Political Geography and Geopolitics

Монолатій І. С. Взаємодія етнічних політичних акторів на Західноукраїнських землях у модерну добу / І. С. Монолатій // S.P.A.C.E. Society, Politics, Administration in Central Europe : електронний науково-практичний журнал / редкол.: Д. В. Яковлев (голов. ред.), К. М. Вітман (заст. голов. ред.), Д. Ю. Дворніченко (відп. секр.) [та ін.] ; НУ «ОЮА». – Одеса, 2016. – Вип. 1. – С. 102-109.У статті досліджуються інституційні процеси у сфері етнополітики Австро-Угорщини, що стосуються забезпечення прав та потреб етнічних політичних акторів, процесів зовнішньої та внутрішньої інституціоналізації українських, польських, єврейських, румунських і німецьких політичних акторів Галичини та Буковини. Охарактеризовано нормативно-правову основу формалізації політичної участі громадян, пріоритети політики держави в умовах етнічного пробудження. Простежено ґенезу етнічного каталізатора політичної мобілізації, визначено співвідношення професійної структури та ліній соціального розмежування в етнічному ...

àóêîâèé âіñíèê Õåðñîíñüêîãî äåðaeàâíîãî óíіâåðñèòåòó Í 135 Кисельов Ю.О., доктор географічних наук, професор, завідувач кафедри геодезії, картографії і кадастру Уманський національний університет садівництва Висвітлено питання основного поняття в науці. Наголошено на труднощах, що виникали з визначенням основного поняття в історії географії. Обґрунтовано значення поняття «ландшафт» як основного в географії. Зауважено, що категорія ландшафту є однаково властивою природничій і суспільній географії. Ключові слова: ландшафт, основне поняття науки, земна поверхня, геокосм, універсальність. Освещён вопрос основного понятия в науке. Обращено внимание на трудности, возникавшие с определением основного понятия в истории географии. Обосновано значение понятия «ландшафт» как основного в географии. Замечено, что категория ландшафта в одинаковой мере свойственна естественной и общественной географии. Ключевые слова: ландшафт, основное понятие науки, земная поверхность, геокосм, универсальность. The issue of the major concept in the science is discovered. It is accented on difficulties that were arising with the definition of the major concept in the history of geography. The significance of the concept "landscape" as the major concept in geography is grounded. It is marked that the category of landscape is immanent to the same degree for natural and social geography.

En el año 2010, el escenario económico mundial siguió estando ubicado en el interior de la crisis que estalló en 2008, si bien se dio una atenuación del deterioro extremo que estuvo presente en 2008 y parte de 2009, lo cual definió un escenario global en el cual, según veremos, América Latina y el Caribe se mantuvieron relativamente a salvo de los impactos más severos del deterioro mundial. Lo ocurrido con el comportamiento de la actividad económica de los países desarrollados durante 2010 puede ser visto en el siguiente gráfico. Allí se observa que en los cuatro trimestres de ese año los países del G-20 mantuvieron tasas de incremento de la producción positivas, si bien bajas, las cuales fluctuaron entre 1% y 1.5%, aunque tanto para Japón como para la Unión Europea dichas tasas fueron cayendo conforme se acercaba el fin del año, de tal modo que para el cuarto trimestre el crecimiento del Pib en Japón fue 0% y en la Unión Europea fue de apenas 0.2%. Ese comportamiento de la producción global en los países desarrollados, se acompañó en 2010 de una relativa recuperación en sus principales índices bursátiles. Según se ve en el gráfico 2, durante ese año cayeron entre abril y mayo el índice Dow Jones y el Financial Time, recuperándose en los meses siguientes para llegar al final del año a un nivel levemente superior al de enero, en tanto que el índice Nikkei cayó desde abril hasta julio, de tal modo que al fin del año tuvo un nivel semejante al de enero.

As Myanmar’s 2025 election approaches, India is intensifying its engagement with the military junta, a pragmatic pivot driven by China's renewed support for the regime. This paper argues that India's policy, historically guided by strategic competition and border security rather than democratic ideals, is entering a new phase. While New Delhi will deepen ties with Naypyidaw to counter Beijing, it will maintain back-channels to ethnic resistance organizations. Yet past precedents—such as the 1966 Hrang Nawl extradition, the 1995 Salai Sang Hlun custody death, and the 1998 Operation Leech arrests—warn that India’s strategic imperatives have consistently overridden its support for resistance movements, often with severe consequences.

A jelen tanulmány kritikai értékelést kínál Viczián István és Szeberényi József elméletéről, amely a mohácsi csata (1526) helyszínét a középkori Bátya falu (Majs és Nagynyárád között) területére helyezi át. A tanulmány öt különböző kutatási megközelítés (népi hagyomány, emlékezetpolitikai létesítmények, hadirégészeti leletek, katonai stratégiai megfontolások, valamint történeti földrajzi adatok) metszetében vizsgálja a három lehetséges csatahelyszínt: Sátorhely, Majs és az új bátyai feltételezést. Az elemzés figyelmet fordít a földrajzi terminológia történeti fejlődésére, rámutatva arra, hogy a 16. századi "domb" és "hegy" fogalmak értelmezése nem azonosítható a modern geomorfológiai standardokkal. A vizsgálat metodológiai kritikát fogalmaz meg a történeti források objektív adatként való kezelésével szemben, hangsúlyozva a forráskritika alkalmazásának szükségességét. A tanulmány kimutatta, hogy a bátyai elmélet a legkevesebb történeti bizonyítékkal rendelkezik a három helyszín (Sátorhely, Majs és Bátya) közül, nincs régészeti alátámasztása, ellentmond a korszak katonai gondolkodásának, míg a sátorhelyi lokalizáció továbbra is a legtöbb adattal támasztható alá.

