Race And Abolition

Purpose: Although California school discipline policy changes over the past decade have resulted in significant drops in suspension rates, scholars have found that racial disproportionality in punitive discipline persists for Black, Indigenous, and at times Latinx students. This study utilizes racial capitalism as an analytical framework to examine the mechanisms and justifications for racially disproportionate discipline across three distinct California political economies. Research Methods/Approach: Drawing on a subset of qualitative comparative case study data of five schools taken from a larger 5-year study of 31 schools in 17 California districts with distinct racial and economic composition, we investigate

Embodied pedagogies have long demonstrated their affordances for conceptual learning. However, designing body-inclusive learning experiences that are sensitive to and appropriate for the wide spectrum of bodily experiences, presentations, abilities, and histories represented in any given learning environment continues to be a challenge as educators navigate the highly politicized and nuanced dimensions of learners' identities and bodies. This entry critically examines how theories of bodily-relational autonomy, social models of disability, and critical intersectionality might illuminate the invisible, power-laden mechanisms through which bodies are coerced, erased, and dehumanized. It also discusses the urgency for embodiment educators, researchers, and designers alike to envision more 'just,' body-inclusive educational experiences for historically and institutionally marginalized youth. Educational philosophers have attended to the body both as an object of social inscription and as a subject with the potential for action, framing embodied action as a vehicle for conveying and recognizing internal states within the external world (O'Loughlin 1998). Understandably, for embodiment researchers, much of the focus has been on how cognition is externalized using the body, with phenomenologists even situating all action-and by extension, all learning-as fundamentally embodied . For the purposes of this entry, the term 'embodied pedagogies' shall more narrowly refer to those educational contexts where bodily movement and gesture are intentionally integrated into instruction. Within embodied learning work, socio-affective dimensions of experience have often fallen into the background in lieu of conceptualizations of the body as a 'terrain' on which we 'work,' under the scrutiny of others, to attain some standard of desirability . Sociocultural learning theorists have oriented themselves toward the embodied and socio-affective nature of participation and identity development in social practices ). Yet, the fluid and intangible nature of affect in lived experiences contradicts the academic impulse to rationalize and operationalize . Attending to embodied action as a representation of internal affective states can illuminate not only the joyful generation of knowledge in context but also how embodied activity may mediate unwelcome, uncomfortable, and dehumanizing interactions. Manifestations of Vulnerability in Embodied Learning Activities Evidence of the body's value for disciplinary learning are plentiful, particularly for STEM learning and via technology-facilitated embodied learning environments (Danish and Enyedy 2020; . Embodiment has especially gained popularity with sociocultural and situative learning researchers, who argue that the body is not only inseparable from internal cognitive processes but also serves as the vehicle that the mind uses to interact with the social, cultural, and physical world (Danish and Enyedy 2020;

This study examines the design, implementation, and iterative refinement of a technology-facilitated embodied learning environment within Camp Expression, a reverse-inclusion summer camp for elementary-aged children with moderate-to-severe disabilities impacting communication. Drawing on sociocultural and critical disability perspectives, we identify how a series of embodied activity designs posed key barriers to campers' participation, including challenges related to abstraction between virtual and physical spaces, supporting campers' navigation of control, routine, and choice, and difficulties in fostering peer collaboration. Utilizing participatory co-design methodologies and insights from paraprofessional expertise, we rapidly and iteratively re-mediated our activity designs to serve the camp mission of fostering creative expression and opportunities for prosocial inter-camper interactions. Findings highlight how iterative co-design practices enabled rapid-iterative changes to the technology, environment, and facilitation of these activities to reduce disabling barriers to participation, be responsive to campers' needs and desires, and ultimately cultivate opportunities for more meaningful and rich expression and interaction. This work contributes to the learning sciences by demonstrating how designers of technology-facilitated embodied learning environments might center critiques and alterations around that which can (and should) be changed - the design without coming at the cost of learner dignity.

Many disabled artists have used imagery or literal examples of medical or medical-adjacent technology in their works, invoking and evoking a range of significations, connotations, and effects. In turn, the antiseptic anti-aesthetic of the hospital, as well as other hygienic spaces of short- or long-term incarceration, has resonated in various ways with the equally blank and institutional but highly aestheticized space of the modern and/or contemporary gallery or museum. In implicitly or explicitly linking the hospital and the gallery, work by disabled artists participates in the tradition of institutional critique in a manner that has meaningful but underexplored connotations that touch on ideas of embodiment, display, imperfection, and control. Disabled artists, in a range of ways, undertake a penetrating critique of operations by which disability is both hidden and ubiquitous in the visual landscape, physical infastructure, and ideological sensibilities of industrialized modernity.

