Politics Of Identities

Θανάσης Β. Κούγκουλος, «Εκδοτικά ζητήματα των τραγουδιών της ΕΑΜικής Αντίστασης», στο Β. Λίτσιου (επιμ.), Η λογοτεχνία στα χρόνια της θύελλας (1940-1950). Για τη συνάντηση της νεοελληνικής λογοτεχνίας με την ΕΑΜική Αντίσταση και τον αγώνα του ΔΣΕ, Επιστημονικό Συνέδριο, Αίθουσα Συνεδρίων της ΚΕ του ΚΚΕ, 21-22.12.2024, Διοργάνωση: Κεντρική Επιτροπή του ΚΚΕ, Σύγχρονη Εποχή, Αθήνα 2025, σσ. 125-138. 

Η παρούσα ανακοίνωση αποτελεί συνέχεια της μελέτης  για τα ζητήματα ποιητικής και ιδεολογίας του αντιστασιακού τραγουδιού της περιόδου 1940-1944. Εδώ επικεντρώνομαι στο ζήτημα των αυτοτελών εκδόσεων των αντιστασιακών τραγουδιών από την περίοδο της Αντίστασης μέχρι τις μέρες μας ως μία ελάχιστη συμβολή προς την προοπτική μιας φιλόδοξης, κριτικής έκδοσης όλων των διαθέσιμων από τις πηγές τραγουδιών της ΕΑΜικής Αντίστασης.
Η συλλογή και η τεκμηρίωση των αντιστασιακών τραγουδιών ξεκινά μέσα στην Κατοχή από τους ίδιους τους αγωνιστές της Αντίστασης και τους φορείς τους. Μέχρι την Απελευθέρωση εντοπίζονται ένα βιβλίο σε δύο τεύχη–φύλλα και οκτώ ολιγοσέλιδα φυλλάδια με τραγούδια του αγώνα από διάφορα περιφερειακά τμήματα της της Ενιαίας Πανελλαδικής Οργάνωσης Νέων (ΕΠΟΝ) οργάνωσης. Από την περίοδο του Εμφυλίου (1946-1949) γνωρίζουμε τρεις μόνο συλλογές. Μία εκδίδεται στην Ελλάδα, προφανώς παράνομα, και οι άλλες δύο εκτός συνόρων.
Η μετεμφυλιακή εκδίωξη της ηττημένης κομμουνιστικής αριστεράς έχει αντίκτυπο στην ανθολόγηση και στην έρευνα του αντιστασιακού τραγουδιού που γεννιέται στους κόλπους του ΕΑΜ, καθώς μετατρέπεται σε απαγορευμένο είδος, το οποίο διαδίδεται συνωμοτικά μέσω της προφορικής συλλογικής μνήμης. Στις δεκαετίες του ’50 και του ’60 πιο οργανωμένη απόπειρα αποθησαύρισης του διάσπαρτου υλικού παρατηρείται στις πρώην σοσιαλιστικές λαϊκές δημοκρατίες. Δύο κατηγορίες συλλογών καταρτίζονται στο εξωτερικό: α. Ανθολογίες με αντιστασιακή ποίηση, στις οποίες περιέχονται και αντάρτικα τραγούδια από γνωστούς δημιουργούς και β. Συναγωγές καθαρά αντιστασιακών τραγουδιών.
Από τη Μεταπολίτευση και έως τα τέλη της δεκαετίας του 1990 εύλογα αναζωπυρώνεται το ενδιαφέρον για τα αντάρτικα και σημειώνεται έκρηξη ανάλογων εκδόσεων. Από τα τέλη της δεκαετίας του 1990 και μέχρι σήμερα η προοπτική των συναφών ανθολογιών αλλάζει. Το ενδιαφέρον τους τώρα εστιάζει σε μία συγκεκριμένη θεματική ή επιχειρούν να αποκαταστήσουν τη μουσική των τραγουδιών και να διακριβώσουν τα ονόματα στιχουργών και μουσικοσυνθετών. Παράλληλα, εκδίδονται αξιόλογες ξενόγλωσσες μελέτες, συλλογές και μεταφράσεις που προωθούν την επιστημονική έρευνα.

Ky artikull trajton qëndrimin kritik dhe të vendosur kundër regjimit të Republikës Islamike të Iranit, duke theksuar rëndësinë e pozicionimit të shqiptarëve përkrah vlerave demokratike, veçanërisht përkrah Shteteve të Bashkuara të Amerikës dhe aleatëve të saj. Përmes një analize historike, politike dhe etike, artikulli argumenton se regjimi iranian përfaqëson një rrezik real për paqen dhe stabilitetin global, duke përfshirë edhe Ballkanin, përmes përkrahjes së terrorizmit dhe bashkëpunimit me regjime autoritare si Serbia dhe Rusia. Po ashtu, nënvizohet indiferenca e regjimit iranian ndaj krimeve të kryera në Kosovë, përfshirë gjenocidin ndaj shqiptarëve, si dëshmi e politikave të tij armiqësore ndaj kombit shqiptar dhe lirisë në përgjithësi.

Η Γυμναστική και ο Αθλητισμός, πέρα από τη γαλούχηση των πολιτών του νέου ελληνικού κράτους,  κλήθηκαν  επίσης  να  συμβάλουν  στη  συγκρότηση  και  ενίσχυση  μιας  οιονεί εθνικής συνείδησης στους ελληνορθόδοξους πληθυσμούς της καταρρέουσας Οθωμανικής Αυτοκρατορίας στα τέλη του 19ου και στις αρχές του 20ού αιώνα. Στη μελέτη αυτή επιχειρείται  η  κατανόηση  της  συμβολής  της  σχολικής  γυμναστικής  και  της  αθλητικής συλλογικής  δράσης  στις  πολύμορφες  διαδικασίες  εθνικοποίησης  των  πληθυσμών  των ελληνορθόδοξων οθωμανοκρατούμενων περιοχών της Ανατολικής Μακεδονίας και Θράκης κατά την περίοδο της κορύφωσης των βαλκανικών εθνικισμών. Από την ανάλυση και επεξεργασία των πηγών προκύπτει ότι γυμναστική και αθλητισμός αποτέλεσαν πεδία όπου  αποτυπώθηκαν  οι  πολιτικές  επιλογές  της  αλυτρωτικής  πολιτικής  καθώς  και  οι αντιλήψεις για τις διαδικασίες συγκρότησης εθνικής ταυτότητας στις ορθόδοξες κοινότητες της ανατολικής Μακεδονίας και Θράκης. Η γυμναστική στην εκπαίδευση, οι δημόσιες γυμναστικές επιδείξεις όπως και η συμμετοχή ομάδων σε τοπικούς αθλητικούς αγώνες προσέλκυσαν ενθουσιώδεις θεατές και μετέτρεψαν το αθλητικό και πειθαρχημένο νεανικό σώμα των μαθητών ή αθλητών σε δημόσιο δείκτη μιας αναζωογονημένης εθνικής κοινότητας