Au fil de nos recherches, nous avons mis en évidence les lois de la géopolitique des populations. En considérant les principales caractéristiques contemporaines de l’« hiver démographique » de l’Union européenne, trois aspects appellent un examen approfondi. Le premier concerne l’évolution du nombre d’habitants à considérer à la lumière de la loi géopolitique du nombre. Le deuxième consiste à étudier le mouvement naturel dont l’évolution doit être examinée sous le prisme de la loi géopolitique de langueur. Quant au mouvement migratoire, ses effets peuvent être analysés notamment sous certains aspects de la loi d’attirance et de la loi des diasporas.

This chapter interrogates the contested meanings of “we the people” across contexts of U.S. racial justice and Syrian revolutionary struggle, with particular attention to the diminishing rhetorical power of the Declaration of Independence in contemporary movements. Beginning with the 2020 protests against systemic racism and settler colonialism surrounding Independence Day celebrations, I situate critiques of the Declaration’s exclusionary vision within broader demands for racial equality in the United States. I trace how Syrian revolutionaries, rather than drawing from U.S. founding texts, articulate alternative notions of peoplehood grounded in lived experience, plurality, and grassroots resistance. The analysis moves through two stages: first, it outlines the historical entanglements between Syrian democratic aspirations and U.S. constitutional ideals, revealing the unfulfilled promises of American support for Syrian self-determination; second, it examines Syrian revolutionary rhetorics of breath and suffocation, solidarity banners, and transnational antiracism to demonstrate how Black Lives Matter provides symbolic and affective resources for Syrian activists. In doing so, Syrians reconstitute “the people” as a multitude—diverse, embodied, and relational—beyond homogenizing frameworks of nationalism or state sovereignty. The chapter ultimately argues that while the Declaration of Independence once inspired global struggles, its limitations are evident in twenty-first-century transnational contexts. Grassroots struggles in both the U.S. and Syria instead forge solidarities through practices of survival, testimony, and imagination, offering a pluriversal redefinition of freedom, equality, and democracy outside the constraints of the American founding tradition.

While every possible form of pressure should be brought to bear on the Biden administration to cut off the flow of arms to Israel, the prevailing law and policy debate tends to obscure some key aspects of how U.S. imperialism actually works. For the United States does not simply ship arms abroad, it is also the world’s leading arms trafficker, wielding enormous power over how weapons made by other countries circulate throughout the world as an immense collection of commodities. The web of legal forms that makes U.S. imperialism possible goes far beyond federal legislation and much of it is not public: it includes memoranda of understanding and executive agreements between states, technical instruments, and contracts between governments and private entities.

This is where a law and political economy approach usefully shows why imperialism should be understood not just as a pejorative for countries projecting power in unsavory ways, but as a tool for understanding the system of relations in which the subjugation of some nations by others is maintained by and for the accumulation of capital across borders. We can illustrate this idea and explore some of its many consequences by following the example of a specific commodity that is in very high demand at the moment: the 155mm artillery shell.

Национальный центр изучения зоонозных инфекций Улан-Батор, Монголия На основании анализа эпизоотолого-эпидемиологической ситуации по сибирской язве и бруцеллёзу на территории Российской Федерации и Монголии за 2017-2023 гг. показано неблагополучие по этим инфекциям, что обусловлено эпизоотиями среди сельскохозяйственных животных с эпидемическими осложнениями на гиперэндемичных и эндемичных территориях. Основными причинами заражения людей остаются вынужденный убой животных и употребление в пищу инфицированных мяса и мясопродуктов, контакты с больными и павшими животными, сырьём животного происхождения.

Indudablemente que el capitalismo surgió con una opción de libertad, ante lo que habían sido numerosísimos episodios y concentraciones para la guerra y el lento progreso en el desarrollo de las fuerzas productivas durante alrededor de sobre 6.000 años. Previo a su nacimiento hubo imperios, guerras largas y reincidentes, abuso de unas zonas por otras y toda la historia ya conocida. Pero cuando ya fue claro su inevitable nacimiento a inicios del

Global anti-imperialist discourse was altered by the 1917 Bolshevik Revolution, which also gave African liberation organizations conceptual and
operational models. From the late colonial period until the emergence of Scientific Socialism under Major Mohammed Siad Barre (1969–1976), this study explores the ways in which Soviet geopolitical involvement and Marxist-Leninist concepts impacted Somali political evolution.
It contends that the main effects of the Revolution on Somalia were: (1) the spread of anti- imperialist discourse and mass mobilization models among Somali nationalists; (2) the
progressive institutionalization of left-leaning politics through parties, youth, and trade
organizations; and (3) direct Soviet involvement, which made socialist ideology a practical state policy after 1969.

Il existe des savants dont la vie est méconnue alors qu’ils ont beaucoup apporté à la science : Joseph Vallot (1854-1925) est de ceux-ci. Autodidacte, botaniste, fasciné par les montagnes, il découvre le mont Blanc à 21 ans. Alpiniste, toute sa vie durant, il arpentera le massif ; scientifique, persuadé que la vie en altitude est possible, il créera un laboratoire d’altitude. C’est l’histoire de ce savant montagnard hors du commun, qu’Eliane Patriarca, journaliste, écrivaine, raconte avec talent en 14 chapitres dans ce livre passionnant.

