committee/RC-11 “Sociology of Environment” on the Occasion of the 49th All India Sociological Conference (AISC) in association with the BML Munjal University, Gurugram, Haryana (Delhi-NCR).

La Crosse and now teaches courses in environmental philosophy and environmental studies at the University of Toronto. He is General Editor of the book series New Studies in Phenomenology and Hermeneutics for The University of Toronto Press, where his book Heidegger's Possibility: Language, Emergence-Saying Being will be published in April 2008. He has edited two volumes on Heidegger and Heraclitus and has translated three books by (and one about) Heidegger, including Heidegger's major work Contributions to Philosophy (From Enowning). Kenneth Maly is founding co-editor of the international journal Heidegger Studies. He is founding co-editor of the journal Environmental Philosophy. He is the recipient of the 2005 University of Wisconsin Regents Teaching Excellence Award. What we experience in powder is the original human self, which lies deeply inside each of us, still undamaged in spite of what our present culture tries to do to us. Deep Powder Snow, p. 94

Fascism emerges at times of crisis and debilitative change - most notably after the First World War and during the great depression of the 1930s. Contemporary environmental theory appears to almost predict the type of cataclysmic breakdown in which fascism historically thrived - the view of a ticking clock moving inexorablv towards a point of ecological no return is pivotal to the arguments of Greta Thunberg or Roger Hallam, to take just two environmental voices.

What happens at that point of no return?

OUR TREATMENT OF ANIMALS is not simply cruel and inhumane: it reflects a deeply destructive culture in which animals are bred—and genetically engineered—into units of economic and social convenience. In the process, we destroy our own animal spirit, producing a creatureless mechanical society. To create meaningful change we must see animals and nature as our equals, rather than as ingredients for industrial “progress.”

The cultural memory of cattle worship can be traced from the dawn of Western civilization through the mythology and rituals of ancient Greece, Rome, and Scandinavia, among others, and on into European settlement of North America. Deeply rooted notions of masculinity, power and wealth, freedom and honor stem from this millennia-old "cow mythos" and pervade even contemporary American culture. Christopher Manes deconstructs the myth by positioning it in its historical setting.

Other Creations studies the pervasive effect of animal life on the human psyche, particularly with respect to religious history. Manes argues that human relationships with animals, both wild and domestic, form the matrix out of which "otherness" first presents itself to the human self. And in so doing, the human self is historically constructed through our encounters with the animal realm.

The chapter analyzes how right-wing populist (SPD, Trikolora) and far-right milieus (neo-Nazis, neo-Fascists) discuss the environment, global climate change, sustainability, and the Green Deal. Primary sources, namely online content produced by the movements themselves are used to uncover the difference between localist environmentalism at the national level and the refusal to acknowledge the global, transnational threats to sustainable living. This will be documented by an- alyzing their reactions to global climate change policies and the Green New Deal. The chapter also touches on the conspiracy narratives within the far-right in response to international sustainability initiatives, like the Green New Deal.

Título / Title / Titolo Relatos desquiciantes : los casos de de César Aira y de de china Miéville Crazy tales: the case of César Aira's and China Miéville's Storie folli: i casi di di César Aira ed , di China Miéville Récits à bascule Les cas de La villa de César Aira et Embassytown de China Miéville