In Punjabi -

ਸਕੂਲੀ ਸਿੱਖਿਆ ਨੂੰ ਸਤਿਆਮ, ਸ਼ਿਵਮ ਅਤੇ ਸੁੰਦਰਮ ਵਰਗੀਆਂ ਮੁੱਲਾਂ ਦੀ ਪਲਾਵਰਸ਼ ਕਰਨੀ ਚਾਹੀਦੀ ਹੈ, ਤਾਂ ਜੋ ਸੰਵੇਦਨਸ਼ੀਲ, ਬੁੱਧੀਮਾਨ ਅਤੇ ਨਿਰਭੀਕ ਨਾਗਰਿਕ ਬਣ ਸਕਣ। ਦੁਖ ਦੀ ਗੱਲ ਹੈ ਕਿ ਆਧੁਨਿਕ ਸਮੇਂ ਵਿੱਚ ਸਮਾਜ ਵਿੱਚ ਭ੍ਰਿਸ਼ਟਾਚਾਰ ਇਸ ਕਦਰ ਜੜ੍ਹਾਂ ਫੜ ਚੁੱਕਿਆ ਹੈ ਕਿ ਇਹ ਸਿਰਫ਼ ਰਾਜਨੀਤਿਕਾਂ ਅਤੇ ਅਧਿਕਾਰੀਆਂ ਤੱਕ ਹੀ ਸੀਮਿਤ ਨਹੀਂ ਰਹਿ ਗਿਆ, ਸਗੋਂ ਇਹ ਸੱਭਿਆਚਾਰ ਵਿੱਚ ਹੀ "ਸਧਾਰਨ" ਬਣ ਗਿਆ ਹੈ। ਸਿਰਫ਼ ਸਜ਼ਾਵਾਂ ਦੇ ਨਾਲ ਭ੍ਰਿਸ਼ਟਚਾਰ ਨੂੰ ਰੋਕਣ ਦਾ ਪ੍ਰਯਾਸ ਅਜਿਹੀਆਂ ਸਾਂਸਕਿਰਤਿਕ ਪ੍ਰਕਿਰਿਆਵਾਂ ਨੂੰ ਸਮਝਣ ਤੋਂ ਫੇਲ ਹੋ ਜਾਂਦਾ ਹੈ ਜੋ ਅਨੈਤਿਕ ਅਤੇ ਸੀਮਿਤ ਰਵੱਈਏ ਨੂੰ ਵਧਾਵਾਂ ਦਿੰਦੇ ਹਨ। ਜੇਕਰ ਸੂਰਤੋਂ ਹੀ ਫਲਸਫੇ ਨੂੰ ਵਿਦਿਆਰਥੀਆਂ ਦੇ ਪਾਠਕ੍ਰਮ ਵਿੱਚ ਸ਼ਾਮਿਲ ਕੀਤਾ ਜਾਵੇ, ਤਾਂ ਅਸੀਂ ਨੌਜਵਾਨ ਦਿਮਾਗਾਂ ਨੂੰ ਤਰਕਸ਼ੀਲ ਅਤੇ ਵਿਗਿਆਨਿਕ ਸੋਚ ਵੱਲ ਮੋੜ ਸਕਦੇ ਹਾਂ, ਜਿਸ ਨਾਲ ਉਹ ਸੱਤਾ ਨੂੰ ਸਵਾਲਾਂ ਦੇਣ, ਪੱਖਪਾਤਾਂ ਨੂੰ ਠੁਕਰਾਉਣ ਅਤੇ ਇਨਸਾਫ ਦੀ ਮਜ਼ਬੂਤ ਭਾਵਨਾ ਵਿਕਸਿਤ ਕਰਨ ਲਈ ਪ੍ਰੇਰਿਤ ਹੋਣਗੇ। ਪਾਠਕ੍ਰਮ ਵਿੱਚ ਗਿਆਨਸ਼ਾਸਤ੍ਰ (ਜੋ ਮਾਨਯ ਗਿਆਨ ਅਤੇ ਸਹੀ ਸੋਚ ਤੇ ਧਿਆਨ ਕੇਂਦਰਿਤ ਹੈ); ਵਿਗਿਆਨ ਦਾ ਫਲਸਫ਼ਾ (ਜੋ ਤਰਕ, ਲੌਜਿਕਲ ਸੰਘਰਸ਼ਤਾ ਅਤੇ ਸਬੂਤ ਦੀ ਖੋਜ ਨੂੰ ਉਤਸ਼ਾਹਿਤ ਕਰਦਾ ਹੈ); ਅਤੇ ਅਸਤੀਤਵਵਾਦ-ਅਨੁਭਵਵਾਦ (ਜੋ ਜੀਵਨ ਦੇ ਮਕਸਦ ਜਾਂ ਅਰਥ ’ਤੇ ਵਿਚਾਰ ਕਰਨ ਨੂੰ ਉਤਸ਼ਾਹਿਤ ਕਰਦਾ ਹੈ) ਸ਼ਾਮਲ ਕਰਨ ਚਾਹੀਦੇ ਹਨ। ਬੱਚਿਆਂ ਨੂੰ ਫਲਸਫ਼ੇ ਅਤੇ ਗਿਆਨਸ਼ਾਸਤ੍ਰਕ ਵਿਚਾਰ-ਚਰਚਾ ਵਿੱਚ ਸ਼ਾਮਿਲ ਕਰਕੇ ਸਾਬਤ ਹੁੰਦਾ ਹੈ ਕਿ ਉਹ ਅਭਾਉਟੇ ਸਿਰਜਨਾਤਮਕ ਅਤੇ ਤਰਕਸ਼ੀਲ ਵਿਚਾਰਨ ਦੀ ਸਮਰਥਾ ਰੱਖਦੇ ਹਨ, ਇਸ ਲਈ ਸਕੂਲੀ ਸਿੱਖਿਆ ਵਿੱਚ ਫਲਸਫੇ ਨੂੰ ਸ਼ਾਮਿਲ ਕੀਤਾ ਜਾ ਸਕਦਾ ਹੈ ਤਾਂ ਜੋ ਦੇਸ਼ ਦੇ ਵਿਕਾਸ ਲਈ ਮਨੁੱਖੀ-ਸੰਸਾਥਨ ਦਾ ਵਿਕਾਸ ਕੀਤਾ ਜਾ ਸਕੇ।

In English - School education should nurture values such as Satyam (truth), Shivam (goodness), and Sundaram (beauty) so that sensitive, intelligent, and fearless citizens can be developed. It is unfortunate that in contemporary times, corruption has become so deeply entrenched in society that it is no longer confined to politicians and officials—it has become "normalized" within the culture itself. Merely attempting to curb corruption through punitive measures fails to address the cultural processes that promote unethical and narrow-minded behavior.

