Multiculturalism (Sociology)

Türkiye'nin dört bir yanını küle çeviren yangınlar giderek bir mecaza dönüşüyor. Ormanlarla birlikte, bütün bir ülkenin, dogȃnın cömertçe sunduğu güzelliğin, emekle var edilmiş zenginliğin, birbirine ulanarak bugünlere gelmiş kolektif hafızanın yanıp yok olduğunu, geriye kül ve dumandan ibaret bir manzara bırakarak bu topraklardan koparıldığını anlatan bir mecaz. UC lke yangın yeri, hem gerçekten hem de mecazen… Kuşkusuz bu günlere bir anda gelinmedi. Türkiye bir açıdan bakarsak yüz yıldır, bir açıdan bakarsak 12 Eylül'den itibaren, bir açıdan da son çeyrek yüzyılda adım adım, kasten ve sistematik biçimde bu uçuruma çekildi. Türkiye'yi uçuruma çekenler emperyalizm, sermaye sınıfı ve onların türlü kılıklara girmiş siyasetçileri, yöneticileri, kanaat önderleri oldu. UC lke bir işgal ordusu tarafından yağmalanmış bir topragȃ dönüşürken zenginliklerinin, kariyerlerinin, güçlerinin sürekli artmış olması bu ülkeyi bu uçuruma neden böyle şevkle, zevkle, el birliğiyle ittiklerini açıklıyor zaten. Bu tablonun kahredici olduğunu söylemeye gerek yok. Yaşananların ve yaşatılanların doğurduğu öKkenin ve çaresizlik hissinin giderek büyümesi de olagȃn. Ancak buradan bir çıkış, bir direniş, bir diriliş çıkması da zorunlu. Eğer bir siyasal ve toplumsal irade onu bir mücadele kulvarına dönüştürecek yaratıcılığı göstermezse, biriken öKkenin ve çaresizlik hissinin ya çıkmaz bir yola saparak ehlileşeceği ya da kendisine dönerek içsel potansiyelini berhava edeceği kesin.

In the context of global multicultural education challenges, this study examines intercultural sensitivity development among Arab-Bedouin education students in Israel's ethnically diverse academic environment. This qualitative case study analyzed reflections from 16 second-year Bedouin education students participating in mixed Arab-Jewish collaborative learning experiences. The research addresses critical questions relevant to international multicultural education: How do minority students navigate cross-cultural academic interactions? What pedagogical approaches effectively foster intercultural competence among future educators? Findings revealed two primary phenomena: "intercultural personal struggle" and "intercultural distress", characterized by dynamic tension between protective cultural distance and desires for meaningful cross-cultural dialogue. Student attitudes toward intercultural pedagogy ranged from passive institutional reliance to active investigative engagement with culturally responsive teaching practices. Key barriers included linguistic challenges, demographic segregation effects, and insufficient preparation for cross-cultural encounters. The study proposes a six-step educational model for developing sustainable intercultural competence among diverse student populations. This framework emphasizes: (1) systematic cultural learning, (2) addressing historical educational inequities, (3) developing critical consciousness about manufactured cultural divisions, (4) implementing culturally relevant curricula, (5) engaging in practical cross-cultural projects, and (6) training future educators in both intercultural connection and appropriate professional boundaries. This model offers implications for international contexts where minority student teachers must navigate between cultural preservation and professional integration in majority-culture educational systems. The findings contribute to global discussions on preparing culturally responsive educators in divided societies.

The phenomenon of mass migration is explained thoroughly in this paper. It explains how easy global transportation by air and sea in a technological advanced world has made mass migration much easier. Mass Migration has also been made easier by globalization in that borders and boundaries between countries are being eliminated. Mass migration is explained in the sense that it takes into account the immigrants effect on destination countries such as the European Union, the United States of America, and also Canada. It takes into account how destination countries integrate and absorb these migrants within their economic sectors. It also takes into account how global security has been threatened by mass immigration. This paper also explains how national identity is being maintained in destination countries as mass migration influences the culture and beliefs of a country. The content analysis as methodology was used to discover the issue in this article.   Keywords: Mass immigration, 1...