Increasingly, since the early years of the twenty-first century, some have questioned the relevance of historians’ ‘fetishization of mobility’ in an era of closing borders. This has led to greater attention being placed on systems of ‘regulation and intervention’ that shape global migration. Shifting away from the narratives centred on movement and fluidity, we argue that immobility is not a mere lack of movement: it is about the power relations and barriers that enforce, experience, and resist stillness. By delving into the archives of Past and Present, we aim to construct a conversation around the processes of enforcing, experiencing, and challenging immobility. We have found that immobility shapes the experiences of both the historical actors found in the journal and the historians and scholars who write these histories. This issue explores immobility through three interconnected sections: ‘Spaces’ examines the physical and metaphorical places where movement is arrested, revealing the lived experiences within these confines and the technologies that facilitate and enforce stillness; ‘Shadows’ delves into the legal and administrative categorizations that produce and sustain immobility, focusing on the policies and ideologies that mark certain bodies as immobile; finally, ‘Aftermath’ reflects on the consequences of enforced immobility, exploring how displaced and immobilized individuals navigate and shape their identities and communities in the wake of restrictions.

Report on Major Subjects Discussed, Voted and Approved Discussed need to maintain environment for candid exchange of ideas. The presence of members of the press would inhibit discussion on sensitive issues. It was understood that the press will be kept informed on a timely basis of decisions reached by the Executive Committee. It was agreed that the restriction applies to all members of the press. Marchers will be asked to assemble at 11:00 a.m. at the Arizona Veterans Memorial Coliseum parking area within the State Fairgrounds.

In this Voices: Reflective Accounts of Education essay, Annalisa Butticci and Colie Levar Long reflect on the Afro cen tric and sen sory ped a gogy and positionalities that helped incar cer ated stu dents and their teacher cre ate a vir tual learn ing com mu nity within one postpandemic prison higher edu ca tion pro gram. Through an eth no graphic study of the online class and autoethnography of their expe ri ences using music as an essen tial part of the course, they pro vide valu able insights into teach ing and learn ing dur ing very chal leng ing cir cum stances and while under emo tional duress.

This article unearths two cases of Afrodescendant literary criticism in late nineteenth- and early twentieth-century Latin America. Afrodescendant writers Martín Morúa Delgado (Cuba, 1856-1910) and Hemetério José dos Santos (Brazil, 1858-1939) critiqued the works of the influential white Cuban Cirilo Villaverde and Afro-Brazilian Joaquim Maria Machado de Assis, respectively. In 1892, Morúa questioned the racial representations in Villaverde’s Cecilia Valdés (1882), challenging its status as an antislavery novel. Similarly, in 1910, Hemetério critiqued Machado for overlooking Brazil’s history of enslavement and omitting enslaved characters from his works. While Morúa’s critique is recognized by scholars of Villaverde, Hemetério’s critique of Machado remains fundamentally overlooked. This article argues that their critiques were not just mere reactions to specific works but strategic efforts to assert literary autonomy and influence national literatures. It examines the challenges these writers faced in the highly racialized post-abolition context, particularly the weight of the “informant” role, and how they navigated this while asserting their autonomy. By focusing on Morúa’s observations on aesthetics and Hemetério’s on history, the article challenges the prevalent critical tendency in contemporary Afro-Latin American studies to privilege historical readings, arguing that for these writers, both form and content were important.

The local Memphis newspaper, The Memphis Flyer, headlined its December, 12, 2019, cover edition with "Dream Denied: Corporations Buying Up Memphis Homes, Destabilizing Neighborhoods" (Sells 2019). The piece builds off a 2018 feature in the Washington Post, which described Memphis as exceptionally at risk for predatory housing development (Frankel and Keating 2018). Both of these articles describe the real estate development landscape after the 2008 recession, which has been dominated by national housing corporations buying up swaths of homes in low-income and minority neighborhoods. This has resulted in denying individuals in these communities access to home ownership, often leading to homelessness, disinvestment, and blight. Although critiques of predatory lending and the social injustices that result from such practices are discussed in many anthropology classrooms, the question remains as to how anthropologists can effectively engage with these real-world problems. It is precisely that question that students, faculty, and practitioners in the Department of Anthropology at the University of Memphis have addressed throughout the program's history. We describe an example of how practicing and academic anthropologists, major nonprofits, local government, and the Memphis Public Libraries mobilized to counter powerful outside interests. We believe this to be an exemplar of The Memphis Model, or the type of praxisoriented, critically engaged anthropology developed and used by the Department of Anthropology at the University of Memphis. Memphis is known for its "Grit and Grind," a phrase associated locally and nationally with the city's NBA franchise, The Grizzlies. The origin myth is associated with a 2011 game when Tony Allen replaced starting forward Rudy Gay in a match against Oklahoma City Thunder. Gay elected to sit out to rest an injured toe and Tony Allen responded by playing one of the best games of his career, sending the Grizzles onto the road and eventually all the way to the finals. In his postgame interview when asked about his impressive showing, Allen shared how he did it: "It's just all heart. Grit and Grind.