If philosophy is introduced into the curriculum from an early stage, we can steer young minds toward rational and scientific thinking. This, in turn, will inspire them to question authority, reject biases, and cultivate a strong sense of justice. The curriculum should include epistemology (which focuses on valid knowledge and right thinking), philosophy of science (which encourages reasoning, logical coherence, and evidence-based inquiry), and existentialism/phenomenology (which inspires reflection on life’s meaning and purpose). Certain studies show that when children are engaged in philosophical and epistemological discussions, they display remarkable capacities for creative and rational thought. Therefore, integrating philosophy into school education can help develop human resources essential for the nation’s progress.

Historical arguments play a significant role in the Ethio-Eritrean conflict. Both sides bear on history in order to confirm their opposing political goals, Eritrean independence versus the Ethiopian idea of unity. Discussing existing historical sources on the area, the present article makes shows the relevance of historical authentication for the conflicting sides as well as their consistent misuse of historical facts. It is argued that it is high time for removing historical arguments from the heated debates in the political sphere, and situating them again in the realms of historiography proper.

The Soviet War Memorial in Treptow, Berlin, was an important emblem of political power and ideology during and after the cold war. Designed as the Soviet Union's premiere extraterritorial battlefield shrine, the site combines a veterans' cemetery with a largescale memorial complex celebrating the Soviet victory in World War 11. The monument was intended for use in Soviet military commemorative activity and became a key sacred space in the Cult of the Soviet War Dead, but its location in Berlin meant that it served other political purposes. By avoiding definitive statements on key issues the memorial attained a semantic flexibility that enabled it to remain a focal point of commemorative activity for decades. The memorial continues to play a part in contemporary Berlin, though the political overtones are now overshadowed by its role as a shrine to the war dead.

The pivotal role of the Bulgarian Communist Party in the anti-fascist resistance movement and of the Soviet Union in liberating Bulgaria from fascism were the two central pillars of the narrative of the history and memory of Second World War in communist Bulgaria. The end of communism marked the beginning of a new reading of the past and an increased public interest in topics and personalities, whose historical evaluation had been caught in the grip of the established ideological canon for decades. The reassessment of Bulgarian national history also referred to the period of the Second World War. The new historical narrative necessitated also re-evaluation of the memory of the period and its visual representation. In the new political environment after 1989, when Bulgarian society was desperately seeking to break away from its recent past, the presence in public space of the ideologically grounded monuments built during the previous regime became problematic, because they represented the most visible part of the communist legacy. The question of the fate of World War II-era monuments in Bulgaria is part of the larger issue of the fate of the communist legacy, which is relevant to the whole of Eastern Europe. The aim of this article is to present in a synthesized form the changes that took place in the memory of World War II and its visual representation in post-communist Bulgaria with a major focus on the fate of the monuments devoted to the war that were built during the socialist period.

International audienceDans cette intervention est examinée la relation qui existe entre les notions de culture et de communauté politique. La première recouvre différents aspects tels que les traditions, la langue maternelle ou « naturelle », les représentations et les valeurs telles qu'elles sont vécues par les hommes ; la seconde évoque le sujet légitime de l'action politique, ou encore la dimension civique de l'existence. Les deux notions ont été régulièrement associées dans le cadre du projet politique caractéristique de la Modernité, à savoir dans le contexte de l'affirmation de l'Etat-nation. De nos jours (dans le contexte d'une crise durable et profonde traversée par l'État-Nation), la question est à nouveau posée de savoir quels sont les liens entre culture et communauté politique – mais elle ne se pose plus comme avant, du fait de la nouvelle perspective de la globalisation. Que signifie l'expression « culture nationale » – dans ses relations...

You know I am not very happy with Nigeria. I have made that very clear on many occasions. Yes, Nigeria stood by us more than any nation, but you let your selves down, and Africa and the black race very badly. Your leaders have no respect for their people. They believe that their personal interests are the interests of the people. They take people's resources and turn it into personal wealth. There is a level of poverty in Nigeria that is unacceptable. I cannot understand why Nigerians are not angrier than they are. What do young Nigerians think about their leaders and their country and Africa? Do they teach them history? Do you have lessons on how your past leaders stood by us and gave us large amounts of money? You know I hear from Angolans and Mozambicans and Zimbabweans how your people opened their hearts and their homes to them. I was in prison then, but we know how your leaders punished western companies who supported apartheid. What about the corruption and the crimes? Your elections are like wars. Now we hear that you cannot be president of Nigeria unless you are a Muslim or Christian. Some people tell me your country may break. Please, don't let it happen.2

Prizreni është i njohur që nga antikiteti si një vend unik në Ballkan për vlerat e trashëgimisë kulturore, të civilizimeve dhe religjioneve të ndryshme.E gjitha kjo, falë pozitës së favorshme gjeografike, gërshetimit harmonik të kulturave gjatë historisë dhe një numri të monumenteve të trashëgimisë kulturore të të gjitha kohërave.Prizreni, si ndër qytetet më të bukura, mban epitetin e
“Qytet muze në qiellin e hapur”

In the present study, we examined how the religiousness of European (Belgian) Muslim immigrants is related to multiple collective identities (origin, new country, European, and cosmopolitan), attachment to one (origin or new) or both cultures, and acculturation as a process realized through a variety of domains in personal and social life. Two groups were included: young Muslims born of immigration from Muslim (Mediterranean) countries and, for comparison, young non-Muslims born of immigration from other countries. In both groups, high religiousness predicted attachment to origin identity and culture; low religiousness and religious doubting predicted identification with the host country and acculturation. Interestingly, the religiousness of Muslim immigrants also predicted high identification as citizen of the world, whereas the religiousness of the other immigrants was related to low European identity. Finally, some discrepancy between claiming new identities and effectively experiencing acculturation was found. Interpretations are provided on both a general level (psychology of religion and immigration) and a contextual level (specific to Muslim Europeans).