Before touring internationally with the band 47 Soul, Tareq Abu Kwaik worked at the heart of Amman's new music scene, performing hip hop under the name El Far3i, rock with his previous band El Morabba3, and a fusion of mijwiz, reggae, soul, and hip hop with the collective 47 Soul, whose name reflects the members' roots in the Palestinian diaspora. In February of 2014, Abu Kwaik and I spoke in front of a research methods class for Earlham College's study abroad program about topics ranging from musical traditions to cultural tensions and identity in the Middle East to the future of Jordan. The conversation below has been edited for clarity and style. you talk about how there's a war on ideas. Is there any topic that you're concerned to discuss, that you're worried you can't get to? TAK: When I say there's a harb 'ala al-ifkaar, which means like, "war on ideas," I don't necessarily 1 / 10

1. Wprowadzenie Temat polityki jyzykowej, rozumianej jako szereg zasad, regulacji prawnych i dzialan podejmowanych przez panstwo za posrednictwem r6znych instytucji w celu regulowania kwestii jyzykmvych w kraju 1 , wpisuje siy w szerszy kontekst praw kulturowych ludnosci rdzennej. Nie dotyczy on bowiem wyl <! cznie kwestii relacji jyzyka dominujqcegow przypadku Ameryki Lacir'lskiej jyzyka hiszpanskiego lub portugal skiego -z jyzykami rdzennymi, ale szerszej relacji panstwo-ludnosc rdzenna. Ostatnie dekady przyniosly szczeg6lne zainteresowanie pra wami kulturowymi ludnosci rdzennej na swiecie, czego owocem byl szereg regulacji prawnych, tak miydzynarodowych, jak i panstwowych. R6wniez kwestia jyzyk6w rdzennych zyskuje na znaczeniu i przyciqga uwagy spolecznq, o czym swiadczy na przyklad ogloszenie przez ONZ roku 2008 Miydzynarodowym Rokiem Jyzyk6w 2 • Obecna polityka jyzykowa Meksyku, prowadzona w duchu po dejscia miydzykulturowego (intercultural), co ma oznaczac ,,pelne

I first encountered Bhikhu Parekh's work as an undergraduate in the early 1980s as I set about building a personal library in political theory. I had acquired Preston King and Bhikhu's festschrift for Oakeshott, Politics and Experience (1968) on the cheap at a book fair and then Bhikhu's forever useful Contemporary Political Thinkers (1982) at a real bookshop, for which I paid real coin. I have been reading and learning from Bhikhu ever since and have enjoyed our occasional conversations in Bristol, London and Florence over the years. I have been especially attuned to what Bhikhu has had to say on multiculturalism, national identity, and the conceits of liberal theory and theorists. In this celebration of Bhikhu at 90, I would like to offer some comments on how he construes the public culture and cultural minorities' relation to it. I think Bhikhu's account contains some interesting tensions that we do not find in other prominent accounts. I conclude with some general remarks on Bhikhu's mode of theorising and this deflation of liberalism.

This paper explores the meaning of objects that were looted from the Badeng and were subsequently donated by a Brooke administrator to the Sarawak Museum, as a trigger to examining Badeng responses to Brooke rule. The official histories of Sarawak express the satisfaction of the Brooke officers with their efforts at state-making through punitive expeditions, but these are underpinned by local oral histories of arson, violence and devastation. Through intermediaries, the Badeng succumbed to Brooke rule and are portrayed as being happy with the efforts of peace-making, yet they eventually migrated away from the Brooke domain. As such, these looted objects provide an opportunity to include Badeng historical narratives which convey agency, cunning, resistance and independence in the face of Brooke rule. At the same time, the reconstruction of the history of the Badeng through oral narratives makes a potentially rich contribution towards the popular history of the nation. This leads to the wider issue of the need for a methodology to retell these histories without reopening old grievances and enmities in order that history can be told and understood within a plural society.