The series of high-profile Black deaths in the United States between 2012– 2022 (e.g., Trayvon Martin, Michael Brown, Breonna Taylor) mark an impor- tant turning point in studies of Black life in education. The increasing use of anti-Blackness theorizing coupled with the introduction of Black critical theory (BlackCrit) to the field of education has inspired new research inves- tigations aiming to understand anti-Black racial harm more precisely. Growing interest in such study leads us to wonder how education researchers envision Black life in their work, and more specifically, the subject of Blackness and its relationship to notions of humanity. As scholars whose research demonstrates a disciplined intellectual commitment to Black humanity, we observe that a uniform scholarly conception of human- ity!Blackness remains elusive. In this systematic review of 226 peer- reviewed articles, we seek to better understand (a) how education researchers conceptualize Black humanity in articles published during a period of intense social change and political upheaval in the United States (i.e., 2012–2022); (b) what specific claims they make about Black life as a result; and (c) what long-term implications emerge as a result of this knowledge production. Ultimately, this paper offers insight for sharpening the theoretical and inter- pretive heft of education research that probes the substance of Black people’s lived education realities, the knowledge from which is desperately needed to imagine, design, and steward education futures that all America’s children need to thrive.

Zine distributed as part of the 15th annual Association for the Study of Arts in the Present to accompany the work-in-progress paper, "Serving an Eviction Notice to the United States: Meesha Goldberg’s EMPIRE IS OVER and the Neoliberal Fragility of #StopAsianHate." Performance photos by Kristen Finn.

On May 29, 2020, in the Brooklyn borough of New York, a demonstrator who was arrested waits in the back of a bus during a protest against the death of George Floyd, a black man who was killed while being restrained by a Minneapolis police o cer on Memorial Day that year. (AP/Frank Franklin II)

Considerable research has documented student resistance to efforts at diversity and equity in college curricula. Scholars have also focused on negative attitudes among K-12 teacher candidates toward anti-racist and culturally informed approaches within education, as well as on the instrumental and teacher-centered approaches that typify special education teacher preparation. Through citing this research and drawing on my own experiences as a disabled art teacher education faculty instructor attempting to encourage a critical disability perspective, I make the argument that numerous factors contribute to an anti-critical attitude among teacher candidates preparing to work with students receiving special education services.

Le 18 novembre 1803, une bataille livrée par les insurgés de Saint-Domingue, fait reculer la plus puissante armée du temps de Hegel, et met fin à la tentative de Napoléon Bonaparte de rétablir l'esclavage sur l'Ile. Cela constitue, pour de nombreux commentateurs, une des prouesses les plus originales de l'histoire universelle, puisqu'il s'agissait d'une « réalisation spectaculaire des esclaves qui, en renversant l'ordre ancien des choses, parvenaient à s'organiser pour [….] se transformer en de vrais hommes, en État-nation lorsqu'on sait, que peu avant la veille du soulèvement, des milliers d'esclaves pouvaient trembler devant un seul blanc » (Claudy Delné, 2013 : 56). Ainsi nombreux sont les auteurs à reconnaitre que « la révolution haïtienne a renforcé les tendances aux insurrections et révoltes d'esclaves au XIXe siècle à travers la Caraïbe et les Amériques en général » ( Laënnec Hurbon, 2009 : 65-75). Un grand nombre d'études récentes sont unanimes à soutenir que la révolution haïtienne est un évènement marquant, comme la face qui « sans cesse revient hanter la modernité occidentale » malgré les tentatives de la marginaliser. C'est dans cette ordre d'idées que Tavares et Buck-Morss y voient la principale source historique de la fameuse « figure de la conscience » de Hegel, le creuset et « l'épreuve du feu pour les idéaux des Lumières françaises. Et tout Européen qui faisait partie du public des lecteurs bourgeois le savait » ( Susan Buck-Morss, 2009 : 44). Mais Hegel semble chercher, selon Matthieu Renault entre autres, à cacher et à dissimuler ces sources caraïbéennes abolitionnistes, « ne serait-ce que pour mieux annuler philosophiquement les effets potentiellement subversifs de cette réalité pour mieux la supprimer » ( Matthieu Renault, 2021 : 21-32 ).

Each year, approximately 700,000 people are released from prison. Prisoner reentry has emerged as an object of knowledge and intervention in profound new ways over the last decade. The immediate survival needs of people released from prison are vital issues for building the prison abolitionist movement. However, an uncritical acceptance of the seemingly benign notions of prisoner reentry circulating in mainstream criminology and corrections warrants caution. Prisoner reentry initiatives can be read as the latest installment in a long history of reformist reforms, which have expanded the punishment system and strengthened the legitimacy of the contemporary prison. The author argues that prisoner reentry must be grounded in a politics of abolition if it is to undermine the conditions of mass imprisonment's emergence. Keywords: prisoner reentry, prison abolition ********** IN "NOT LIGHT BUT FIRE: GENDER, VIOLENCE AND STRATEGIES FOR PRISON Abolition," Cassandra Shaylor wri...