In the present study, we examined how the religiousness of European (Belgian) Muslim immigrants is related to multiple collective identities (origin, new country, European, and cosmopolitan), attachment to one (origin or new) or both cultures, and acculturation as a process realized through a variety of domains in personal and social life. Two groups were included: young Muslims born of immigration from Muslim (Mediterranean) countries and, for comparison, young non-Muslims born of immigration from other countries. In both groups, high religiousness predicted attachment to origin identity and culture; low religiousness and religious doubting predicted identification with the host country and acculturation. Interestingly, the religiousness of Muslim immigrants also predicted high identification as citizen of the world, whereas the religiousness of the other immigrants was related to low European identity. Finally, some discrepancy between claiming new identities and effectively exper...

Papers in Portuguese as a second or foreign language "Sorria! Você está sendo filmado", o olhar do estrangeiro sobre os brasileiros a partir das placas e cartazes informativos e de advertência Fernanda Silva de Oliveira Número 3 "Sorria! Você está sendo filmado", o olhar do estrangeiro sobre os brasileiros a partir das placas e cartazes informativos e de advertência Fernanda Silva de Oliveira-PUC-Rio Resumo Com o avanço dos sistemas de transportes e das comunicações, a tecnologia impulsionou fortemente o contato intercultural, do qual nenhuma nação, cultura ou comunidade pode ficar de fora, ocasionando assim a globalização. Graças a esse fenômeno, o território brasileiro tem vivenciado um crescimento significativo no fluxo de estrangeiros, que vêm ao Brasil por motivo de turismo, trabalho ou estudo. Ao desembarcarem, essas pessoas trazem, além de suas bagagens, diferentes crenças a respeito do país, as quais, inevitavelmente, orientam sua forma de pensar e agir em território brasileiro. Alguns estereótipos já tão disseminados de nossa cultura promovem tais práticas e conduzem a uma interpretação deturpada da cultura brasileira, resultando na ideia de que aqui é um país onde tudo é permitido. Este trabalho, portanto, se propõe a refletir como esses valores podem ser reforçados e interpretados pelos estrangeiros através das placas e cartazes, informativos e de advertência, presentes em espaços coletivos, públicos ou privados, da sociedade brasileira.

In this dissertation I attempt to build a bridge between normative discussions about multinational democracy and political recognition, and a contextually-sensitive empirical analysis of the Spanish case. I argue that, by looking at the characteristics and political dynamic of Catalonia, the Basque Country and Galicia, we can gain a better understanding of the definition, composition and viability of a multinational democracy. Combining normative discussions and a description of an empirical case (Spain) I seek to bridge both normative and empirical literatures about political recognition and multinationality highlighting the fruitful interconnections between them. In doing so, I attempt to provide adequate tools to normatively assess concrete and actual processes of political recognition in a context-sensitive manner. Throughout my studies in the PhD Programme at the University of Toronto, I have greatly benefitted from the assistance and guidance of my supervisor, Joseph Carens, and my thesis committee members Richard Simeon and Simone Chambers. I am indebted to all of them for their help and illuminating comments from beginning to end. I also like to thank the support and friendly encouragement of Susan Solomon and Neill Nevitte who, not formally involved in my dissertation, were generous enough to listen to me and engage in numerous fruitful conversations. My fellow students have been a source of continuous strength and entertainment in equal measure. They are too numerous, but specific thanks go out to Michael Painter-Main, Victor

On the basis of data gathered by two independent ethnographic studies of gay Chinese migrants in France and Belgium, this paper aims to identify the role of intersecting and parallel aspirations which shape their migration trajectories toward Western countries. These aspirations include motivations to respond to or appropriate traditional family configurations, imaginaries that characterize the countries of destination, the desire to fulfill same-sex sexual and relationship goals, as well as class, educational, national, and ethnic affiliations. Using concepts of intersectionality and super-diversity, this paper further argues that the simultaneous and overlapping nature of these motivations deserves to be discussed as a subset of current Chinese diasporas.

Para disa ditëve kisha rastin ta lexoj artikullin e z.Petrit Pollozhani, me titull: "Çdo i treti banor në Maqedoninë e Veriut ka emigruar", i publikuar në Portalin e kësaj gazete (KOHA), të datës 28 Prill 2022. Çështjen e emigrimit të qytetarëve të Maqedonisë Veriore profesori P.Pollozhani me të drejtë e ka konsideruarë si shumë të rëndësishme për të ardhmen e vendit, duke i sygjeruarë Qeverisë, bashk me të gjitha subjektet politike, çështjen në fjalë "ta trajtojë si urgjencë kombëtare". Para se të kaloj në prononcimin tim rreth disa vlerësimeve të z.P.Pollozhani që i ka bërë në artikullin e tij në fjalë, dua ti them disa fjalë rreth gjasave dhe kushteve për këthimin eventual të një pjese të qytetarëve tanë që jetojnë në botë. Nga përvoja e ime e jetës dhe asaj profesionale që moti kam ardhur në përfundim se gjasat për këthim në vendlindje e një personi dhe posaçërisht e një familjeje të shpërngulur janë minimale, mos them teorike. Siç është e ditur, si kushte themelore për fillimin eventual të një proçesi të tillë, mes tjerash, janë: a) Niveli ekonomik, dhe b) Gjendja e përgjithshme politiko-shoqërore në vendin e prejardhjes të të shpërngulurve. Me fjalë të tjera, meqense gjasat për ndryshimin drastik të gjendjes aktuale në Maqedoninë Veriore, në aspektin e çështjeve në fjalë dhe më gjerë, janë minimale, edhe gjasat për fillim të një proçesi për këthimin eventual të një pjese të qytetarëve tanë që jetojnë në shtete të ndryshme të botës, po ashtu, janë shumë të vogla/ minimale, mendoj unë. Kjo nuk do të thotë se institucionet shtetrore duhet të heqin dorë nga një përpjekje e tillë, së pakti për ta frenuar emigrimin masiv të të rrinjve, që në vendin tonë dhe më gjerë është i pranishëm posaçërisht 10 vitet e fundit. Pa ndonjëfarë pretendimi për trajtim të hollësishëm të kësaj çështjeje shumë të rëndësishme dhe komplekse, në vazhdim përmbledhtas dua ti them disa fjalë në lidhje me disa vlerësime jo të sakta të profesorit P.Pollozhani rreth: a) Numrit të shqiptarëve në Maqedoninë Veriore; b) Pjesëmarjes të shqiptarëve në numrin e përgjithshëm të dijasporës të Maqedonisë Veriore; dhe, c) Rreth numrit të të shpërngulurve shqiptarë nga RP e Maqedonisë në Turqi, mes viteve 1953-1961. Para se të kaloj në parashtrimin e vërejtjeve të mia rreth të dhënave konkrete, në lidhje me çështjet e sipërpërmendura, fillimisht dua ta shpreh dyshimin dhe mospajtimin tim rreth vërtetsisë së të dhënës të Entit statistikor të Maqedonisë Veriore, në lidhje me numrin (4,243 frymë) e imigrantëve nga vendet e tjera në RP të Maqedonisë, mes viteve 1949/1953. Kjo, mes tjerash, për vet faktin se si pasojë e Luftës civile (qytetare) në Greqi (1946-1949), një numër i madh i qytetarëve të Greqisë e posaçërisht i maqedonasve nga Maqedonia Egjeje, u detyruan njëherë dhe përgjithmonë të largohen nga vatrat e tyre dhe të vendosen në shtete të ndryshme të botës (