The expansive understanding of borders and boundaries in recent scholarship has enriched border studies, but it has also obscured what a border is. This set of interventions is motivated by a need for a more sophisticated conceptualization of borders in light of the recent trajectories of border scholarship. In contrast to the much-feted "borderless world" of the early 1990s, the trend during the past decade has been to consider the exercise of state sovereignty at great distances from the border line itself as "bordering". Indeed, Balibar's (1998) notion that "borders are everywhere"dthat the sovereign state's loci of bordering practices can no longer be isolated to the lines of a political map of statesdhas gained tremendous currency but it is also quite a departure from traditional border studies. Thus the broad question posed to our contributors was: Where is the border in border studies? The first decade of the twenty-first century saw substantial growth and diffusion of scholarly work in border studies in geography and beyond. This can be seen as partly a reaction to naïve, post-Cold War "borderless" world discourses and partly a response to clarion calls of the late 1990s for more attention to borders as the sum of social, cultural, and political processes, rather than simply as fixed lines (for a recent review of this body of literature, see . Some of the emergent work continued long-standing interest in the role of international political borders in the stilldominant territorial order of the sovereign state system . This work drew inspiration from the disjuncture between the notion of a borderless world through globalization and the reality of increased border securitization as part of the "war on terror", economic protectionism, and anti-immigration sentiments. Along these lines, scholars have analyzed changes at political

This research aims to examine the possibility of applying the concept of private participation in managing the municipal business activities including utilities' services in the Palestinian local government units. In order to fulfill the stated purposes of this study, two special questionnaires were articulated and directed to one hundred municipal citizens and 140 municipal stakeholders from local governments and other related agencies. The study found that almost all forms of PPP experiences existed in the Palestinian municipalities at a low scale level. The study found that the majority of municipal citizens still prefer that the municipalities own and operate the majority of municipal activities and projects, while private participation should be limited to operating some selected municipal projects in yearly or long-term contracts. Finally, this study concluded that the majority of municipal officials including municipal directors are less enthusiastic compared to other stakeholders regarding the partnership with the private sector for both operating the essential services as well as other business projects.

The Importance of Specificity in Peace Treaties is a rigorous and timely contribution to the field of peace and conflict studies, offering a fresh lens through which to analyze postconflict transitions. Melcher, through a thorough comparison of the peace processes in Angola and Mozambique, presents a convincing argument that the specificity-or lack thereof-of clauses in peace agreements is a crucial factor in deciding whether peace is maintained or breaks down. Based on factual data, this book contributes significantly to our knowledge of how peace is implemented in both countries.

The First Prime Minister of Pakistan Liaquat Ali Khan was the most influential person in initial days of Pakistan after the death of the founder of Pakistan Muhammad Ali Jinnah on 11thSeptember 1948. Liaquat Ali Khan was assassinated on 16thOctober 1951 at Rawalpindi while addressing a public rally. The assassination of Liaquat Ali Khan led Pakistan’s democratic journey into non-democratic Governments which become the biggest hurdle in building Pakistan and empowerment of the people of Pakistan. This paper finds out reasons of his assassination, consequences of his assassination and lays down suggestions to be followed to achieve mission and vision of Muhammad Ali Jinnah and Liaquat Ali Khan prescribed in Objectives Resolution passed by the first constituent assembly of Pakistan on 12thMarch 1949 under the leadership of the First Prime Minister of Pakistan Liaquat Ali Khan

This appendix explains the foundations of the Third Generation in International Relations (IR3). It shows how international relations moved step by step: from IR1 (sovereignty and institutions) to IR2 (globalization), then IR2⁺ (populist disruption), and finally to IR3 (algorithmic diplomacy). The main idea is simple: earlier generations changed the appearance of diplomacy but not its core. Institutions, globalization, and social media made diplomacy look modern, but wars, inequality, and political bias continued. This is why peace processes often failed. IR3 is different. It places algorithms, digital tools, and symbolic codes at the heart of diplomacy. The goal is not just faster communication, but real reform of the rules of global governance. By combining technology with diplomacy, IR3 offers a new way to deal with today’s challenges—such as cyber conflicts, media influence, and the loss of trust in international institutions. This appendix provides the key terms and ideas needed to follow future studies on IR3. It is both a guide to past failures and a roadmap for building a stronger and fairer system of international relations in the digital age.

Le 2 septembre, une petite embarcation était pulvérisée dans la mer des Caraïbes, au large des côtes vénézuéliennes, par une frappe américaine. Vidéo à l'appui, le président, Donald Trump, assurait que 11 « narcoterroristes du Tren de Aragua » transportant de la drogue vers les Etats-Unis avaient été tués en eaux internationales et que cette organisation criminelle opérait « sous le contrôle de Nicolas Maduro », le président vénézuélien. Deux semaines plus tôt, Washington avait déployé dans le sud des Antilles une force navale composée d'au moins sept navires de guerre, un sous-marin nucléaire et 4 500 soldats. Le secrétaire d'Etat américain, Marco Rubio, a justifié ce déploiement et l'attaque par la « menace immédiate » que constitueraient pour les Etats-Unis les organisations « narcoterroristes ». Plusieurs pays de la région ont dénoncé cette opération inhabituelle : Caracas, bien sûr, qui, jeudi 11 septembre, a annoncé mobiliser des forces militaires sur « 284 fronts de bataille » dans tout le pays, mais aussi la Colombie, le Mexique ou le Brésil.

This paper provides a critical yet complementary response to Dr. Leticia Rodriguez  chapter Qatar ante la cuestión palestina: apoyo y mediación . While acknowledging the valuable contribution of Rodríguez in mapping Qatar's dual role of support and mediation, this response reframes Gulf state roles not as autonomous actors but as “task platforms” within a supra-regional architecture largely shaped by US strategic priorities. It further integrates the concept of “people's diplomacy,” highlighting how grassroots resistance, public opinion, and boycott movements constrain elite-driven normalization. Finally, it operationalizes the Third Generation in International Relations (IR3) as a practical framework, offering transparency, inclusivity, and accountability as core mechanisms for future diplomacy.