Through a consideration of COVID-19, this article offers a series of provocations in thinking about racial biofutures. First, it suggests that looking backwards through a lens of recursivity only allows us to see the same anti-black futures mapped out again and again, the repeated production of predictable futures-always-already precarious. Second, along with many others, I argue that we know this story of recursivity and that naming these repetitions is analytically reductive and politically deficient: this is a recursive trap. Third, the article argues that sociology must instead address productions or remakings of life that are embedded within (but move out of) these recursive logics: it must prioritise and elevate those practices and voices that labour to actualise living alternative futurity now.

The Shakers, a small ecstatic religious group, found themselves at the center of controversy in the early nineteenth century when a number of apostates published accounts accusing the sect of all variety of malfeasance. This forced the Shakers to publish responses, and the resultant public battle had a number of interesting features. In this article I examine how these attacks mask a general national anxiety regarding religious identity. Anti-Shakers sought to vilify the group by employing captivity and conversion narratives to a nineteenth century audience weaned on such tales. However by manipulating established tropes, these antiShakers over-played their hand, and the Shakers proved remarkably adept at reversing the terms of the argument.

Le 18 novembre 1803, une bataille livrée par les insurgés de Saint-Domingue, fait reculer la plus puissante armée du temps de Hegel, et met fin à la tentative de Napoléon Bonaparte de rétablir l'esclavage sur l'Ile. Cela constitue, pour de nombreux commentateurs, une des prouesses les plus originales de l'histoire universelle, puisqu'il s'agissait d'une « réalisation spectaculaire des esclaves qui, en renversant l'ordre ancien des choses, parvenaient à s'organiser pour [….] se transformer en de vrais hommes, en État-nation lorsqu'on sait, que peu avant la veille du soulèvement, des milliers d'esclaves pouvaient trembler devant un seul blanc » (Claudy Delné, 2013 : 56). Ainsi nombreux sont les auteurs à reconnaitre que « la révolution haïtienne a renforcé les tendances aux insurrections et révoltes d'esclaves au XIXe siècle à travers la Caraïbe et les Amériques en général » (Laënnec Hurbon, 2009 : 65-75). Un grand nombre d'études récentes sont unanimes à soutenir que la révolution haïtienne est un évènement marquant, comme la face qui « sans cesse revient hanter la modernité occidentale » malgré les tentatives de la marginaliser. C'est dans cette ordre d'idées que Tavares et Buck-Morss y voient la principale source historique de la fameuse « figure de la conscience » de Hegel, le creuset et « l'épreuve du feu pour les idéaux des Lumières françaises. Et tout Européen qui faisait partie du public des lecteurs bourgeois le savait » (Susan Buck-Morss, 2009 : 44). Mais Hegel semble chercher, selon Matthieu Renault entre autres, à cacher et à dissimuler ces sources caribéennes abolitionnistes, « ne serait-ce que pour mieux annuler philosophiquement les effets potentiellement subversifs de cette réalité pour mieux la supprimer » (Matthieu Renault, 2021 : 21-32).

Dans le Schéma dialectique hégélien et l'Histoire universelle, y aurait-il quelque chose de l'Expérience révolutionnaire haïtienne à extirper de l'oubli ? Par Jean Gardy ESTIME Résumé Le mouvement des esclaves de Saint-Domingue constitue, affirme Morss, une expérience jamais vue par le passé. Il demeure, à bien des égards, l'épreuve de feu des idéaux des Lumières, et par conséquent, supplante la révolution française dans l'application même de ces derniers 1. Et Matthieu Renault n'en démord pas : « ''Que la liberté ne peut être accordée aux esclaves d'en haut'', ''que l'auto-libération de l'esclave est requise par une épreuve par la mort'', [tout] cela avait été montré dans l'acte de la révolution haïtienne 2 ». Les évènements révolutionnaires de Saint-Domingue ont eu, selon Buck-Morss par exemple, un impact non négligeable sur la dialectique hégélienne. On en retrouve également l'écho dans l'histoire occidentale des idées et dans l'histoire universelle en général, mise à part la contribution symbolique de cette révolution à la promotion des luttes abolitionnistes et antiracistes, notamment, les luttes d'indépendance de l'Amérique latine et des Caraïbes, celles de l'abolition de l'esclavage et du commerce des esclaves, etc. Notons d'ailleurs que Pierre Franklin Tavares (par exemple) considère le schéma dialectique hégélien comme fondé sur la réalité historique déjà offerte par les évènements de Saint-Domingue presqu'à la même époque de la rédaction de la Phénoménologie de l'Esprit de Hegel. Mais Hegel feint d'ignorer cette dimension cruciale de l'expérience révolutionnaire des esclaves de Saint-Domingue. Et c'est à dessein que Morss s'interroge sur cette tentative de bâillonnement de cette prouesse haïtienne, et notamment sur la coïncidence paradoxale des idéaux des Lumières jamais véritablement remises en cause. Alors, qu'est-ce qui fait que Hegel ne s'intéresse ni à la situation des esclaves de Saint-Domingue, ni à la révolution de ces esclaves, ni au succès de ce soulèvement contre leurs maîtres ? Pourquoi n'en tient-il pas compte même dans la conception de sa dialectique du maître et de l'esclave malgré son penchant affectif pour la révolution ? Si Hegel était contemporain de la révolution de Saint-Domingue, l'un des événements majeurs de la modernité, l'une des ruptures paradigmatique de l'ontologie des temps modernes par les esclaves, l'un des pôles opposés de la conception universelle de la liberté, prônée par les Lumières, comment at -il pu gommer dans ses considérations ce seul cas contemporain du renversement des rapports de force par les esclaves dont il se serait, d'ailleurs, inspiré ? se demande ironiquement Buck-Morss en déplorant avec Michel-Rolph Trouillot (Silencing the Past, 1995) le fait que la révolution haïtienne « entra dans l'histoire avec cette particularité qu'elle était impensable même lorsqu'elle se produisit 3 ».