Despite research which shows that, over the last 40 years, most Western states have steadily enhanced their multicultural policies, on the ground, reality tells a different story. Today, Western governments are closing their borders and reversing long-standing programmes that welcomed newcomers, whereas immigrants continue to be targets of hostile majority groups. This paper explores three lessons that can be learned from approaches to social integration defended by mid-century American thinkers during the civil rights era and their relevance for debates about multicultural integration today. The first lesson is that legal rights are not effective at creating an integrated society. Second, integration is a transformative project that depends on empowering minorities through their active participation. Third, one of the chief obstacles to a successful, normatively attractive approach to integration is resistant majorities rather than reluctant minorities. Even though the project of multicultural integration is different from the project of racial integration, mid-century ideas about the social integration of a racist society focused on concerns familiar and helpful within multicultural contexts. The aim here is to strengthen our understanding of integration by exploring features of these mid-century ideas relevant to multicultural debates today. This is an open access article under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial License, which permits use, distribution and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited and is not used for commercial purposes.

It has been suggested that multiculturalism has contributed to majority anxieties and thereby to the current polarisation. This article focuses on how to tackle and lessen this polarisation, which is fostering mutual distrust and threatening the national, democratic citizenships upon which any multiculturalist, egalitarian and unifying project must be built and so which multiculturalists, together with others, must defend. This does not involve giving up on multiculturalism but, rather, developing a multicultural national identity to which all citizens can have a sense of belonging without giving up other identities that are important to them. The goal should be that such a multicultural sense of the national can be adapted to be part of an electoral majority on a stable, continuing basis; above all, such a sense of the national allows one to be sensitive to minority identity vulnerabilities and majority identity anxieties within an integrated theoretical and political framework.

fu una figura di rilievo nell'Italia fra i due secoli. Originario della provincia di Rovigo, nel Veneto, autodidatta, già povero emigrante negli Stati Uniti, divenne giornalista di grido nell'Italia di fine Ottocento, conteso dai maggiori quotidiani, poi ispettore viaggiante del Commissariato Generale dell'Emigrazione (1902) e quindi diplomatico nelle Americhe (dal 1908), in forza nei ruoli del Ministero italiano degli Esteri. Fu autore di memorabili reportage giornalistici sulle vicende sociali e sulla miseria delle campagne della penisola, mentre le sue impietose corrispondenze dall'Eritrea gli valsero l'espulsione dalla colonia pochi giorni prima della disastrosa sconfitta di Adua (1896). Le relazioni che scrisse sullo stato dell'emigrazione italiana in Brasile, Sudafrica, Stati Uniti e Argentina -testi precisi, drammatici, quasi fotografici, assolutamente veritieridestarono sensazione e contribuirono a cambiare la politica migratoria delle autorità governative di Roma. Il saggio ripropone perciò una notevole figura di giornalista e studioso, che con una scrittura incredibilmente moderna e con rara onestà intellettuale, libero da asservimenti politici e da pregiudizi ideologici, descrive quell' "Italia della vergogna" -l'espressione ricorre spesso nei suoi scrittiche troppi, troppo spesso, hanno fatto finta di non vedere. Adolfo Rossi (1857-1921) was a figure of relevance in the Italy of the XIX century. Native of the province of Rovigo, in the region of Veneto, aself-taught person, he was first a poor emigrant to the USA who became a journalist and combatant at the end of the century, hired by the most important newspapers; then, he was an itinerant inspector at the Commissariato Generale dell' Emigrazione (1902) and, finally, he was a diplomat in the Americas (from 1908) charged with duties in the Ministero italiano degli Esteri. He was the author of memorable journalistic reportages about social events and about the misery of the life in the peninsular campaign. Meanwhile, his harsh missives from Eritrea led to his expulsion from the colony a few days before the disastrous defeat of Adwa ( ). The texts he wrote about the state of the Italian emigration in Brazil, South Africa, the USA and Argentina -precise, dramatic, almost photographic, absolutely real textscaused a sensation and contributed to change the migration policy of the authorities of Rome. The text aims to recover a leading figure of journalist and scholar, owner of an incredibly modern writing and of a rare intellectual honesty, free of political conditions and ideological prejudices, the person who describes an "Italia della vergogna" -expression that frequently appears in his writings-that many, often, try not to see. GIANPAOLO ROMANATO è professore di Storia contemporanea all'Università di Padova e membro del Pontificio Comitato di Scienze Storiche (Città del Vaticano). Ha scritto vari libri, fra i quali si segnalano: Cultura cattolica in Italia ieri e oggi,