Presented on 09.08.2024 at the Online International Conference on "Technology and Its Impact on Language, Society, Education and Climate Change", organized by Belda College, West Bengal. Now published in Bengal Journal of Social Science and Development as part of the Conference Proceedings. Vol. 3, Issue 4. E-ISSN: 2583-3413, pp. 157-183. The paper engages with the radical themes in environmental philosophy concerning techno-centric governance of nature’s corporeal by developing technical quick-fix solutions in short-term “project man” initiatives, i.e., a supplementing narrative that does not in itself address the underlying structurally violent ideological motivations. While apparently this phenomenon may seem to align with shallow environmental pragmatism in general, more specifically, it is part of Cornucopian ecology that poses the technological paradigm as the absolute sine qua non of the manufactured myth of energy crisis (Illich) to facilitate profiteering motives in the guise of market-driven green capitalism. In effect, the author proposes several empirical case-studies to forward the futility of a techno-oriented, solution-governed approach, instead of first addressing the crises in all their dimensions, which admittedly figure as something “more than climate change” (Haraway). The paper highlights the Gandhian emphasis on low-energy solutions and simple technologies instead of mega/hi-tech, which was reflected by Tagore through his opposition of mega-industrial projects of the ominous “Yantrarāja”. Instead of a scientistic puzzle-solving approach, the present author argues for a harmonious, holistic reconceptualization (not mere rearrangement or reordering) based on regenerative reciprocity of relationship between humans and nature, thereby advancing the Bigfoot metaphor as representing a point of rarity, while also heeding the nuanced aspects of the notion of sacred, authentic nature “outside” the apparent profanities of “civilizational” mission. In doing so, the paper addresses how this techno-orientation hampers human creative potential as expressed in language by endangering being itself and engendering binary-oppositional thinking. The abstracted lab-mutilation fed into technocracy’s functioning via an engineered logic of necessity is explicated as a self-destructive grand-narrative that is defeated by a Luddite proposal consisting of a revised “back-to-the-land approach”, simultaneously critiquing Rousseau’s lapsarian “back-to-nature” stance, whilst also not wholly resorting to the Zizekian “nature does not exist” formulation.
VIEW THE PPT HERE: https://www.academia.edu/122668445/Technological_Quick_Fixes_the_Crises_of_Cornucopian_Ecology_Powerpoint_Presentation_

The paper reexamines the work of Jakob Böhme (1575-1624) through the lens of environmental ethics. Specifically, it delves into the concept of dwelling (wohnen) as articulated in Six Theosophic Points (1620), The Six Mystical Points (1620), and On the Early and Heavenly Mystery (1620). To illuminate the significance of this concept for environmental ethics, the paper will juxtapose it with Martin Heidegger's idea of dwelling. This comparative approach not only sheds light on the environmental-ethical implications, but also allows for a broader exploration of methodological considerations inherent in such a scholarly endeavor. The paper raises questions about the potential constraints in reinterpreting the intellectual legacy of past thinkers, that is, their identity over the course of the history of philosophy.

ÍNDICE

Julia Ramírez-Blanco: Introducción

Stephen Duncombe: Prefacio. Utopía: contenido y forma

Juan Pro: Una utopía romántica en el Cádiz del siglo xix: las fourieristas en su pensil

Julia Ramírez-Blanco: La vuelta al campo como tradición

Laia Manonelles Moner: Bishan Commune Project: utopías concretas de reconstrucción rural

Jay Jordan e Isabelle Fremeaux: Somos «Naturaleza» defendiéndose. La magia cotidiana de entrelazar arte, activismo y zonas autónomas

Inés Macpherson: Abrir la mirada

Alex Zamalin: Utopía negra: política y cultura

Daniele Porretta: New Space, una utopía capitalista

Sociology operates with an impoverished understanding of conservatism and the natural environment. The discipline's focus on antiregulatory and antiscience dimensions of conservative politics can obscure a more comprehensive, historically deep, and theoretically rich understanding of conservatism's connection to nature. We review and integrate sociological research with a large multidisciplinary global literature on conservative and far right environmental thought. Our analysis shows an intellectual tradition built around three commitments concerning the moral order of nature and society: naturalism, organicism, and pastoralism. Rather than being antiscientific, these traditions have drawn heavily on natural science for their authority. After tracing their history, we consider several contemporary manifestations, sometimes in ways that are counterintuitive to sociology's dominant understanding of conservatism. Conservative thought, including its far right edges, maintains a firm hold on global politics while climate change transforms the planet. To better understand these dynamics, sociology must continue to integrate work from other socioenvironmental fields. This review begins to correct this neglect and charts a path for future research at this increasingly impactful intersection.