Статья посвящена изучению политико-правовой доктрины панисламизма как господствовавшей официальной идеологии в позднеосманском обществе времен правления султана Абдул-Гамида II и продолжает исследовательскую тематику ранее опубликованной в научном журнале «История государства и права» статьи «Политико-правовая доктрина османизма: от реформ эпохи Танзимата до Конституции 1876 года» (2024. № 8). Рассматрива
ются основные положения исламского права в части регламентации личного статуса подданных Порты в указанный хронологический период. Анализируются предпосылки отказа правительства Оттоманской Порты от ранее доминировавшей доктрины османизма как концепта создания комплексной надэтнической внеконфессиональной гражданской идентичности в западноевропейском духе.

Despite the pronouncement of the death of primordialist theory several decades ago and multiple times since, scholars continue to invoke the theory, not only to critique it but also to "reconcile" it with constructivist/modernist alternatives. This article argues that such efforts are unnecessary and misdirected, as "primordialism" is not a theory at all and was never intended to be by the figures who introduced the concept, especially Shils and Geertz. Instead, primordialist claims and appeals (not theories) are a kind of rhetoric or discourse practiced by ethnic/nationalist actors and movements. The article, then, first discusses the origins of primordialist thinking and how it was conceived-by a few scholars and briefly as an alternative theory of ethnicity/nationalism; it next turns to the critiques of constructivist/modernist theories that seemed to make primordialism a viable option but that actually exaggerated or misconstrued those theories. Investigating a case study of primordialist nation-building in post-socialist Uzbekistan, the article finally illustrates where primordialist rhetoric lives and how it operates, arguing ultimately that theorists of ethnicity and nationalism should indeed attend to the primordialist rhetoric of the groups and countries they study but should not themselves become "primordialists".

This paper aims at analyzing the results of the NATO Summit held in Brussels between 11 and 12 July 2018 by focusing on three major subjects, all of which are at the heart of the Alliance's concerns: first, NATO relations with Russia; second, the Alliance's defence and deterrence posture to face challenges and threats, whether on its eastern or southern flank; and finally, NATO relations with the European Union (EU). Following the annexation of Crimea by Russia in 2014, relations with the Alliance and even political dialogue have deteriorated significantly, driving the Alliance to adopt a new defence and deterrence posture. Also, in the South, NATO faces several challenges and threats, having to adapt its defence and deterrence posture to another context. The NATO-EU partnership continues to be strategic for strengthening defence in the European continent but also for cementing transatlantic relations, and it is imperative for the strength of this relationship to fulfill the...

This paper argues that Donald Trump’s presidency exposed a rupture in classical diplomacy, accelerating the shift from institution-based statecraft to performance-driven, algorithmically mediated politics. Using a triple-persona framework (Tycoon, Showman, Algorithmic Strategist), it analyzes Twitter diplomacy, tariff weaponization, and summit spectacle to show how digital platforms now mediate global signaling. Situated within a generational model (G⁰→G¹→G²→G²⁺→G³), the study defines IR3 as a third generation of international relations—platform-governed, leader-centered, and protocol-driven rather than treaty-bound. Empirical indicators include keyword frequencies in UNGA speeches and comparative contrasts with prior Republican leaders. The paper contends that Trump constitutes a prototype of IR3 and concludes with practical recommendations for algorithmic literacy, ethical AI standards, and hybrid negotiation platforms to restore legitimacy and resilience in digital-era diplomacy.

Germany) etc. He has also been a Sr. Hallsworth Fellow at the University of Manchester (UK), a Fulbright Fellow at the University of Texas at Austin (US) and Jean Monnet Fellow at the European University Institute (Florence, Italy). He has published several books and research articles in the areas of Econometric Theory, Banking & Finance, Macroeconomics, Development Economics etc. He is also currently a member of the Reserve Bank of India's Technical Advisory Committee on Monetary Policy.

Executive Summary
The war launched by the Russian Federation against Ukraine has caused the most severe geopolitical rupture in Europe since 1945, bringing high-intensity conventional confrontation back to the forefront and testing the resilience of the entire Western security architecture. Predictions of a swift victory collapsed, and the conflict evolved into a war of attrition and adaptation, where success was not determined by numerical or technological superiority, but by the ability to integrate resources, intelligence, logistics, and willpower into a coherent and resilient system.
From a geopolitical perspective, the conflict has accelerated the transition toward a competitive multipolar order, strengthening NATO and reinforcing Euro-Atlantic cohesion, while also prompting states in the Global South to adopt more autonomous positions. Europe reacted with unity, yet revealed structural vulnerabilities: dependence on the United States, industrial fragmentation, and slow decision-making. For Romania and the entire Eastern Flank, the war has confirmed that geography is both an asset and a vulnerability, demanding urgent investment in national resilience.
At the military level, the war has shown that doctrine and technology must be supported by the human factor and by support infrastructure — otherwise they lose their value. Operations combined archaic tactics (trenches, artillery barrages) with cutting-edge innovations (mass drone deployment, integration of satellites and encrypted communications). Information superiority, logistical resilience, and coordinated international support enabled Ukraine to withstand the assault and even reclaim territory, while Russia was forced to reconfigure its doctrine, mobilization system, and defence industry.
In essence, the conflict has demonstrated that military power can no longer be separated from geopolitical power, and victory is no longer decided exclusively on the battlefield, but by the economic, informational, and political networks that sustain it. The fundamental lesson is that in the 21st century, resilience, adaptability, and the capacity to mobilize durable external support are more decisive than raw massed force.
The Russia–Ukraine war fits into the broader framework of the conflict between the older trend of globalization with its postmodernist dimension (including its DEI, “Cancel”, #MeToo, “Black Lives Matter” components, etc.) and multipolarity, represented mainly by the Global South and sovereigntism. The way this war ends will significantly influence the future course of human society. And let us not forget China.