This paper examines if and how policy discourses about social service provisions to multicultural communities are affected by the so-called backlash against multiculturalism, which began in Europe and the UK, and how this backlash has influenced Australia. Ideological approaches to social policy changes are often implicit, manifesting through long-term shifts in public discourses. This paper presents a critical discourse analysis of public and policy documents referencing service provision for multicultural communities from 1996 to 2021. The analysis finds that since the 1996 election of the Howard government, Australian public discourse on diversity governance has increasingly emphasised mainstreaming as an approach to diversity governance. These mainstreaming discourses are ideologically expressed in inclusionary and exclusionary forms that either over-emphasise or normalise Australia's ethno-cultural diversity. Findings also show dissonances between public discourse and policy on this mainstreamed approach, which can have a detrimental impact on intersectional communities facing marginalisation and inequity.

This paper explores how immigrant parents influence the development of their children's identities in Singapore, drawing on qualitative interviews with parents from diverse backgrounds. A key focus is the balance between maintaining ethnic traditions and integrating into Singapore society, along with parents' aspirations for their children's national identity. It is found that immigrant parents play an active role in transmitting heritage cultural values and practices to their children, with a focus on maintaining a connection to their heritage while also promoting societal integration into the host country. This approach is particularly reflected in the parents' discourse about their children's linguistic maintenance and adaptation. This research adds more broadly to the understanding of the immigrant experience and its implications for social cohesion and multiculturalism in Singapore.

L ’intervento è stato presentato dall'autrice al “Convegno Nazionale delle Missioni/Comunità cattoliche di lingua italiana in Germania” (Palermo, 3-6 ottobre 2023), promosso da don Gregorio Milone, Delegato nazionale MCI, Comunità Cattoliche Italiane in Germania, e da Delfina Licata con la Fondazione Migrantes.
Il ricco dibattito incoraggiato dal Convegno ha permesso un fertile confronto tra le Comunità Cattoliche e le Missioni Italiane attive in Germania, i diversi referenti presenti a vario titolo in Italia e Germania e i nostri emigrati ormai residenti nel paese tedesco.
Il focus della riflessione qui proposta verte sulle relazioni che hanno caratterizzato l'esperienza migratoria dei siciliani nella "grande emigrazione" diretta verso gli Stati Uniti e, in maniera più specifica, nel successivo spostamento del secondo dopoguerra in Germania.
Sono presenti documenti del Museo etneo delle migrazioni di Giarre e fonti orali a supporto delle argomentazioni esposte .

Doutor em Direito pela UNISINOS (2004). Mestre em Direito pela Unisinos (1999). Docente dos Programas de Pós-Graduação stricto sensu em Direito -Mestrado e Doutorado da Universidade Regional Integrada do Alto Uruguai e das Missões (URI), campus Santo Ângelo/RS e Mestrado em Direito da Unijuí, Ijuí/RS. Coordenador Executivo do PPGD da URI. Advogado criminalista. E-mail: andre.co.petti@ hotmail.com.

Religious establishment today often takes a multifaith form, whereby multiple religions are supported in different ways and to different degrees. In order to contribute to the development of a normative framework for assessing practices and regimes of multifaith establishment, this article recommends the concept of "social alienation." Initially, social alienation is defended as a negative normative criterion to determine when specific establishment practices are unacceptable. This criterion is compared favorably with approaches that evaluate establishment practices by reference to an ideal of public reason or according to whether they convey an expressive harm, as well as with similar approaches based on a purely subjective understanding of alienation. Subsequently, it is also argued that addressing social alienation can support a case for multifaith religious establishment regimes that support or recognize minority religions, since it is often unequal establishment practices that socially alienate, not establishment as such.

Indonesia, sebagai negara yang memiliki keragaman suku, agama, ras, dan budaya, menghadapi tantangan besar dalam menjaga harmoni sosial. Keberagaman yang menjadi kekayaan bangsa ini sering kali memunculkan konflik sosial akibat perbedaan kepentingan, ketimpangan ekonomi, hingga kesenjangan sosial. Konflik-konflik tersebut tidak hanya merusak struktur sosial, tetapi juga menimbulkan dampak negatif terhadap stabilitas politik, ekonomi, dan pembangunan nasional. Bab ini akan membahas faktor-faktor penyebab konflik sosial di Indonesia, bentuk-bentuk konflik yang sering terjadi, serta upaya penyelesaian yang dilakukan untuk mengatasi masalah tersebut.