To my surprise, they all gave very detailed, precise, and personalized accounts of the moment. As I am doing myself right now. How they learned about the attack, where they were, and that exactly they were doing at that very moment, how they reacted emotionally and worried about their close ones, were meticulously described in their emails. A colleague witnessed the catastrophe real close. He was changing planes in Washington when the plane hit the Pentagon, had to leave the airport, and took the first train allowed to leave town. "(…) I was worried about S. because he was in New York and I couldn't reach him by phone (...) Meanwhile, S. heard the first Trade Center blast when he was in the shower. Thinking it was a car wreck, he went to the window and looked out. I'm attaching the photo he took from our living room window, hoping your software can open photos." Indeed photos, sent around the world digitally, were hinting at the visual experience of the moment, as a "snapshot." Maybe for the first time in history a terrorist event was being witnessed live, in real time, as an ocular experience and by so many people. September 11 was experienced personally, visually, simultaneously, and globally by those situated in different locations and publics. The terrorist moment took place in a global public space. The personal stories of those who were in the vicinity of the World Trade Center were particularly intense. But all from different parts of the world, in different cities, in Cairo, Montreal, New Delhi, Barcelona and from different publics, Muslim or Western, expressed a personal need to locate themselves and give a personal account of the circumstances under which they first heard about the terrorist attack and how they reacted to it.

Sprovimet e vështira dhe vuajtjet e popullit të Sanxhakut janë përshkallëzuar sidomos në periudhën nga 5 janari deri më 7 shkurt të vitit 1943 kur është kryer gjenocid kryesisht kundër popullsisë së besimit islam të luginës së lumit Lim nga Bijello Polja deri në Foçë

Digital connectivity of queer migrants on the move to Europe plays a crucial role in confronting border regimes, heteronormativity and racist oppression. ICTs at the disposal of queer migrants interrupt the material politics of silence and violence. However, digital technology also implies serious hazards. Queer migrants use digital space to empower themselves, to build networks, and to trace, reach and create safer spaces of care. This paper conceptualises how care is materialised in self-organised actions and horizontal relationships that question power regimes and commodification practices while introducing the notion of radical digital care. Digital spaces of (radical) care constitute safe spaces of compassion where people can be heard and believed. They act as points of reference for queer people seeking recognition and care. Moreover, queer migration constitutes constant shifting between subject and care positions that redefine the notion of home and safety and the material ordering of migration itself. Based on a qualitative study of ten semi-structured interviews with solidarians and migrants, this paper reveals how the appropriation of digital media by queer migrants re-arranges the material politics of the borderland by contesting border technologies, and through radical care, allows communities to live through hardship, fear, and abuse.

Sanxhaku paraqet një hapësirë gjeografike të veçantë territoriale dhe administrative, me traditë dhe subjektivitet të gjatë e të lashtë historik e kombëtar. Sot u takon dy shteteve, Srbisë dhe Malit të Zi.  Sanxhaku i Pazarit të Ri në vitin 1790, është përfshirë në kuadër të Vilajetit të Kosovës. Ndërsa si njësi administrative-territoriale ka pushuar në vitin 1902, duke mbetur kështu deri në vitin 1912;  kur Sanxhaku do të okupohet dhe aneksohet nga Serbia. Sanxhaku është një rajon kompleks dhe shumë i rëndësishëm nga pikëpamja historike, gjeografike, gjeopolitike, gjeostrategjike dhe ushtarake. Pozita gjeografike paraqet faktorin, i cili, në teorinë e gjeografisë, paraqet një rëndësi të madhe gjeopolitike dhe gjeostrategjike. Të dhënat relevante historike dhe gjetjet arkeologjike dëshmojnë që nga lashtësia se ky vendbanim  ka qenë i banuar nga Ilirët. Këtë, ndër të tjera, e dëshmojnë edhe shumë toponime të ruajtura deri në ditët e sotme, të cilat dëshmojnë për të kaluarën ilire. Emrat, si: Ras (Arsa I. A.), Rashka, Ibar (shqip Ibër), Peshter, Bishevë, Vapa (vendbanim, lumë, liqen I. A), Lim (lumë) etj., janë me prejardhje nga gjuha shqipe: Ibar, (i bardhë - beo, penušav, bistar), Ras (rrasë-ploča), Peshter (peshë, terr-mrak, tersi-suvo) Vapa (zega-umorina), Lim (lumi-reka).  Në përfindim të  Lu-ftrave Ballkanike, aleatët  e ndanë mes veti Maqedoninë, Kosovën, Sanxhakun dhe Shqipërinë. Lufta e vitit 1912, krijoi atmosferën, në të cilën me një akt terrorist Serbia inicioi Luftën e Parë Botërore. Shumica e banorëve me kënaqësi pritën ardhjen e austriakëve.  Në shtator te viti 1918, ushtria serbe filloi ripushtimet e viseve shqiptare, të cilat Konferenca e Londrës më 1913, ia kishte dhuruar padrejtësisht. Gjatë tetorit 1918, me gjithë qëndresën e armatosur të popullit shqiptar, trupat franceze dhe serbe arritën ta pushtonin Kosovën dhe viset tjera shqiptare. Pas gjendjes së krijuar, Kosova dhe Sanxhaku, që nga viti 1913, tashmë përfundimisht, mbetën të ndara. Serbia, pasi vendosi administratën pushtuese me anë të regjimit ushtarak e policor, ushtroi terror e gjenocid mbi shqiptarët, duke përdorur forma të ndryshme të dhunës. Në mbarim të LPB-së, u themelua Komiteti “Mbrojtja Kombëtare e Kosovës”, i cili në programin e tij kishte çlirimin e Kosovës dhe të viseve të tjera shqiptare. Një kohë veproi edhe Xhemijeti, parti e vetme shqiptare, por nuk veproi gjatë. Edhe Lufta e Dytë Botërore për sanxhaksit edhe pse u pushtuan Italia dhe Gjermania, ata përjetuan çlirimin dhe me shpresë se do t’i bashkohen Shqipërisë etnike. Shqipatrët të rreshtuar keq, nuk mundën ta realizojnë bashkimin, dhe Sanxhaku mbeti nën administrimin e Serbisë dhe Malit të Zi.