Nepal is in a complex situation where two influential nations, India and China, fluctuate between being adversaries and allies. These countries have contrasting ideologies—India operates under a competitive multi-party democracy with disorderly under-governed, while China follows a non-competitive people’s democracy with strict control and orderly over-governed. China’s economy is governed by proletarian politics, while India’s politics are influenced by economically affluent individuals.

The Indian system of governance is focused on business profits, dominating ideology, and security, while China is driven by political ambitions to dominate global trade, aiming to double its trade by day and quadruple it by night. The long-term trade relationship between India and China is unlikely to be positive warfare due to deep-seated mutual distrust. Indian people have a historical phobia of China, while Chinese people harbor anti-Indian sentiment. China’s commercial addiction and aggressive trade goals make it difficult for India to compete on an equal footing.

В условиях трансформации глобальных торгово-логистических цепочек и изменения
геополитической конъюнктуры транспортный сектор Казахстана приобретает стратегическое значение как инструмент экономического роста и расширения международного сотрудничества. Текущие геополитические изменения во всем мире привели к активизации
развития транспортных артерий на пространстве Евразии. Отдельные страны продвигают собственные инфраструктурные проекты, направленные на усиление взаимосвязанности Евразийского региона. Казахстан в данных условиях, а также учитывая собственные
транзитно-транспортный потенциал, также активно вовлечен в реализацию транспортных коридоров и ставит перед собой задачу стать евразийским транспортных хабом.
Статья посвящена анализу современных тенденций и перспектив развития транзитного
потенциала Казахстана с акцентом на взаимодействие с государствами Центральной
Азии, Китаем, странами Глобального Юга. Особое внимание уделено ключевым инфраструктурным проектам, включая развитие «Транскаспийского международного транспортного коридора» (Срединного коридора), интеграцию в международный транспортный
коридор «Север–Юг», а также реализацию трансафганских маршрутов, обеспечивающих
выход к портам Индийского океана. Кроме того, отдельное внимание уделено развитию и
реализации транспортной инфраструктуры внутри самого Казахстана, поставленных задач в сфере транспорта и логистики как неотъемлемых элементов развития транспортной
стратегии страны. Рассматриваются факторы, способствующие усилению позиций Казахстана в международной логистике (инфраструктурные инвестиции, диверсификация направлений, региональная кооперация), а также отдельные вызовы в виде геополитической
нестабильности, развития альтернативных маршрутов. Делается вывод, что транспортно-логистическая стратегия Казахстана, ориентированная на многовекторность и интеграцию в глобальные цепочки поставок, способна не только укрепить экономическую безопасность страны, но и повысить ее роль в системе международных экономических связей,
особенно в условиях растущего значения маршрутов, связывающих Азию с Европой и Глобальным Югом. Несмотря на наличие отдельных альтернативных проектов, реализуемых в
регионе Центральной Азии, каждый из этих проектов позволит расширить пропускную способность региона, что будет иметь особую значимость при увеличении транспортировки
грузов по евразийскому континенту.

How does a feminist, anti-racist, refugee solidarity group that fights against a necropolitical border regime come to embrace genocidal necropolitics? Telling a story of the necropolitical archipelago at the borderlands of the European Union and the Balkans, feminist dissent and cross-border solidarity, and the emergence of Austro-German feminist alignment with imperial necropolitics, authoritarianism, and genocide itself, this text calls attention to a new formation of imperial feminism: necrofeminism. Necrofeminism is best contrasted with its close cousin militarized feminist humanitarianism. Whereas militarized feminist humanitarianism justifies occupation and war in the name of saving women's lives and freedoms, necrofeminism is concerned not with freedom or rescue but with legitimizing the politics of death to the point of endorsing genocide. Examining the conditions of possibility for necrofeminist refusals of solidarity, we find the seeds of necrofeminism in racism, civilizational discourses that understand human rights and democracy as inalienable properties of the imperial West, and self-ascribed moral superiority born of ongoing dominance and colonizing projects. We must counter them by revolting against all politics of death, particularly in times when silence orders the world.

From militarised border regimes to racialised technologies of policing, from extractive geopolitics to nationalist media and electoral campaigns, the grammar and practice of fascism is global. This interdisciplinary conference examines how fascism and global Africa are entangled politically, economically, and imaginatively across time and space. By foregrounding geographies of anti-Blackness and imperial capitalism as core dimensions of fascist rule, we set out to look at how racial capitalism, colonial legacies, and authoritarian formations intersect in the making of global fascist orders.

The concept of global Africa builds upon contemporary Pan-African thought and practice as generative and contested geographies of thought, solidarity, resistance. We are witnessing a revival of Pan-African solidarities in activist, intellectual, and cultural spaces, including transnational campaigns against state violence, police brutality, constitutional amendments, arbitrary detainment, mobilisations for liberation, and more in Burkina Faso, Sudan, Nigeria, Ethiopia, Congo, Senegal, South Africa (and so many more!), signalling renewed possibilities for anti-imperial, anti-fascist, and (potentially) anti-capitalist futures. Across the Americas, from Brazil and Colombia to the United States and the Caribbean, Black and Afro-Indigenous movements continue to confront police killings, environmental dispossession, and authoritarian repression while forging alliances that link struggles on the African continent.