Le 18 novembre 1803, une bataille livrée par les insurgés de Saint-Domingue, fait reculer la plus puissante armée du temps de Hegel, et met fin à la tentative de Napoléon Bonaparte de rétablir l'esclavage sur l'Ile. Cela constitue, pour de nombreux commentateurs, une des prouesses les plus originales de l'histoire universelle, puisqu'il s'agissait d'une « réalisation spectaculaire des esclaves qui, en renversant l'ordre ancien des choses, parvenaient à s'organiser pour [….] se transformer en de vrais hommes, en État-nation lorsqu'on sait, que peu avant la veille du soulèvement, des milliers d'esclaves pouvaient trembler devant un seul blanc » (Claudy Delné, 2013 : 56). Ainsi nombreux sont les auteurs à reconnaitre que « la révolution haïtienne a renforcé les tendances aux insurrections et révoltes d'esclaves au XIXe siècle à travers la Caraïbe et les Amériques en général » (Laënnec Hurbon, 2009 : 65-75). Un grand nombre d'études récentes sont unanimes à soutenir que la révolution haïtienne est un évènement marquant, comme la face qui « sans cesse revient hanter la modernité occidentale » malgré les tentatives de la marginaliser. C'est dans cette ordre d'idées que Tavares et Buck-Morss y voient la principale source historique de la fameuse « figure de la conscience » de Hegel, le creuset et « l'épreuve du feu pour les idéaux des Lumières françaises. Et tout Européen qui faisait partie du public des lecteurs bourgeois le savait » (Susan Buck-Morss, 2009 : 44). Mais Hegel semble chercher, selon Matthieu Renault entre autres, à cacher et à dissimuler ces sources caraïbéennes abolitionnistes, « ne serait-ce que pour mieux annuler philosophiquement les effets potentiellement subversifs de cette réalité pour mieux la supprimer » (Matthieu Renault, 2021 : 21-32).

Le 18 novembre 1803, une bataille livrée par les insurgés de Saint-Domingue, fait reculer la plus puissante armée du temps de Hegel, et met fin à la tentative de Napoléon Bonaparte de rétablir l'esclavage sur l'Ile. Cela constitue, pour de nombreux commentateurs, une des prouesses les plus originales de l'histoire universelle, puisqu'il s'agissait d'une « réalisation spectaculaire des esclaves qui, en renversant l'ordre ancien des choses, parvenaient à s'organiser pour [….] se transformer en de vrais hommes, en État-nation lorsqu'on sait, que peu avant la veille du soulèvement, des milliers d'esclaves pouvaient trembler devant un seul blanc » (Claudy Delné, 2013 : 56). Ainsi nombreux sont les auteurs à reconnaitre que « la révolution haïtienne a renforcé les tendances aux insurrections et révoltes d'esclaves au XIXe siècle à travers la Caraïbe et les Amériques en général » (Laënnec Hurbon, 2009 : 65-75). Un grand nombre d'études récentes sont unanimes à soutenir que la révolution haïtienne est un évènement marquant, comme la face qui « sans cesse revient hanter la modernité occidentale » malgré les tentatives de la marginaliser. C'est dans cette ordre d'idées que Tavares et Buck-Morss y voient la principale source historique de la fameuse « figure de la conscience » de Hegel, le creuset et « l'épreuve du feu pour les idéaux des Lumières françaises. Et tout Européen qui faisait partie du public des lecteurs bourgeois le savait » (Susan Buck-Morss, 2009 : 44). Mais Hegel semble chercher, selon Matthieu Renault entre autres, à cacher et à dissimuler ces sources caraïbéennes abolitionnistes, « ne serait-ce que pour mieux annuler philosophiquement les effets potentiellement subversifs de cette réalité pour mieux la supprimer » (Matthieu Renault, 2021 : 21-32).

This review exams the history of the abolition movement in the Midwest. The narrative is centered through the lens of Owen Lovejoy and additionally, it sheds light on the unique working relations between African Americans, women, and white abolitionists.

This essential resource explains the key points of the Common Core State Standards reading standards, aligns each standard with appropriate researchbased strategies, and then shows you how to use those strategies to teach your students. The authors delve into important topics such as assessment, implementation, and curriculum-as well as the implications of the Common Core for beginning readers and special student populations.