"We explore the scenic and recreational potentials for "treating" urban
streams with the addition of woody debris in order to contribute to aquatic
habitat. We also indulge in semantic games and ask why the debris must
be woody in order to contribute. This leads to a provocative discussion
about wooden pallets, shopping carts, and automobile tires. Perhaps de-
bris removal in urban waterways disrupts and diminishes aquatic habitat,
yet results in an aesthetic pleasure that helps make our ethical dissatasfac-
tion with polluted rivers and streams more palatable. If so, the social
construction of scenic urban waterways is just an aesthetic movement
driven by a political desire for utopia."




https://www.academia.edu/11632121/Elaboration_on_the_Nature_of_Woody_Debris_An_Ethical_Snag_in_the_Aesthetic_Justification_for_Organized_River_Cleanup

https://doi.org/10.1353/pcg.1999.0013

Rapidly developing and complex climate change impacts have profound implications for coastal communities, demanding adaptation actions for both social and ecological systems. Along the coast of British Columbia, Canada, Indigenous peoples developed a tightly coupled social-ecological system that was interrupted by the arrival of settler colonialism in the 1800s. Although both climate change adaptation and the impacts of colonization have been well studied, little research has examined how these themes interact, and the conditions that may support or prevent people's ability to adapt to the social-ecological changes that emerge. Through a collaborative partnership with four First Nations and their umbrella organization for technical support, we examined people's perceptions of social and ecological aspects of adaptation to climate change. Using semistructured interviews (n = 50), four key strategies emerged as critical for climate change adaptation: (1) strengthening Indigenous governance autonomy and authority, (2) promoting knowledge sharing for adaptation practices within and among communities, (3) promoting adaptive comanagement among governance scales, and (4) developing learning platforms for climate impacts and adaptive strategies. Actions typically proposed by non-Indigenous government, including marine protected areas and ecosystem-based management were not prioritized. We found diverse attitudes toward climate change impacts, indicating that people's perceptions of adaptation strategies are strongly influenced by exposure to observable impacts, the social-ecological context in which they live, and perceptions of governance and self-determination. Our study suggests that supporting Indigenous peoples' ability to adapt to climate change will require transforming the current governance model into one that acknowledges Indigenous social, cultural, and food needs and how these relate to marine resources and territorial management rights.

The forests of British Columbia have been managed for thousands of years to provide a range of products and services. For the Nuxalk people of Bella Coola, BC, their forests were used to build homes and canoes, act as a transportation system (grease trails), and provide material for clothing, fuel and cultural/artistic needs. These forests also provide a host of plants used for nourishment and medicine. The lives of First Nations people have been dramatically altered with the arrival of Western cultures; from a First Nations perspective, these traditional goods and services have been eroded. Today they seek to restore and protect the forests that provide these goods and services while at the same time recognizing the needs of a modern life, which include improved housing, energy that is environmentally friendly and the development of new products and services to sustain their economy. Eight research projects aimed at helping the Nuxalk people accomplish these goals are briefly descr...

Over the past few decades, there has been consistent concern expressed by scholars and diverse intellectuals concerning the perverse alteration of the global climate system which is being attributed to reckless human activities. Specifically, the excessive release of carbon into the atmosphere which is the direct consequence of the utilisation of fossil fuels, which has surpassed the Earth's capacity to effectively manage the rise in temperature. To mitigate this situation, the Paris agreement has seen Nations make commitments towards net zero carbon emissions. The suggested target for the reduction of carbon emission in the world has been described as 'Net Zero.' The Net Zero global project is aimed at encouraging nations to devise alternative measures for remediation of the environmental impacts of carbon emission with the expectation of reaching the zero target. The overall goal of the Net Zero global target is to limit the temperature increase to 1.5°C which is slightly above the preindustrial levels. Nigeria has not only committed to this but has made legislative efforts towards climate change. It is against the backdrop of the new regulatory efforts by Nigeria that, this article undertook an evaluation of the strengths and weaknesses in Nigeria's legal regime, with focus on the Climate Change Act. The article suggests that there is a missing gap in the legislation to such extent that there are no workable strategies to propel the provisions of the law by which the Net Zero target of 1.5°C can be achieved.