We are particularly interested in bringing geographers into conversation with scholars of politics, history, anthropology, and media studies. Geographers, with our attention to spatiality, mobility, territory, and networks, possess a valuable toolkit for examining how fascism travels and operates transnationally—through shared ideas, international activist and organisational networks, capital (including surveillance capital, far-right tech investors and platform owners, and artificial intelligence systems), militarised technology, and the legal, activist, intellectual, and political struggles that resist it.
Please submit your abstract by 4 November 2025.

This article examines the profound geopolitical and economic transformations marking the end of the monetary era dominated by the U.S. dollar and the emergence of a multipolar world order. The decline of American hegemony, the rise of BRICS nations, and shifting alliances highlight a redistribution of global power that is rarely peaceful. Europe faces mounting internal crises—debt, migration, and institutional distrust—while external conflicts, particularly the war in Ukraine, deepen instability. At the same time, capital flight, weakening confidence in Western financial institutions, and the erosion of the dollar’s role as a reserve currency signal systemic fragility. Precious metals and select safe havens emerge as key means of preserving value amid inflation, resource shortages, and geopolitical turmoil. The article concludes that by 2028 the world will likely enter a new epoch where old monetary and political patterns no longer apply.

Wyostrzyć obraz. O metodzie analitycznej OSW Wojciech Konończuk Między wiedzą a polityką. Jak być analitykiem-doradcą w czasach kryzysu ekspertyzy Adam Eberhardt "Swetry", "garnitury" i sztuczna inteligencja, czyli dramat w trzech aktach Olaf Osica 49 Sztuka pisania: jak stworzyć analizę, aby dotrzeć do odbiorcy Marek Menkiszak 69 Jak analizować politykę bezpieczeństwa: pasja i systematyczna praca z Polską jako punktem odniesienia Justyna Gotkowska Zmagania z tarczą i mieczem. Służby specjalne jako wyzwanie analityczne Piotr Żochowski Sztukowanie brakujących puzzli, czyli jak badać wojnę Andrzej Wilk 107 Ćwiczenia z myślenia -o analizie energetyki Agata Łoskot-Strachota Czy da się przewidzieć przyszłość? Foresight strategiczny w służbie analizy międzynarodowej Karol Wasilewski Niemcy na kozetce, czyli jak analizować i nie zwariować Anna Kwiatkowska Przereklamowana zagadka. Rosja jako wyzwanie analityczne Maria Domańska "Ukrainie sława", ekspertom biada: wyzwania i dylematy analizy ukraińskiej Tadeusz Iwański, Sławomir Matuszak Analityczna konfrontacja z dyktaturą. Próby zrozumienia Białorusi Kamil Kłysiński 207 Magiczna, a jednak realna -jak badać Litwę Joanna Hyndle-Hussein 223 Czechy -sąsiad lubiany i pozornie znany Krzysztof Dębiec Słowacka kultura strategiczna i jej podłoże historyczne. Kilka uwag o rusofilstwie Mateusz Gniazdowski Środkowoeuropejski "inny": jak badać Węgry Orbána? Andrzej Sadecki Niepozorna kraina pozorów, czyli jak badać Mołdawię Kamil Całus Rumunia: łacińska wyspa tajemnic Kamil Całus Bałkany Zachodnie, czyli jak badać peryferie peryferii Marta Szpala Zrozumieć Kaukaz, czyli kilka uwag o metodzie reporterskiej w analityce Wojciech Górecki Turcja -kanarek w kopalni porządku międzynarodowego. Dwugłos analityczny Karol Wasilewski, Krzysztof Strachota Azja Centralna -w pogoni za nieuchwytnym Krzysztof Strachota To (nie) Chinatown -analizować politykę Izraela na swoich warunkach Marek Matusiak Zerkając za "bambusową kurtynę": analizowanie Chińskiej Republiki Ludowej Michał Bogusz, Jakub Jakóbowski Biogramy autorów

HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access archive for the deposit and dissemination of scientific research documents, whether they are published or not. The documents may come from teaching and research institutions in France or abroad, or from public or private research centers. L'archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, émanant des établissements d'enseignement et de recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires publics ou privés.

Cette seconde table ronde a pour sujet les mutations des regions frontalieres avec l’Union europeenne. Tout d’abord, Michel Foucher (Universite Lumiere Lyon II) s’interesse a la problematique sans cesse renouvelee des frontieres internes et externes de l’Union europeenne, puis G. Lepesant (CERI) se concentre sur les echanges et la cooperation aux frontieres orientales de l’Allemagne. Jiři Patocka (AV CR) communique ensuite sur certains aspects du developpement des euroregions en Republique tcheque tandis que Frantisek Zich (UK) s’interesse aux evolutions des relations entre les habitants des regions frontalieres germano-tcheques. Suivent une communication de Giorgio Ficarelli (Comission europeenne) sur les actions de soutien de l’Union europeenne a la cooperation transfrontaliere, une autre de Jaroslav Zamecnik qui se focalise sur une experience particuliere de cooperation frontaliere, celle de l’euroregion Nisa, et une autre de Milan Jeřabek (Masarykova Univerzita), commentant les ...

resources for the Polish Ordovician-Silurian Basin. The Reports have been confronted in the context of used criteria of assessing. The comparison shows that the early, most optimistic assessments (Wood Mackenzie, ARI & EIA) were based on very generalized data and different assessment methods than those used in the PGI and USGS Reports. In turn, the PGI and USGS Reports, based on USGS assessment methodology, were not so diverse taking into account the presented extreme low values of recoverable gas resources and the used methods of shale gas occurrence probability. The terms EUR (Estimated Ultimate Recovery) and AU (Assessment Unit), used in the USGS methodology of shale gas and shale oil resources assessment are characterized. The paper also presents assessment methods of technically and economically recoverable shale gas, and the significance of "sweet spots" as areas with the greatest probability for shale gas productivity. Finally, proposals for the reconstruction of fu...