International audienceDans cette intervention est examinée la relation qui existe entre les notions de culture et de communauté politique. La première recouvre différents aspects tels que les traditions, la langue maternelle ou « naturelle », les représentations et les valeurs telles qu'elles sont vécues par les hommes ; la seconde évoque le sujet légitime de l'action politique, ou encore la dimension civique de l'existence. Les deux notions ont été régulièrement associées dans le cadre du projet politique caractéristique de la Modernité, à savoir dans le contexte de l'affirmation de l'Etat-nation. De nos jours (dans le contexte d'une crise durable et profonde traversée par l'État-Nation), la question est à nouveau posée de savoir quels sont les liens entre culture et communauté politique – mais elle ne se pose plus comme avant, du fait de la nouvelle perspective de la globalisation. Que signifie l'expression « culture nationale » – dans ses relations...

This arti­cle explores the thought of phi­los­o­pher, his­to­rian, and activ­ist Sharad Patil, par­tic­u­larly the way he con­structs the­o­ret­i­cal argu­ments by draw­ing on, expanding, and cri­tiqu­ing the insights of his pre­de­ces­sors in rad­i­cal anti-caste thought, Jotirao Phule and B. R. Ambedkar. Patil advances a par­tic­u­lar read­ing of Phule-Ambedkarism to sharpen his cri­tique of ortho­dox Marx­ism and develop a phi­los­o­phy that could under­gird rev­o­lu­tion­ary egal­i­tar­ian change in India. The arti­cle focuses on two key the­o­ret­i­cal insights elabo­rated by Patil and his read­ing of Phule-Ambedkarism: one his­tor­i­cal, cen­ter­ing on the meth­od­o­log­i­cal and ideo­log­i­cal impor­tance of rewrit­ing longue durée his­tory; the other polit­i­cal-eco­nomic, cen­ter­ing on the way that cir­cuits of exploi­ta­tion and rule get reproduced. The arti­cle attempts to read Patil according to his own meth­od­o­log­i­cal and ana­lytic cri­te­ria. Patil had lit­tle inter­est in purity of the­ory or in defending the bound­aries of the one true Marx­ism or Phule-Ambedkarism. Even while cri­tiqu­ing Phule and Ambedkar, Patil insis­tently asked (as this arti­cle too asks): what did their phi­los­o­phies of his­tory, of knowl­edge, and of polit­i­cal econ­omy enable them to under­stand about the past, pres­ent, and future of egal­i­tar­ian strug­gle in India and beyond?

Motivimi për këtë hulumtim ka ardhur si rrjedhojë e mungesës së informatave në
lidhje me historikun e qytetit të Fushë Kosovës, madje as edhe nga banorët e vjetër të
cilët kur janë pyetur për historikun e qytetit janë përgjigjur me fjalët: “Çfarë historie
vajzë, ky është qytet koloni”.
Duke pasur njohuri mbi sakrificat e banorëve të cilët në raste të caktuara, kanë
zgjedhur të rrezikojnë edhe jetën vetëm të mos e braktisin qytetin, ishte shtysë të
mendojmë se pas fasadës së qytetit i cili hovet e zhvillimit dinamik urban i mori pas
1999, fshihet një histori më e lashtë.
Përmes hulumtimit në publikimet të cilat përmendin Fushë Kosovën, arkivave të
hartografisë dhe marrjes së informatave nga banorët në lidhje me periudhat e
ndërtimeve të objekteve, synohet të përcaktohet zhvillimi historik dhe të përcaktohet
zona historike me interes kulturor dhe arkitektonik e cila dëshmon për mënyrën e
zhvillimit urban infrastrukturor.
Qëllimi i punimit është që përmes qasjes së peizazhit urban historik të promovohet
trashëgimia kulturore përmes konservimit, restaurimit dhe riadaptimit të zonës në
shërbim të shprehjes së karakterit të qytetit.

The main purpose of this section is to expose the idealism and subjectivism of the historical arguments of nationalism in general (both oppressor and oppressed), by
to "rationally" conceptualise the identity of their respective ethno-cultural communities, taking as a basic reference or subject of liberation, not the human communities themselves, but certain "peoples", seemingly configured and defined once and for all, throughout history, with their language, culture, territory and tradition, indefinitely. If there is any truth in all this, it is the tremendous complexity of the matter, further obscured by the subjective interests that accompany most of the studies coming from social elites who seek only the justification (and possession) of an instrument of coercive power, a state.

The article examines the construction of cultural identities in German-speaking Jewish authors from post-Soviet countries. The implosion of the Soviet system is a crucial event for the emergence of today's world, which is characterized by the globalization of cultures and lifestyles. The resulting migrations further led to literary deconstructions of identity on several levels. Here, particular attention is paid to the levels of cultural belonging, mother tongue, and gender. In doing so, the texts of Lena Gorelik, Olga Grjasnowa, and Sasha Marianna Salzmann, among others, highlight the possibilities of a porous, dynamic, and contradictory identity shaped by the experience of migration and not belonging to a national culture: Their transcultural, multilingual, and non-binary main characters can be seen as archetypes of a non-classifiable literary subject.

Este ensayo se basa en los resultados de dos proyectos de investigación sobre violencia, política y políticas en México, que han aportado material para discutir la función politizante de la violencia desde el ángulo de lo político. Se trata de una reflexión conceptual que en la actualidad cruza diferentes ámbitos de las ciencias sociales y las humanidades. El argumento a desarrollar es que en algunas sociedades donde la agresión, la victimización y la delincuencia alcanzan niveles altos y constantes, la violencia hace patente su función en la disolución y constitución tanto de estructuras, relaciones, identidades y sujetos, como en la inclusión y exclusión social. En esta lógica, es posible afirmar que, en ciertos contextos, la violencia tiene una función ontológica y política. Para explorar esta tesis, el texto recorre, en primera instancia, las preocupaciones de algunos filósofos interesados en la violencia; en segundo término y a manera de focalización, recupera algunos estudios ...