It is a common assumption within that global community that Canada is a multicultural mosaic and different cultures intersect and correlate harmoniously. The Government of Canada website on multiculturalism puts these ideals in perspective because multiculturalism was adopted as an official policy in 1971. The multicultural policy stipulates that every citizen regardless of race or ethnicity was entitled to their own cultural, religious identity as well as afforded equal opportunity as every other citizen.

Este trabajo realiza una crítica de la posición intercultural como vía para atender las demandas reivindicatorias de los pueblos originarios. Se parte de un análisis filosófico de los movimientos indigenista e intercultural, para evaluar el impacto que han tenido en cuanto a la reivindicación de las culturas indígenas en el orden social contemporáneo. En función de lo anterior, se explicitan las limitaciones con que ambas posturas intentaron ofrecer soluciones: integracionismo por parte del indigenismo y homogeneización de las posturas interculturales afines a un Estado liberal. Con base en ello, se articula una crítica hacia la postura intercultural, acusando que se trata de una perspectiva terciaria (el no indio) que actualiza estructuras de homogenización que ya venían desde la práctica indigenista. Por último, se ofrece un posicionamiento de corte ético como vía para resignificar la práctica intercultural: se trata del deposicionamiento del sujeto que se abre a contenidos culturales alternos como condición de posibilidad para el ejercicio intercultural; es decir, se trata de un nuevo tipo de actitud y posición (ethos) que se abre a la experiencia de la alteridad.

The objective of this chapter is to offer one possible path toward a normative view about migration founded on Will Kymlicka's theory of liberal multiculturalism. To do that, I examine two hypotheses. The first one is that states should be allowed to select prospective immigrants based on cultural similarities. I reject it, on the grounds that cultural selection is a way to meet the objectives of a selfconstituting "master community", which leads to the introduction of an asymmetry between prospective immigrants and the host society: it treats the former only as means and fails to show them proper respect. I rather contend the view that, according to the principles of liberal multiculturalism, people who have general claims to be admitted in any state capable of protecting their fundamental interests also have particular claims to be admitted in societies where communities sharing their culture are already implanted and vivid (that is, communities protected by other multicultural policies). Being general claimants, these people need to be taken in somewhere. Belonging to a certain cultural community that allows them to give meaning to their experiences, they also have a particular right to be admitted to a country where their culture is flourishing.

Reflexiones sobre los derechos humanos, la construcción de la ciudadanía y la lucha por el reconocimiento pleno y real de las diversidades culturales en las sociedades latinoamericanas. Índice:
- El interculturalismo funcional (o neoliberal)
- El interculturalismo crítico
- La dimensión descriptiva del interculturalismo crítico
- La dimensión normativa del interculturalismo crítico

Reflexiones sobre los derechos humanos, la construcción de la ciudadanía y la lucha por el reconocimiento pleno y real de las diversidades culturales en las sociedades latinoamericanas. Índice:
- Libertad cultural
- Sin políticas de reconocimiento no son posibles la libertad cultural ni el desarrollo humano
- Tipos de políticas de reconocimiento
- Aportes de las políticas multiculturales e interculturales al desarrollo de la libertad cultural y la libertad de agencia
- ¿Por qué es necesario un cambio de modelo de Estado?

- Multiculturalismo anglosajón e interculturalismo latinoamericano - Multiculturalismo comunitarista y multiculturalismo liberal
- Interculturalismo funcional e interculturalismo crítico
- El interculturalismo funcional
- El interculturalismo crítico
- Hacia una concepción intercultural de los derechos humanos

Reflexiones sobre los derechos humanos, la construcción de la ciudadanía y la lucha por el reconocimiento pleno y real de las diversidades culturales en las sociedades latinoamericanas.