The intersecting coronavirus, racism, and economic pandemics electrified U.S. social work organizations into creating long overdue antiracism initiatives. This necessary shift includes the Council on Social Work Education specifying that curriculums must consist of frameworks and practices that eliminate racism. Social work educators will need to incorporate antiracism into their teaching. We argue that critical, engaged, and abolitionist pedagogies contain frameworks and practices that align with antiracism. One of our fundamental assumptions is that liberation, which is a collective state of freedom from racism and other intersecting structures of domination, is the end goal of antiracism. We integrate concepts developed by critical pedagogy scholars, Black feminists, and abolitionist activists with our experiences to share ten lessons we learned through decades of collective praxis as social justice educators committed to liberation.

While the re-establishment of slavery has become better known, the process by which this return was effected remains understudied. While scholars have examined the return of colour prejudice and the reactionary nature of civil law reforms, criminal justice has received little attention. Nevertheless, criminal tribunals, both exceptionally established and permanent, played an important role in the transition from a de jure regime of emancipation, in spite of de facto limits, to a renewal of the regime of enslavement. An examination of these court records reveals how long the government considered the colony needed jurisdictions of exception to deal with threats of rebellion; the variety of crimes that were considered ‘rebellious’; and the transition from a regime of exception based on the emergency of rebellion to one based on the particularity of the slave system.

This analysis interrogates Mumia Abu-Jamal's Live From Death Row to argue that unlike traditional personal narratives or memoirs, the diverse series of vignettes in Abu-Jamal's most famous publication provoke readers to grapple not solely with his lived experiences on death row or the lived experiences of his fellow inmates; they also call for readers to confront the damming moral, social, and economic impact of mass incarceration on society at large. His internal account of prison life, therefore, depicts the inmates of Pennsylvania's Huntingdon County prison not as moral aliens but as human beings and what early New England execution sermons describe as "common sinners." More specifically, Abu-Jamal's arguments linking the "free" with the condemned work on two basic levels. First and foremost, they illuminate the ways we all share a common history of racism by implicitly revealing the connections between slavery, Dred Scott, Plessey v. Ferguson, Jim Crow, the civil rights movement, McCleskey v. Kemp, and the ideological prejudices that still permeate and influence our legal, political, and social systems today. Thus, given Abu-Jamal's compassionate internal account of prison life; his analysis of the all-to-frequent harsh realities of our justice system; as well as his common-sense plea for reform, this analysis contends that Live From Death Row continues to speak with more contemporary works like Michelle Alexander's The New Jim Crow, Netflix's 13 th , Angela Y. Davis' Are Prisons Obsolete?, and Abolition Now!. Numbers have changed; policies have evolved; voices of opposition have heightened; yet the lockup continues, making Abu-Jamal's cry for reform and humanity as essential as ever.

This analysis interrogates Mumia Abu-Jamal's Live From Death Row to argue that unlike traditional personal narratives or memoirs, the diverse series of vignettes in Abu-Jamal's most famous publication provoke readers to grapple not solely with his lived experiences on death row or the lived experiences of his fellow inmates; they also call for readers to confront the damming moral, social, and economic impact of mass incarceration on society at large. His internal account of prison life, therefore, depicts the inmates of Pennsylvania's Huntingdon County prison not as moral aliens but as human beings and what early New England execution sermons describe as "common sinners." More specifically, Abu-Jamal's arguments linking the "free" with the condemned work on two basic levels. First and foremost, they illuminate the ways we all share a common history of racism by implicitly revealing the connections between slavery, Dred Scott, Plessey v. Ferguson, Jim Crow, the civil rights movement, McCleskey v. Kemp, and the ideological prejudices that still permeate and influence our legal, political, and social systems today. Thus, given Abu-Jamal's compassionate internal account of prison life; his analysis of the all-to-frequent harsh realities of our justice system; as well as his common-sense plea for reform, this analysis contends that Live From Death Row continues to speak with more contemporary works like Michelle Alexander's The New Jim Crow, Netflix's 13 th , Angela Y. Davis' Are Prisons Obsolete?, and Abolition Now!. Numbers have changed; policies have evolved; voices of opposition have heightened; yet the lockup continues, making Abu-Jamal's cry for reform and humanity as essential as ever.

From the beginnings of slavery, those enslaved sought to be free. American history was shaped significantly by the tensions in slavery and freedom and then the deep struggles to understand what it is to be free and what it is to be equal. The struggles continue. This is a brief introduction to that part of the struggle for freedom that came to be known as the Underground Railroad in Illinoiswhites and blacks engaged in networks to support freedom seekers.