This paper is concerned with when, if ever, deceptive sex should be criminalised. It defends the idea that it is necessary to distinguish between deceptions that will generally be punishable from those that will not and puts forward a novel framework for carrying out this task. Based on the concept of identity nonrecognition, this framework also offers a new way of understanding what makes certain kinds of deceptive sex wrongful. After setting out this framework, I analyse each of the deceptions that is most often carried out within ‘ordinary’ contexts, explaining why only some of these should generally be punished. The paper concludes by suggesting that identity nonrecognition has the potential to inform criminalisation debates more generally, and that its relevance extends beyond discussions about deceptive sex.

In this dissertation I attempt to build a bridge between normative discussions about multinational democracy and political recognition, and a contextually-sensitive empirical analysis of the Spanish case. I argue that, by looking at the characteristics and political dynamic of Catalonia, the Basque Country and Galicia, we can gain a better understanding of the definition, composition and viability of a multinational democracy. Combining normative discussions and a description of an empirical case (Spain) I seek to bridge both normative and empirical literatures about political recognition and multinationality highlighting the fruitful interconnections between them. In doing so, I attempt to provide adequate tools to normatively assess concrete and actual processes of political recognition in a context-sensitive manner.

Este ensayo se basa en los resultados de dos proyectos de investigación sobre violencia, política y políticas en
México, que han aportado material para discutir la función politizante de la violencia desde el ángulo de lo
político. Se trata de una reflexión conceptual que en la actualidad cruza diferentes ámbitos de las ciencias sociales
y las humanidades. El argumento a desarrollar es que en algunas sociedades donde la agresión, la victimización y la
delincuencia alcanzan niveles altos y constantes, la violencia hace patente su función en la disolución y
constitución tanto de estructuras, relaciones, identidades y sujetos, como en la inclusión y exclusión social. En
esta lógica, es posible afirmar que, en ciertos contextos, la violencia tiene una función ontológica y política. Para
explorar esta tesis, el texto recorre, en primera instancia, las preocupaciones de algunos filósofos interesados en la
violencia; en segundo término y a manera de focalización, recupera algunos estudios contemporáneos sobre la
violencia dirigida a la población joven en México y América Latina, que sirven como referencia para el debate de
la politización a partir de elementos conceptuales desarrollados por pensadores contemporáneos.

The purpose of this chapter is to bring to light the hidden pressures of struggle for national identity, where "national" in this sense is primarily a reflection of ethno-religious and cultural identity. I investigate the dominant character of Nigeria's ethno-religious nationalism and the devastating consequences for Nigeria's national character. Where contemporary Nigeria is a mirror image of imperial geography, the sense of national imaginary is induced by way of coercion and not self-will. In the absence of an imagined shared national identity, ethno-religious nationalism fills in the vacuum. What we call "Nigeria" is, therefore, a collective of protonationalism(s). Using the example of Boko Haram and Pentecostal Christianity as proto-nationalist move- ments, I argue that the socio-political and historical features leading to the emergence of these movements mirror different aspects of the same African dilemma: (i) the failure of secular nationalism; (ii) non-decolonization of the civic public; (iii) the prodigious preservation of the ideological legacies of colonial statehood; and (iv) the state's arbitrary monopoly of violence. The failure of secular nationalism demands a populist rejection of the civic public, which both Christian and Muslim faithfuls equate as the location of the most reprehensible exploitation and abuse.

Për nga vetë natyra e saj, puna redaktuese mbi përgatitjen e të dy vëllimeve, në serbisht dhe në shqip, ka paraqitur sfida të shumta, gjuhësore, stilistike dhe sidomos në fushën e përkthimit. U përpoqëm të ndjekim me rigorozitet normat e drejtshkrimit të të dy gjuhëve, por njëkohësisht edhe të ruajmë koloritin e stilit të secilit autor, duke ofruar një panoramë tekstesh të veçanta, por të kompletuar në tërësinë e librit. Përkrah emrave të shqipëruara jepen edhe format origjinale të tyre, ndërsa bibliografia u unifikua me qëllim që t’u shërbejë kërkuesve të mëvonshëm si pikënisje për kërkime më të detajuara. Dukemarrë për bazë idenë, se teoria është thellësisht politike dhe se ndikon gjerësisht në mënyrën sesi e përfytyrojmë dhe e ndërtojmë botën tonë, qëllimi ynë ishte që t’i jepnim publikut një botim, ku në mënyrë kritike promovohet politika e miqësisë. Gjithashtu, qëllimi ynë ishte që të inkuadrojmë në dialog shkencëtarë dhe intelektualë nga Kosova, Serbia si dhe nga Shqipëria, duke e zgjeruar kështu spektrin e çështjeve, që na lidhin me njëri-tjetrin. Prandaj besojmë se ky libër sjell progres në fushën e bashkëpunimit dhe kërkimit mbi marrëdhëniet shqiptaro-serbe. Por jemi të vetëdijshëm, se përkrah përshkrimit të gjendjes bashkëkohore dhe progresit në këtë fushë, ky libër nxjerr në pah edhe mungesat teorike dhe empirike në shkencën kosovore, serbe dhe shqiptare. Për ata lexues, që me të drejtë mund të ngrenë pyetjen, se pse nuk inkuadruam edhe shkencëtarë të tjerë, të jashtëm, të cilët me dijen dhe ekspertizën e tyre do ta meritonin plotësisht të ishin pjesë e këtij projekti, duhet të shtojmë se me vetëdije vendosëm “të mbështetemi në forcat tona”. Siç shprehet kjo explicite në disa punime, mendojmë se ka ardhur koha që nëpërmjet angazhimit vetjak dhe afirmimit të atyre zërave brenda kulturës serbe dhe shqiptare, të cilat kanë kërkuar dhe kërkojnë një bashkëpunim dhe respekt të ndërsjelltë, të ndërtohet një traditë e re, e cila në kundërshtim me diskursin aktual të armiqësisë do të promovojë një lloj tjetër marrëdhëniesh.