Theodore Kaczynski, better known as the Unabomber, is one of America's most infamous domestic terrorists. His 1995 Manifesto, 'Industrial Society and Its Future', is well known and influential among radicals of many stripes, yet surprisingly little has been written about it. This article uncovers the origins of Kaczynski's ideas and examines his influence on contemporary anti-tech radicalism. Using newly discovered archival material, I reveal the sources that Kaczynski deliberately concealed in the 1995 Washington Post version of his Manifesto. My excavation of his sources shows that his ideology is more novel than the common 'eco-terrorist', 'green anarchist', and 'neo-Luddite' labels suggest. His Manifesto is a synthesis of ideas from three well known academics: French philosopher Jacques Ellul, British zoologist Desmond Morris, and American psychologist Martin Seligman. Further, I show that it is necessary to understand Kaczynski's distinct combination of ideas in order to understand the anti-tech radical groups that he has inspired, such as the Mexican terrorist group Individualidades Tendiendo a lo Salvaje (ITS). The ideological novelty of anti-tech radicalism has been overlooked because, like Kaczynski himself, it has been mistaken for radical environmentalism or green anarchism.

Black astutely notes: "First Nations participation in anthropological and museum projects has been, and continues to be, strategic. It is designed to further community development, self-governance, and political agendas" ("Collaborations," 794).

Tulisan ini bertujuan untuk membahas tentang pergerakan kelompok The Red Brigades dalam melakukan aksi terornya di Italia periode tahun 1968-2004. Banyak kelompok sayap kiri yang muncul karena adanya krisis ekonomi yang terjadi pada saat itu dan anggapan bahwa pemerintah Italia yang cenderung condong ke Amerika Serikat yang terkenal sebagai negara kapitalis. Red Brigades adalah salah satu dari sekian banyak kelompok sayap kiri yang muncul karena adanya krisis ekonomi dan juga kesenjangan sosial. Dengan berjalannya waktu, tujuan utama Red Brigades yang awalnya memfokuskan kepada kesejahteraan masyarakat menengah ke bawah lama kelamaan menjadi ambigu. Para pemimpin Red Brigades menjadikan kesempatan ini untuk menghancurkan pemerintahan dan menjadikan Italia sebagai negara yang menganut paham komunisme. Tulisan ini menjelaskan bagaimana awal kemunculan kelompok teroris Red Brigades mampu menggoyahkan pemerintah Italia sampai akhirnya mereka memutuskan untuk bubar. Penulis menggunakan t...

I wrote the following remections in the hope they will encourage further research and debate about the phenomena I explored in Dark Green Religion: Nature Spiritualty and the Planetary Future. These remections are adapted from the ‘Vorwort zur deutschen Neuausgabe: Dunkelgrüne Religion—Zehn Jahre danach’, with which I introduced the German edition.

In 2013, international news headlines started referencing Georgian Tarkhan Batirashvili, or Omar al-Shishani, as a rising star among foreign fighters in the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS). At the time, it was puzzling why a Georgian Kist would fight for ISIS. However, following al-Shishani, around 200 other residents of Georgia's Pankisi Gorge travelled to Syria and Iraq. The trend raised numerous questions about radicalization in this country with very limited experience with terrorism. This article examines why so many Pankisi Kists departed for Syria and Iraq. Specifically, we analyse the impact of the neighbouring insurgencies in the North Caucasus and examine how the Chechen conflicts shaped the emergence of radicalism in Georgia's Pankisi Gorge. The article traces how the movement of individuals, equipment and ideas to and from Chechnya impacted the Muslim identity of the local population in Pankisi.