With this issue of Southern Anthropologist, we introduce several new features, which we hope will enliven conversations and expand the readership of the journal. In addition to traditional research articles, we are introducing slightly shorter Field Reports, which are ideally suited to reflecting on the research process, preliminary analysis of research in progress, reflections on emergent themes, and strategies for responding to dilemmas and challenges encountered in the course of field research. Field reports, which are typically shorter than Research Articles, also go through double-blind peer-review. A second feature, Anthropology in Practice, features writing from engaged scholars reflecting on the lived realities of applied and practicing anthropology, and any other aspect of anthropological practice. Finally, we introduce Conversations which are lightly edited transcript of conversations from the annual meeting, with a topic directly relevant to the theme of our special issue. Conversations go through editorial review with the journal, and the authors have the opportunity to read their transcript, correcting any errors, and adding references and notes. These innovations respond to and extend the theme of the 2022 annual meeting of the Southern Anthropological Society (SAS): "Public Interest and Professional Anthropology in the South" which took place in Raleigh, NC. The CFP helped to bring out scholars in all stages of their careers, from undergraduates, Master's and PhD Students to Assistant Professors, Emeritus faculty, and practicing anthropologists who are not necessarily based in a university. This diversity has a long history at the SAS as one of the few anthropology conferences which consistently published through eGrove, an imprint of the University of Mississippi Libraries-picks up where that series left off. Those early conference proceedings included Essays in Medical Anthropology edited by Thomas Weaver (1968); Urban Anthropology edited by Elizabeth Eddy (1969); Concepts and Assumptions in Contemporary Anthropology edited by Stephen A. Tyler (1969); and Red, White, and Black, edited by Charles Hudson (1971). Further volumes reflect four-field anthropology and collections that open up new perspectives in the disciplines, as well as a growing interest in applied, urban, and policyrelated research:

No justice, no peace. In the late spring and early summer months of 2020, the chant shook the streets of cities across the United States and the world. No justice, no peace. Screamed in outrage and pain, the chant demanded a response to the question of justice. The goal of this thesis is to interrogate what justice has meant, what it continues to mean, and what it might mean. Through examining the 2020 uprisings in the U.S. against racial violence and police brutality, and accompanying calls for justice, this thesis argues for an ethical re/orientation to towards a grammar of justice. Concerned that contemporary cries for justice occur only following violence, in worst case death (e.g. in the wake of police murders), this thesis begins by interrogating when justice is invoked today, how it still depends on violence, and why it can only signify death when articulated through the Modern Grammar of separability, sequentiality and determinacy (Ferreira da Silva, 2016; 2017; 2018). I examine two protests in the state of California, both of which occurred during the spring and summer of 2020, and explore how each demand justice in respectively distinct registers. The first register articulates this moment in the US as one of emergency, suggesting the question of justice can be resolved by the indictment of murderers in blue. The latter protest evades the trappings of this carceral logic, understanding justice within the register of abolition. Ultimately, rather than providing an answer to the question of justice, this thesis aims to stay with the emergence of coalitional possibilities and culminates in an experimental poetic endeavor of 'hacking'. With this, I hope to excavate a relational justice, a justice oriented towards liberation.

There are many reactions parents can have to the loss of children by gun violence. Of course, grief and disbelief are perhaps the most common. Seeking explanations for the loss is also an essential reaction. Most destructive is the need for revenge and retribution to the offending party. Much less common and less documented is parents who react to the loss of a child by violent death with compassion. I discuss the shooting of 17-year-old Trayvon Martin by George Zimmerman, a neighborhood watch volunteer. Zimmerman was acquitted of the shooting even though Martin was unarmed and there was no clear evidence of an altercation. Trayvon Martin's parents reacted to the killing and the acquittal with compassion for other parents who have experienced loss and by becoming advocates against gun violence. Compassion and social justice were forged on Trayvon Martin's loss rather than revenge and hatred. An important lesson for all.

In 2015, after the launch of the years-long reparations campaign, the city of Chicago passed an ordinance that established a $5.5 million compensation fund for those who were subjected to torture by the Chicago Police Department between 1972 and 1991.

The Making of Black Lives Matters reaches across a number of Black intellectuals and activists to identify common ground that could birth a Black Lives Matter (BLM movement), but its choice of thinkers and Lebron's interpretation fail to produce a radical enough historiography to help readers fully engage with the emergence of the BLM movement. In response to Lebron's text, I take up three central concerns: (1) the audience for the book, (2) which/who's BLM movement?, and (3) the historical antecedents to BLM. The thinkers and concepts in the volume provide insight into the Black Freedom Struggle in general but do not elucidate the particular paths to or the contours of the BLM movement. The complex intersecting and interlocking agendas of BLM deserve a more radical undergirding to help readers understand the significance of the current movement relative to the past.