Índice:
- El conflicto epistémico
- La violencia epistemológica
- La injusticia cultural
- El aporte del interculturalismo como política de reconocimiento

In general multicultural state is a state packed with people belong to various ethnic groups, races and natures live together and share their cultures. In a multicultural state, cultural groups are recognized to exist within the population. That is to say there should be some mixture of ethnicities, languages and traditions also tolerance and diversity upheld in the country . In a multicultural country the diverse population of different ethnicities occasionally be the reason that conflict between communities occur, these kind of conflict occurs due to the differences of cultural background, individual differences, difference in interest, and feelings of the majority over the minority. this paper aims is to give a brief explanation regarding multicultural country, multicultural conflict, and multiculturalism.

Cultural diversity manifests itself in many ways, including cultural bazars and markets in which people of different backgrounds present and promote cultural aspects of their lives, be it dress, song, other forms of art, or food; the production of radio and TV programs that showed cultures of different immigrant communities; Internet websites that proudly present multifacet identities; language and art schools; strategic development plans in institutions and organizations; provisions that instruct schools to teach the languages of immigrants represented in different schools; programs designed to preserve and promote cultural heritage; and setting quotas on the number of programs that should be aired in a particular language.

This research work focuses on the history of the Roma, also called "Romanis": their migrations, the difficult conditions they face on a daily basis, the discrimination they still face. The answers to a questionnaire highlighted certain problems concerning work, housing, school and education. The importance of traditions, of the language they want to preserve. Interviews helped to better understand their feelings in their host country. In Europe, there are between 12 and 20 million Romanis spread across the various European countries. But they are also present in Asia Minor, North Africa and overseas. In Europe, most live in Central European countries, such as Germany, Slovakia, Hungary, Austria, Romania, but also in Moldova, the Balkans, Bulgaria, Ukraine and Russia.

Despite well-known criticism of multiculturalism in Britain, the Netherlands, Germany, Canada, Australia, India and elsewhere since 9/11, such policies have proliferated (Banting and Kymlicka, 2013; Mathieu, 2018) and the Canadian and Australian policies of multiculturalism
have since celebrated their 50th birthdays. Political theories of multiculturalism have proliferated in this period too (Lenard, 2022; Modood, 2007/2013; Patten, 2014; Parekh, 2006, 2019; Phillips, 2007; Tyler, 2011). Schools of multiculturalist thought have been identified (Levey, 2019; Uberoi and Modood, 2019), as have contextual methods in the political theory and normative sociology of multiculturalism (Modood,
2020; Modood and Thompson, 2018). New historical inquiries into the origins of the political thought of multiculturalism have begun (Tyler, 2017; Uberoi, 2021) and the ideas of multiculturalists have been altered to defend majority rights (Koopmans and Orgad, 2022). Current and former politicians continue to debate its merits (Braverman, 2023; Denham, 2023). Policies of multiculturalism and multiculturalist ideas have thus proved more resilient than many had thought. In the following conversation chaired by James Connelly, which took place on 20 June 2023, Bhikhu Parekh, Tariq Modood, Colin Tyler and Varun Uberoi discuss the history, varied natures, and future of the contested
multiculturalist ideas of “culture,” “identity” and “nationalism”.

The decision about Quebec's secularism law should scare all Canadians about human rights protections in this country. It is very likely to be referred to the Supreme Court of Canada for a final ruling, and if they agree with the Quebec Appeals Court that the Quebec law is constitutional it would mean that the concept of human rights in this country will become meaningless.

In July 2024, the Human Rights Commission found that governments at all levels in Australia demonstrate a lack of willingness to stop racism. The report's research was based on publicly available information from federal, state, and local government entities, as well as the community sector. This included analysing legislation, strategies, plans, frameworks, Reconciliation Action Plans, resource materials, campaigns, research, reviews, evaluations, position statements, and grant funding programs. Additionally, interviews were conducted with stakeholders from all levels of government, community organizations, First Nations groups, and academic research specialists to gather insights on relevant policies and programs. Historical Context of Racism Racism in Australian politics has existed ever since the establishment of the federated colonies, as seen in policies such as the White Australia Policy, which was not dismantled until the 1970s. Politicians like Joh Bjelke-Petersen and Pauline Hanson perpetuated these attitudes. In 1985, Premier Bjelke-Petersen passed a law that extinguished all land rights of the Torres Strait Islanders back to the British Crown's acquisition of sovereignty in 1879, effectively ending the Mabo case without compensation.