In 2013, international news headlines started referencing Georgian Tarkhan Batirashvili, or Omar al-Shishani, as a rising star among foreign fighters in the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS). At the time, it was puzzling why a Georgian Kist would fight for ISIS. However, following al-Shishani, around 200 other residents of Georgia's Pankisi Gorge travelled to Syria and Iraq. The trend raised numerous questions about radicalization in this country with very limited experience with terrorism. This article examines why so many Pankisi Kists departed for Syria and Iraq. Specifically, we analyse the impact of the neighbouring insurgencies in the North Caucasus and examine how the Chechen conflicts shaped the emergence of radicalism in Georgia's Pankisi Gorge. The article traces how the movement of individuals, equipment and ideas to and from Chechnya impacted the Muslim identity of the local population in Pankisi.

Grateful acknowledgment is made to the following authors and publishers: Tim Caro et al. 's "Conservation in the Anthropocene" appeared originally, in a slightly different form, in Conservation Biology and is reprinted with permission. Paul Kingsnorth's "Rise of the Neo-greens" is adapted from a longer work that appeared originally in Orion and is used by permission of the author. An earlier, shorter iteration of "The 'New Conservation'" by Michael Soulé appeared in Conservation Biology; the version that appears herein is use by permission of the author. Roderick Nash's "Wild World" appeared first in New Scientist and is reprinted by permission of the author. "The Myth of the Humanized Pre-Columbian Landscape" is adapted from Dave Foreman's book True Wilderness and is used by permission of the author. "An Open Letter to Major John Wesley Powell" by Terry Tempest Williams appeared originally, in a slightly different version, in The Progressive, and is reprinted by permission of the author. Book design by Kevin Cross Printed in Canada on recycled paper (100% post-consumer waste) certified by the Forest Stewardship Council For Michael Souléscientist, conservationist, lover of the wild.

The 17 th century philosopher Spinoza is known for his concept of God as One Substance, God or Nature and therefore considered as a monist and categorized as a naturalist. He has been labeled an atheist and God-intoxicated man, as well as a determinist and pantheist, which I perceive to be dichotomies. The problem, as I see it, is that Spinoza's philosophy and concept of God has mainly been interpreted through a dualistic mind-set, traditional to philosophers and theologians of the West, but Spinoza has a monistic worldview, and this has consequences in regards to the comprehension of what Spinoza's concept of God entails and what a relationship "with" God implies. The labels panentheist and necessitarianist are discussed and the label of theologian argued. The thesis methodology is constructive because the purpose is to provide a theoretical foundation that has the potential to be applied in dialogues about God between the vast varieties of believers and non-believers alike, as well as across boundaries of contradicting worldviews and academic disciplines, and this focus on functionalism is inspired by a theory that calls for the furthering of inter-disciplinary dialogue between the subject areas philosophy of religion and theology specifically. My personal worldview is that there might well be One Substance, God or Nature, but that does not necessarily mean that there is one truth that is valid, but rather that all truth claims may be of value. The thesis therefore provides yet another lens through which one can view and relate to the attitude of there being an "Other" or "others.