China is successfully moving Tibet into modernity with Chinese characteristics. Tibetans no longer live in a timeless present, they have now entered history, thanks to the benevolence of the Party. Xi Jinping's private message, to senior cadres and party bosses in Lhasa is of course secret, and may take some time to become apparent. In Xinjiang in 2014, Xi Jinping ordered the mass incarceration of millions of Uighurs in hastily built concentration camps, an order that took time to become public. For the Tibetans and the Uighurs the bottom line is the same: your traditional identity, culture and values are no longer permissible, frontier construction theory 顶层设计 classifies you as security dangers.

El presente artículo tiene como objetivo el estudio y la disertación sobre el tema de la integración en el hemisferio, en el campo del ALCA y los impactos en los acuerdos subregionales como el MERCOSUR y la Comunidad Andina. La integración en las américas es uno de los campos más interesantes de la realidad geopolítica y geo-económica en tiempos de cambios, complejidad y globalización.

El presente artículo tiene como objetivo el estudio y la disertación sobre el tema de la integración en el hemisferio, en el campo del ALCA y los impactos en los acuerdos subregionales como el MERCOSUR y la Comunidad Andina. La integración en las américas es uno de los campos más interesantes de la realidad geopolítica y geo-económica en tiempos de cambios, complejidad y globalización.

This study explores the geopolitical importance of high-value minerals in Sub-Saharan Africa, with a specific focus on how global powers interact with African states to secure access to these resources. It addresses the economic, strategic, security and ethical dimensions of mineral extraction and supply chains, analysing how the competition for these resources intersects with issues such as conflict, governance and sustainability. The term "high-value minerals" is used in this study to encompass widely circulating terms such as conflict minerals, critical raw materials, and strategic mineralsresources such as tin, tungsten, tantalum, gold, cobalt and diamonds, which carry significant economic and geopolitical weight. These minerals play crucial roles in modern technologies, defence industries and the green energy transition, as well as global commerce and jewellery, while also often being sourced from fragile regions marked by instability and weak governance.

A 21. század első két évtizede radikálisan átalakította a városokat és tágabb térségeiket. A globalizáció és a digitalizáció, a dzsentrifikáció és a városi szétterülés, a turizmus tömegesedése és az információs gazdaság, a klímaváltozás és az energiaválság, valamint a tartós lakhatási krízis olyan összefonódó folyamatok, amelyek új megvilágításba helyezik a múlt urbanizációs tapasztalatait, és átírják a városi mindennapok logikáját. A metropolisztérségek növekvő összekapcsoltsága, a társadalmi egyenlőtlenségek térbeli újrarendeződése és a kormányzás sokszereplős formái mind ezen átalakulás jelzői.
Ez a tankönyv azzal a céllal született, hogy a legújabb nemzetközi és hazai megközelítéseket közérthető, mégis kutatásalapú formában hozza be az egyetemi térbe. A friss jelenségekre reflektálva – Kelet-Közép- Európa sajátosságaira is figyelve – keretet ad a városi társadalom, a városfejlődés és a városkormányzás mélyebb megértéséhez. A fejezetek elméleti bevezetői empirikus adatokkal, összehasonlító esettanulmányokkal és kritikai fogalmi apparátussal párosulnak; a vitakérdések és feladatok a passzív befogadás helyett önálló elemzésre és állásfoglalásra ösztönöznek.
A kötetet ajánljuk mindazoknak, akik az urbanizáció kérdései iránt érdeklődnek, és szeretnék elmélyíteni ismereteiket a 21. századi város működéséről: mesterképzésben tanuló hallgatóknak és témavezetőiknek és a városi terek iránt elkötelezett olvasóknak. A hangsúly az összefüggések megértésén van: hogyan kapcsolódik a lakáspolitika a társadalmi integrációhoz, a közlekedés az igazságossághoz, a közterek minősége a mindennapi biztonsághoz.
A szerzők több mint két évtizedes oktatási és kutatói tapasztalatukra támaszkodva válogatták össze azt a tematikát és módszertani eszköztárat, amely szerintük a leginkább segíti a hallgatói megértést: világos fogalomhasználat, sokléptékű – helyi–metropolisz–globális – elemzés, a történeti kontinuitások felismerése és a jelen dilemmáinak tárgyilagos bemutatása. A könyv nem kész válaszokat ígér, hanem megbízható térképet ad egy változó terepen – hogy az olvasó képes legyen saját útvonalát megtervezni a város értelmezésében és alakításában.

Energy is an important element for the discipline of international relations as well as one of the important elements of human life. From past to present, energy struggles have taken place between countries. At the beginning of the study, the breaking points experienced in terms of energy in the recent past are included. The mechanization process, which intensified with the industrial revolution, was mentioned and it was emphasized that coal was the main energy source and steam engines were the main mechanization tool in this period. The process of replacing coal with oil and the importance and crises of energy in international relations in the context of oil are mentioned. The fact that energy is so important is thought to bring about the necessity of examining energy. In this context, together with the definition of energy, alternative energy sources such as renewable energy sources and nuclear energy are mentioned. In addition to the current situation of Turkey in terms of energy, its situation in terms of alternative energy sources has been examined. Energy has been tried to be examined in terms of its effect on foreign policy and national security, which is an element of international relations. In addition, Turkey's relations with Iraq, Iran and Russia, which are heavily involved in energy resource trade, are briefly mentioned. Attention has been drawn to alternative energy methods that are deemed necessary for Turkey's energy policy and foreign policy. In the conclusion part, the recent historical process of energy, alternative energy sources, foreign policy and thoughts in terms of energy as a national security tool are stated.