Following the 2001 disturbances in Northern England, New Labour initiated a social cohesion agenda aimed, primarily, at urban, working class communities. For the government, the ̀ cohesive community&#39; is one with a &#39;common vision&#39; and ̀ sense of belonging&#39;, where ̀ diversity... of circumstances ... is valued&#39; (Home Office, 2004). Though positively framed, this `vision&#39; is problematic. Despite emerging in response to violent public confrontations, the cohesion agenda obscures the power conflicts inherent in the construction of communities. Specifically, it de-racialises ̀race&#39;, omits to mention gender or a ̀ sense of injustice&#39;, and often presents one-dimensional and static models of cohesion. Drawing on Cohen&#39;s (1998) model of `community&#39; as relational and fluid, this study argues that the social cohesion agenda can be far from benign, given that communities are constructed and enacted on a number of grounds, including `race&#39; and gender. Bo...

France grapples with fundamental questions regarding republican identity and individual rights. This is vividly illustrated by its policies related to the wearing of the niqab and burqa. In his book, “The Republic, Secularism, and Security: France versus the Burqa and the Niqab” Raphael Cohen-Almagor addresses these issues by exploring the historical, theoretical, and contemporary dimensions of secularism.

The literature on the subject indicates the importance of the state&#39;s policy towards minorities at the regional (voivodship) level due to the directness of the administration&#39;s actions undertaken towards these communities. This level of politics is also a verifier of the intentions and capabilities of the authorities in fulfilling the adopted assumptions. The article is an attempt to answer the question about how the actions of provincial governors can be a barometer of ethnic policy, reflecting the basic directions and trends in its implementation.

Der Beitrag behandelt das Thema der pragmatischen Kompetenz im Fremdsprachenunterricht am Beispiel von humorigen Handlungen im unterrichtlichen Rahmen. Im Artikel werden Beispiele auf Deutsch und Russisch zum Verständnis von Humor und auch einzelne Sprachwitze angeführt. Humor kann dabei in verschiedenen Darstellungsformaten in Erscheinung treten. Diese Kompetenz sowie das angemessene Verständnisses von Humor in kommunikativen Situationen kann für Transkulturalität, nationale und internationale Verständigung als essenziell angesehen werden und ist entsprechend im Gemeinsamen europäischen Referenzrahmen (GER) für Sprachen, an dem sich der Fremdsprachenunterricht orientiert, verankert.

In my recent book “The Republic, Secularism, and Security: France versus the Burqa and the Niqab,” I explore the intricate landscape of French secularism, laïcité, at a critical juncture of the nation’s identity and societal cohesion. This book scrutinizes the French Republic’s enduring struggle to navigate its foundational secular principles amid the contemporary perceived challenges posed by the visibility of Islamic dress codes, notably the burqa and niqab. These garments have become focal points of national and international debates, serving as litmus tests for the Republic’s true commitment to its core values of liberty, equality, and fraternity within the context of a multicultural society.

Este artículo presenta un estudio de caso, con el objeto de aportar al debate y reflexión sobre la interseccionalidad en el contexto de las políticas públicas. Lo anterior, teniendo presente que este tipo de análisis todavía se sitúa en un escenario exploratorio y emergente. Se analiza un programa público dirigido a mujeres mapuche de zonas rurales de la región de La Araucanía esperando profundizar en la incorporación del enfoque interseccional en las etapas de formulación e implementación. Para ello, se aplicaron entrevistas semiestructuradas a actores/actrices claves de la política pública, considerando también la revisión de documentos oficiales asociados al monitoreo y seguimiento del programa. A partir del análisis, resulta fundamental comprender que la interseccionalidad no debe tratarse como un enfoque secundario o algo sujeto a variabilidad. Por otra parte, la revisión de esta política pública plantea como desafío la coherencia entre la formulación e implementación, entendiendo la interseccionalidad como un elemento esencial en la toma de decisiones y en la planificación de programas públicos. Entre los hallazgos, se evidencia que cualquier inconsistencia en su aplicación podría llevar a que ciertos grupos continúen enfrentando desigualdades persistentes y no reciban las intervenciones adecuadas por parte de las instituciones. Por lo tanto, se requiere una integración de esta perspectiva que sea coherente y consistente en cada etapa de las políticas públicas.