For decades, mainstream global discourse has coded the environment as a left-wing issue. And yet, in recent years, scholars have begun to notice the still marginal and yet rapidly expanding social phenomenon of far-right environmentalism and ecology (Lubarda, 2020; Taylor, 2019). Forchtner's (2019) edited volume, The Far Right and the Environment, featured essays from scholars throughout Europe and the United States focused on describing this emerging socio-political fusion within wide-ranging national and cultural contexts. This line of scholarship raged on with last year's special edition of the journal Environmental History (Brain, 2022) which expanded the analysis of far-right ecology into South Asia (D'Souza, 2022), South America (Sedrez, 2022), and the Middle East (İnal, 2022), while another special edition of the journal Terrorism and Political Violence (Silke and Morrison, 2022) featured wide-ranging analyses connecting climate change, social movements, and political violence. It is against this backdrop of scholarly anxiety about far-right ecology that we must situate historian Peter Staudenmaier's (2022) Ecology Contested, which, despite its brevity, functions as an enormous historical bibliography to remind us of his central point and thesis: 'the profound political ambivalence of ecology'. Staudenmaier has been focused on the centrality of the environment to the far-right for decades (Biehl and Staudenmaier, 1995; Staudenmaier, 2013). And yet, in contrast to much of his previous work, Ecology Contested functions as a much more effective reminder to sociologists of the 'political ambivalence of ecology', and to approach nature, ecology, and the environment as both central and yet flexible elements in the makeup of any community ideology. The collection is broken into four lengthy essays: 'The Politics of Nature from Left to Right' (pp. 19-45), 'A Revolution Against Technology' (pp. 46-116), 'Ambiguities of Animal Rights' (pp. 121-148), and 'Blood and Soil Revived?' (pp. 149-194). There is also a very brief essay in the middle of the collection called 'Disney Ecology' (pp. 117-120) which analyzes the movie Bambi from an ecocritical perspective and does not really seem to fit with the rest of the collection. The first essay, 'The Politics of Nature from Left to Right: Radicals, Reactionaries, and Ecological Responses to Modernity' begins with a reflection on the political trajectory of famous German biodynamic farmer Baldur Springmann from Nazism (1920s-40s) to Green Party anti-nuclear activist (1950s-70s) and back to far-right neo-Nazism (1980s). Staudenmaier then uses the case of Springmann to illustrate how, when 'refracted through categories of class, race, gender, nation, and religion.. . the politics of nature offers a way for individuals and communities alike to navigate the precarious terrain of modern life and search for alternatives' (p. 23).

Globally, over 150 billion cubic metres of associated gas are being flared and vented annually. Africa flares 40 billion cubic metres annually in which 35 billion cubic metres are flared in sub-Saharan Africa. In Nigeria alone, gas flaring amounts to about 23 billion cubic metres per annum in over 100 flare sites, constituting over 13 percent of global gas flaring. This translates to greenhouse gas emission of 45 million tons of CO2 out of the global total of 400 million tons annually. Nigeria partners with the GGFR, a World Bank led public-private partnership that includes major oil and gas producing countries and companies. The GGFR was established to facilitate and support national efforts to utilize currently flared gas by promoting effective regulatory framework and tackling the constraints on gas utilization. The study essentially adopts qualitative method that relies on secondary data and applies radical environmentalism a combination of Marxism, rentierism and environmentalism as theoretical framework of analysis. The paper focuses primarily on the role of Nigeria in the GGFR vis a vis other partners; and thus, concludes that oil dependence of GGFR partners undermines the enforcement of associated gas flaring and venting reduction and elimination policy in Nigeria.