Jean Tilho, 36 ans, gendarme à pied, d'une lignée de cultivateurs, et d'Eulalie Glaumont, 22 ans, sans profession. Boursier au lycée de Bordeaux, il passe la «première partie du baccalauréat de l'enseignement spécial» avant d'entrer à Saint-Cyr, 311ème/480, le 24 octobre 1893, et d'en ressortir 218 ème/46S, souslieutenant au 8 ème régiment d'Infanterie de Marine. Jean Tilho est envoyé à Madagascar avec le corps expéditionnaire de juillet 1896 à novembre 1897, pour participer aux convois avec le régiment de tirailleurs malgaches. Il y est cité « ayant pris part à l'occupation d 'Ivahibé ». Lieutenant au Sème R.I.M., il est affecté au Sénégal en juin 1899 avant d'être envoyé au Dahomey en août. Il prend part à la répression du Dendi et au combat de Bodjécali. Dans la nuit du 16 au 17 novembre 1899, il reçoit une flèche à la cuisse. Ayant fondé le poste de Gaya sur le fleuve Niger, il est alors affecté en amont, à Say, en tant que résident. En deux ans de séjour jusqu'en avril 1902, il dresse la carte de ce secteur de l'actuel Niger et acquiert « une bonne connaissance de la langue haoussa », en recueillant des contes et en établissant la grammaire. Dès cette période, il rêve d'explorer l'immense région s'étendant entre Niger et Nil, en recoupant par des itinéraires transversaux ceux des rares explorateurs du Tchad: « Je devais mettre dix-sept ans à réaliser ce programme» ! Il revient avec la mission MolI chargée, en collaboration avec les Anglais, de rectifier et de borner la ligne de délimitation frontalière entre le fleuve Niger et le lac

Jean Tilho, 36 ans, gendarme à pied, d'une lignée de cultivateurs, et d'Eulalie Glaumont, 22 ans, sans profession. Boursier au lycée de Bordeaux, il passe la «première partie du baccalauréat de l'enseignement spécial» avant d'entrer à Saint-Cyr, 311ème/480, le 24 octobre 1893, et d'en ressortir 218 ème/46S, souslieutenant au 8 ème régiment d'Infanterie de Marine. Jean Tilho est envoyé à Madagascar avec le corps expéditionnaire de juillet 1896 à novembre 1897, pour participer aux convois avec le régiment de tirailleurs malgaches. Il y est cité « ayant pris part à l'occupation d 'Ivahibé ». Lieutenant au Sème R.I.M., il est affecté au Sénégal en juin 1899 avant d'être envoyé au Dahomey en août. Il prend part à la répression du Dendi et au combat de Bodjécali. Dans la nuit du 16 au 17 novembre 1899, il reçoit une flèche à la cuisse. Ayant fondé le poste de Gaya sur le fleuve Niger, il est alors affecté en amont, à Say, en tant que résident. En deux ans de séjour jusqu'en avril 1902, il dresse la carte de ce secteur de l'actuel Niger et acquiert « une bonne connaissance de la langue haoussa », en recueillant des contes et en établissant la grammaire. Dès cette période, il rêve d'explorer l'immense région s'étendant entre Niger et Nil, en recoupant par des itinéraires transversaux ceux des rares explorateurs du Tchad: « Je devais mettre dix-sept ans à réaliser ce programme» ! Il revient avec la mission MolI chargée, en collaboration avec les Anglais, de rectifier et de borner la ligne de délimitation frontalière entre le fleuve Niger et le lac

Este trabajo examina el impacto geopolítico y económico de la Iniciativa de la Franja y la Ruta (BRI, por sus siglas en inglés) de China en América Latina. Desde su lanzamiento en el 2013, la BRI ha evolucionado de un proyecto de infraestructura centrado en Asia a una estrategia global de desarrollo, donde América Latina ha emergido como una región clave de enfoque. Al invertir en sectores críticos como la energía, el transporte y las telecomunicaciones, China ha fortalecido sus vínculos económicos y diplomáticos con países como Brasil, Argentina y Perú. Sin embargo, este compromiso ha suscitado preocupaciones sobre la dependencia de la deuda, la sostenibilidad ambiental y los desafíos a la influencia de los Estados Unidos en la región. Basándose en teorías de política exterior, incluyendo el realismo, el constructivismo y modelos de toma de decisiones, este trabajo analiza cómo la BRI sirve tanto como una oportunidad económica como una herramienta estratégica de política exterior para China. A través de una revisión de la literatura existente mediante fuentes secundarias, el artículo ofrece una comprensión de las implicaciones a largo plazo de la BRI en América Latina.

ABSTRACT. -Settlements in Prahova County. GIS analysis of Toponymy. This paper proposes a method of using GIS tools in spatial analysis of the oikonyms in Prahova County, in order to identify specific links between names and geographical or historical characteristics of the area. In the present paper two types of analysis were performed. The first one was made on oikonyms sorted by suffixes, yielding results of their frequency in the territory. The second one was made on oikonyms composed with word "Valley", establishing the link between their distribution on one side and the character of the valley for studied settlements, on the other side. The results show that territorial analysis of oikonyms can clarify spatial aspects, needed for the affirmation of national, historical and social identity.