This research was funded in part by a small research grant from the Spencer Foundation.) "I feel a deep interest in the work in which we are about to engage. When first it was announced that this Convention was to be held, I rejoiced. We are scattered over the State in small numbers; the laws scarcely recognizing us; public sentiment is prejudiced against us; we are misunderstood, and misrepresented; it was needful that we should meet, communicate, and confer with each other upon some plan of representing our interests before the people of California." 1 (p5-1 st convention) Jeremiah Burke Sanderson was born in on August 10, 1821 in New Bedford, Massachusetts. 2 During his life there, he had ample opportunity to become a spokesperson against slavery and for civil and educational rights for Blacks. Part of the experience of living in New Bedford included seeing Black Americans vote, attend public schools, and being surrounded by the visible anti-slavery work of Frederick Douglass, Harriet Tubman, William Lloyd Garrison, and William Nell. An ardent student and reader of literature, philosophy, and history, he became a speaker renowned enough to share the stage with Frederick Douglass. 3 Historians write that Sanderson

The positioning of movements for social and political change as forms of postemancipation abolition democracy has a long history. Abolition has been the watchword under which initiatives proceed to eradicate the death penalty, human trafficking, nuclear weapons, the hegemony of Wall Street, prisons, police, the deportation of immigrants, and more. The essays in this forum examine nineteenth-century abolitionism’s complicated legacy through the prism of contemporary frameworks and agitations for justice and social transformation. The working papers reflect vital ongoing debates about abolition’s afterlives while meditating upon a series of pressing current concerns: migrant justice, the humanitarian rhetoric of some anti-racist initiatives, the activism of Erica Garner following the murder by police of her father, the racialization of madness and violence, the prison-abolition movement, and climate activism. By addressing the mobilization of rhetorics of slavery and abolition in our ...

A hmad Greene-Hayes: "Black Lives Matter" is one of the most recent iterations of the Black Liberation Movement, with an unapologetic Black queer feminist politic led by women-identified, queer, trans*, gender-nonconforming, workingclass folks calling for an end to anti-Black state-sanctioned violence. Black Lives Matter (BLM), both the network and the movement, uses pro-Black technological and philosophical terminologies to hack anti-Black, Western, white supremacist binaries. Of central importance is deconstructing archaic conceptions of race, gender, and sexuality, and reimagining what "Black life" means in a world that does not love Black people. This political project calls into question "the politics of respectability," as coined by Evelyn Brooks Higginbotham, and teases out the complexities of "anti-Black racism," as popularized by Afro-Pessimists such as Frank Wilderson. 1 According to Alicia Garza, one of the three co-founders of BLM, Black Lives Matter is a unique contribution that goes beyond extrajudicial killings of Black people by police and vigilantes. It goes beyond the narrow nationalism that can be prevalent within some Black communities, which merely call on Black people to love Black, live Black and buy Black, keeping straight cis Black men in the front of the movement while our sisters, queer and trans* and disabled folk take up roles in the background or not at all. Black Lives Matter affirms the lives of Black queer and trans* folks, disabled folks, Black-undocumented folks, folks with records, women and all Black lives along the gender spectrum. It centers those that have been marginalized within Black liberation movements. It is a tactic to (re)build the Black liberation movement. 2

Universal Design, initially an approach to designing barrier-free architectural spaces for disabled people, has primarily been adapted to schooling through the Universal Design for Learning framework. Contemporary abolitionism is a visionary grassroots movement to make prisons and jails obsolete, which has been brought into education discourse primarily through considering urban public schools as institutions of policing and punishment. By considering these strategies for reforming and ending confinement, respectively, this essay argues for a more expansive understanding of access in education. The argument for their compatibility in arts education is articulated first through reviewing shared aspects of these two approaches, then surveying examples drawn from artists' practices, and lastly through a pedagogical approach framing the school as a complex and contradictory setting for making art.

In recent years, scholars and activists have brought renewed attention to W. E. B. Du Bois’s concept of abolition democracy. Initially coined in Black Reconstruction (1935), to describe both a political movement and a democratic ideal, abolition democracy has been taken up theoretically by Angela Davis, Allegra McLeod, and others to describe the ongoing process of dismantling global capitalism’s political, racial, gender, and economic hierarchies, alongside the simultaneous creation of reconstructed social relations, institutions, and practices governed by universal democratic participation, instead of by force. This article suggests that Du Bois continues to draw on abolition democracy as a conceptual framework in his post-Black Reconstruction work. Tracing the outlines of this framework in his unpublished manuscript A World Search for Democracy, I demonstrate how for Du Bois, the question of democracy remains fundamentally tied to the ongoing legacies of slavery. As he continues to draw on the Reconstruction era as an historical example, Du Bois gives further shape to the idea of abolition as a process in the present (rather than an event in the past). In doing so, he recuperates the unfulfilled promise of abolition democracy as a theoretical and practical model for considering alternatives modes of citizenship beyond the material, ideal, and embodied limits of liberal bourgeois democracy. Accordingly, I argue, in World Search, we can see the outlines of abolition democracy as a three-fold project: political-economic, epistemic, and affective. Each section of this article sheds light on one of these dimensions, drawing on theoretical models from Nancy Fraser, Sylvia Wynter, Sara Ahmed, and Dylan Rodríguez. By thus abstracting the concept of abolition democracy further from the historical movement analyzed in Black Reconstruction, I propose that Du Bois’s World Search offers lessons that can inform abolitionist theory and praxis today.