This study looked at the contributions of oil export earnings and non oil export earnings independently to the totality of exports for Nigeria from 2007 to 2016.Nigeria economy being mostly dependent on oil export earnings stand a great risk of being vulnerable to price shocks and foreign exchange volatility. To understand why the problem persists we set out to find out the direction and magnitude of dependence of the economy on earnings from petroleum products and non-petroleum products for Nigeria for the tem-year period. The review of past work in related area was looked at as well. The data collected was from OPEC statistical bulletin from 2007 to 2016. To test the hypotheses, we adopted the linear regression model in line with existing studies in this area of finance, for instance, the works of Arumugam (1997), Berument and Kiymaz (2001) and Rahman (2009), Guha Deb and Mukherjee (2008), regression is a statistical technique used in measuring the impact of one or more variables (otherwise known as independent variables or regressors) on another variable (the dependent variable or the regressand). To perfect robustness of the research methods the statistical package used employed is the SPSS (version 16.0). The data collected was secondary data consisting of the gross export earnings, oil export earnings and non-oil earnings. The R2 for the first hypothesis showed 93.5% of the variations in the total export can be explained by the changes in the oil export earnings unlike the R2 of the second hypothesis which could only be explained with 12.4%. The condition Index also indicates that the factor 2 has a higher value (6.063) than factor 1 (1.000) which indicates a near linear dependence of the gross exports on oil exports. The residual statistical distribution in table 4.7 reveals that there is no significant difference in value between the standard predicted value and the standard residuals this suggests that conditions for normality has been met since the residuals closely follow the conditions for a true normal distribution. The variance inflation factor and tolerance level for both hypothesis was 1 which means that that the incidence of collinearity or multicollinearity is very low, an indicator of the model's strength. So it is not significant enough to affect the reliability of the methodology in use and shouldn't invalidate the results obtained. Nigeria's economy depends mainly on oil revenue, the non-oil sectors have been left largely untapped. The petroleum refineries have been operating far below their previous capacity as Nigeria has been importing refined petroleum for many years now. This has exacerbated imbalances in the economy. The failure to diversify the economy is strongly evident in years of not investing oil revenues in multi-sector economic growth rather the funds have been used to lavish on unsustainable import reliance, poorly sustained policies and corruption. The banking and foreign exchange reserves to the capital market and the mortgage sector are very vulnerable the intrigues of oil price volatility in the Nigerian economy. The government should pay more attention to diversifying away from oil to other viable sectors including the agricultural sector. In addition to the potential food sufficiency this can lead to economic prosperity. Given the size of the agricultural value chains in production, inputs and mechanization, processing, marketing and finance, research and development. The jobs and wealth creation expected from this development would lead to sustainable economic growth. Macroeconomic stability and supportive regulatory and institutional frameworks are key prerequisites for economic diversification by insulating the economy from the impact of oil price volatility is necessary to lay a sound foundation for economic diversification. It requires sound fiscal policy and framework, effective liquidity management and prudent monetary policy, supportive financial sector policies and a fairly valued exchange rate.

Tulisan ini bertujuan untuk membahas tentang pergerakan kelompok The Red Brigades dalam melakukan aksi terornya di Italia periode tahun 1968-2004. Banyak kelompok sayap kiri yang muncul karena adanya krisis ekonomi yang terjadi pada saat itu dan anggapan bahwa pemerintah Italia yang cenderung condong ke Amerika Serikat yang terkenal sebagai negara kapitalis. Red Brigades adalah salah satu dari sekian banyak kelompok sayap kiri yang muncul karena adanya krisis ekonomi dan juga kesenjangan sosial. Dengan berjalannya waktu, tujuan utama Red Brigades yang awalnya memfokuskan kepada kesejahteraan masyarakat menengah ke bawah lama kelamaan menjadi ambigu. Para pemimpin Red Brigades menjadikan kesempatan ini untuk menghancurkan pemerintahan dan menjadikan Italia sebagai negara yang menganut paham komunisme. Tulisan ini menjelaskan bagaimana awal kemunculan kelompok teroris Red Brigades mampu menggoyahkan pemerintah Italia sampai akhirnya mereka memutuskan untuk bubar. Penulis menggunakan t...

Tulisan ini bertujuan untuk membahas tentang pergerakan kelompok The Red Brigades dalam melakukan aksi terornya di Italia periode tahun 1968-2004. Banyak kelompok sayap kiri yang muncul karena adanya krisis ekonomi yang terjadi pada saat itu dan anggapan bahwa pemerintah Italia yang cenderung condong ke Amerika Serikat yang terkenal sebagai negara kapitalis. Red Brigades adalah salah satu dari sekian banyak kelompok sayap kiri yang muncul karena adanya krisis ekonomi dan juga kesenjangan sosial. Dengan berjalannya waktu, tujuan utama Red Brigades yang awalnya memfokuskan kepada kesejahteraan masyarakat menengah ke bawah lama kelamaan menjadi ambigu. Para pemimpin Red Brigades menjadikan kesempatan ini untuk menghancurkan pemerintahan dan menjadikan Italia sebagai negara yang menganut paham komunisme. Tulisan ini menjelaskan bagaimana awal kemunculan kelompok teroris Red Brigades mampu menggoyahkan pemerintah Italia sampai akhirnya mereka memutuskan untuk bubar. Penulis menggunakan t...