This chapter examines Spain’s successful constitutional transition through the gradual accommodation of territories. It first explains the context that paved the way for Spain’s peaceful transition to democracy during the period 1975–79, from the Civil War of 1936–39 and the dictatorial rule of General Franco to the mobilization of opposition around left-right cleavages and several territorially based nationalist movements, the moment of constitutional transition between 1977 and 1979, and the approval of a democratic Constitution in December 1978. The chapter then describes the period of constitutional engagement from 1978 to 1983 as well as the outcomes of the 1978 Constitution, particularly with regard to its creation and institutional accommodation of seventeen regions and nationalities or “autonomous communities,” elections and decentralization that sought to address regional demands for more autonomy, and devolution. It concludes with an analysis of lessons that can be drawn f...

Previous scholars have argued that Islam as a religion and a culture is incompatible with liberal, democratic American values. Not only is Islam inconsistent with the West, but it poses a direct conflict according to some scholars. This viewpoint has been popularized in American and European media and by government officials who declare fundamentalist Muslims as enemies of freedom and democracy. However, there is no evidence that the grounds of conflict are based on religious ideology. Are the most devout Muslims really opposed to political incorporation in the U.S., or are other traditional non-religious factors such as socioeconomic status and acculturation more important in understanding political alienation? To date, nearly every study of Islam and Western values has been qualitative, anecdotal or philosophical in nature, leaving most questions unanswered, at least empirically. Using a unique national survey of Muslim Americans, we find that more religiously devout Muslims are significantly more likely to support political participation in America-in contrast to prevailing wisdom. We conclude that there is nothing inconsistent with Islam and American democracy, and in fact, religiosity fosters support for American democratic values.

Going public has consequences! Being an intellectual is to be counter-hegemonic. Academia and activism-(re)working privilege? Lecture by Ico Maly "All those images of boat refugees!": ethical conflict and moral anxiety in visual ethnographic fieldwork with irregular migrants in Athens Afra Dekie

The debate about federalism in Spain has experienced an extraordinary growth in relevance in recent years. Control over the bodies of Autonomous Communities shall be exercised by the Constitutional Court, in matters pertaining to the constitutionality of their regulatory provisions having the force of law, the Government, after the handing down by the Council of State of its opinion, the jurisdictional bodies of administrative litigation and the Court of Audit, regarding financial and budgetary matters.

The communist dictatorship of the early 1950s supported Romanies for principled ideological reasons and offered them the chance to become part of mainstream society. However, it presented this intention through degrading knowledge, which reproduced the power asymmetry between mainstream society and Romanies. The genealogy of the 1950s vision of Czechoslovak Romanies’ socialist emancipation thus reveals structures of racist thinking. Unfortunately, this thinking is still alive and well among the Czech public.

O artigo analisa dois aspectos da "doutrina feminista da objetividade" de Donna Haraway. Primeiro, argumento que Haraway propoe uma "politica de diferenca" que acaba negando a possibilidade de identificacao das proprias diferencas (entre mulheres). Segundo, argumento que a democratizacao do conhecimento cientifico e feminista torna-se muito dificil se a "traducao", proposta por Haraway, ocorrer unidirecionalmente (apenas da rua para a academia), somente em uma lingua (ingles) e linguagem (a academica).AbstractThe article analyses two aspects of Donna Haraway's "feminist doctrine of objectivity." First, I argue that Haraway's "politics of difference" ends up negating the possibility for the identification of differences (among women). Secondly, I argue that the democratization of scientific and feminist knowledge becomes very difficult if "translation" is unidirectional (only from the street to academia), only in one...

This study explores three documentary projects from Turkey, namely Proudly Trans in Turkey (by Gabrielle Le Roux, 2012), My Child (by Can Trans X Istanbul (by Maria Binder, 2014). Attempting to make visible various spaces and formations of LGBTQ activism in Turkey, these collaborative projects can be considered as practices of screen activism that critically reflect on their own circulation, spectatorial address, ethnographic accent, and documentary aesthetic. Attempting to contest modes of the transnational gaze which reifies the saviour discourses of the Gay International and its globalised imperatives of liberation and pride, this discussion examines the extent to which the regional complexities of intersectional LGBTQ activism are compromised by the investment in these activist subjects' global humanitarian value and international intelligibility. Questioning the ways in which these documentaries tackle their spectatorial address as well as the global and local complexities of sexual politics, this study aims to demonstrate how various forms/styles of documentary could contest, negotiate, and reinvent a transnational gaze that critically engages with the ethnographic constructions of sexuality, community, identity, and nation.

This dissertation conducts a literary analysis to address the contemporary issue of Islamophobia in the Western world. While less interest will be taken as to whether the given profiles are true psychologically or whether some writers can present them well sociologically, sociological and political investigations will have to come into play. Referencing Edward Said’s Orientalist perspective and the aftermaths of the Rushdie Affair as a context for this analysis, I intend to investigate how these landmarks have influenced scholarship on the modern day social phenomenon of Islamophobia and, whether attempting to understand Islamophobia from a narrative point of view is productive. In pursuance of this aim, I have chosen three English novels with different geographical settings and periods in order to elaborate the evolution, development and the present concerns about Islamophobia in Western social and political circles. The three novels examined – The Black Album by Hanif Kureishi, The Reluctant Fundamentalist by Mohsin Hamid, and Submission by Michel Houellebecq – will provide strong examples of how literature deals with this issue. Kureishi’s work presents its South Asian protagonist Shahid as he endures a socially isolated life in Britain; becomes part of an Islamist group but he oscillates in his identity as a secular-liberal and a radical Islamist. The novel demonstrates how Muslim fundamentalism evolved in the period soon after the Rushdie Affair. Hamid’s work addresses the issue of Islamophobia in a relatively direct manner when its character Changez is victimized for his Muslim identity in the US. In addition to the unique structural change in its narrative, Hamid’s novel introduced an intellectual debate in academic arena after the 9/11 terrorist attacks. I ask whether this has affected the ways in which these migrant literatures were written. Houellebecq’s work, set in the future, still further reflects upon Islamophobia in a much different way. Relying on prevailing concerns about Islamophobia in French society, Houllebecq’s work demonstrates an inversion in approaching this issue in which depicting France as governed by a Muslim political party, he mourns over the decadent values of the European culture. The key argument of my analysis is that racial attitudes, preexisting in Western societies, are affected by the geopolitical circumstances of the present day, which present a new layer of hatred and otherness wrapped in religious terms. This creates an admixture of a politico-religious form of racism commonly known as Islamophobia, which is contrary to the racial attitudes in the past that were governed by aspects such as skin color and cultural difference.