The proposal aims to highlight the semiotic elements of the discourse that refer to the symbolic ones of representations, and that transform the therapy in an exercise of professional dominion aimed to modify the perception of the self of the female patient through the subversion of specific emotional script. The mapping of the emotional scripts of shame and modesty, in their performative evolution, will be useful to demonstrate how and through what relational strategies the medicalization performs a gender violence which leads to exclude and self-stigmatise the sick woman, considered a “half woman”. The reflection that has its incipit in the ascertainment that the female body has been and keeps being a means of “male dominion” and object of “symbolic violence” as well as physical, and favors unexpected articulations related to a female body affected by breast or uterus cancer with often devastating effects on the woman’s self-perception. This proposal provides a reflection on the e...

Resumen. Este trabajo se centra en el análisis de las dificultades de comunicación en la relación entre profesionales de la intervención social y las personas migrantes, refugiadas o solicitantes de asilo que no dominan las lenguas oficiales de Galicia. Se basa en los resultados de un proyecto de investigación en el área de la cooperación al desarrollo (Proyecto MELINCO), a través del análisis de datos cualitativos obtenidos en un grupo de discusión. Desde sus inicios, el trabajo social ha tenido en cuenta este fenómeno, existiendo múltiples trabajos centrados en las dificultades y desafíos que supone la comunicación deficiente a la hora de desarrollar la intervención con individuos, familias o comunidades. Los resultados que se presentan ponen de manifiesto las dificultades, cuando no la imposibilidad, de realizar una intervención de calidad con las herramientas, instrumentos y principios del trabajo social. A pesar de las múltiples estrategias desplegadas por los/ as profesionales de la intervención social en la atención mediada por ONGD (Organizaciones no gubernamentales para el desarrollo) ante las diversas administraciones, la ausencia de profesionales de la interpretación en servicios sociales conlleva la conculcación de derechos cívicos y sociales de las personas usuarias.

Geoffrey Levey plausibly describes how a group of scholars who he calls the 'Bristol School of Multiculturalism' (BSM) differ from scholars who are often called Liberal Multiculturalists (LMs). We expand Levey's analysis by showing what in the history of the BSM's thought made the liberalism and the multiculturalism of LMs unconvincing for BSM scholars. Hence, we show how certain thinkers influenced BSM scholars in ways that made them unwilling to offer liberal theories and how BSM scholars began their work with multiculturalist ideas that differ from the multiculturalist ideas of LMs.

Charles Taylor's`Politics of Recognition' has given philosophical substance to the idea of`recognition' and has solidified a link between recognition and multiculturalism. I argue that Taylor oversimplifies the valuational basis of recognition; fails to appreciate the difference between recognition of individuals and of groups; fails to articulate the value of individuality; fails to appreciate the difference between race and ethnoculture as dimensions of identity; and fails to appreciate equality as a recognitional value. The value of recognition in education goes beyond multiculturalism, and the reasons for multiculturalism go far beyond recognitional concerns. Charles Taylor's influential essay`The Politics of Recognition' has given philosophical shape and substance to the idea of recognition, and has also solidified a link between recognition and multiculturalism. Taylor recognises that, empirically, that link already exists; groups whose aims are gathered under the banner of`multiculturalism' Ð national minorities, feminists, ethnocultural groups Ð have come, he claims, to frame their demands under the rubric of`recognition' (Taylor, 1994, p. 25). But Taylor also explicitly defends this link, giving an account of the value of recognition that ties it intimately to ethnocultural identity. I will argue that Taylor's powerful argument nevertheless oversimplifies the forms and valuational bases of recognition; fails, in particular, to articulate individuality as an important subject of recognition, especially in educational contexts; fails to appreciate the significance of the difference between recognition of individuals and of groups; and fails to appreciate the significance of race as an identity distinct from ethnocultural identity. 1 I want to argue, in addition, for a loosening of the connection between recognition and multiculturalism. Recognition, as a value in education, has a significance that transcends ethnocultural identities and multiculturalism; and multicultural concerns in education transcend those of recognition.