Macrocomparative Analysis

This is an outline of the history of actors from German-speaking areas of Europe (especially the excellently documented physician and slave trader Daniel Botefeur) in the slavery regime of Second Slavery in Cuba and the Caribbean.
Se trata de un esbozo de la historia de los actores de las zonas de habla alemana de Europa (especialmente el excelentemente documentado médico y traficante de esclavos Daniel Botefeur) en el régimen de esclavitud de la Segunda Esclavitud en Cuba y el Caribe.
Das ist ein Abriss einer Geschichte von Akteuren aus deutschsprachigen Gebieten Europas (speziell der hervorragend dokumentierte Mediziner und Sklavenhändler Daniel Botefeur) im Sklaverei-Regime der Second Slavery auf Kuba und in der Karibik.

Wir sind Wissenschaftler*innen, die an der Universität Erfurt und TU Braunschweig zu Kolonialgeschichte und Gerechtigkeitsfragen forschen und lehren. Zugleich engagieren wir uns in der zivilgesellschaftlichen Initiative "Decolonize Erfurt". Auf Grundlage dieser doppelten Expertise empfehlen wir, das Erfurter Nettelbeckufer in Gert-Schramm-Ufer umzubenennen. Die vorgeschlagene Umbenennung steht im Kontext zweier tiefgreifender sozio-kultureller Entwicklungen. Die heutige Bundesrepublik ist eine Gesellschaft, die immer diverser wird und vor allem die eigene Vielfalt in zunehmendem Maße anerkennt. Das bedeutet, dass bei der Verleihung von Ehrungen wie z.B. Straßennamen nicht mehr automatisch weiße, klassenprivilegierte, heterosexuelle und körperkonforme Männer bevorzugt werden, sondern auch Kandidat*innen in Betracht kommen, die in einer oder mehreren Hinsichten von der (ehemaligen) Normsetzung abweichen. Darüber hinaus hat nach vielen Jahren des Verdrängens in Deutschland eine öffentliche Debatte über die eigene Kolonialgeschichte und die dabei begangenen Verbrechen begonnen. Mehr und mehr setzt sich die Einsicht durch, dass der Kolonialismus analog zu Nationalsozialismus und SED-Diktatur als "Herrschaft des Unrechts" zu begreifen ist. Entsprechend erscheinen Straßennamen, die die koloniale Unrechtsherrschaft bzw. an ihr beteilige Akteure ehren, heute in zunehmendem Maß als inakzeptabel.

In der Karibik zeugten Deutsche Die Geschichte eines Bremer Der Beitrag eines Schweizer mit ihren Sklavinnen nicht Plantagenbesitzers, Zucker-Plantagen-und Sklavenbesitzers selten illegitime Kinder händlers und Sklavenhalters zum transimperialen Kapitalismus 9 Inhalt SCHWERPUNKT 4 Michael Zeuske: Deutschsprachige Männer und Sklavinnen in der Welt der Second Slavery

The article connects a reorientation and redating of modernity with recent sociological debates on refiguration and transformation. It is argued that a decolonial and postcolonial analysis requires both a concept of refiguration and one of transformation due to fundamental upheavals and long-term spatial reorderings. The article proposes a conceptual vocabulary primarily based on historical and ethnographic works from and about the Caribbean as the region with the longest colonial history. In a next step, three critical junctures of modernity are analyzed: 1) encubrimiento and colonization, focusing on the plantation system and its institutional basis: slavery and the trade of enslaved people; 2) revolution and state formation exemplified by the struggle for freedom and independence in Haiti beyond racial attributions; and 3) climate change and the Capitalocene, illustrated by the long-term consequences of capitalist exploitation of nature and humanity for current climate crises, which disproportionately affects the Caribbean and its most vulnerable communities. The list of modernity's critical junctures is not exhausted by these three moments, but the chosen triad allows for a historical perspective that views modernity as processual in its becoming over a longue durée and relational in its entanglements between different world regions.

This new entry in the Historical Dictionary of Switzerland, co-written with Michael Zeuske, Seraina Ruprecht and Bouda Etemad, provides an updated overview of Swiss slave history – in three languages: French, German and Italian – in the light of the most recent research. My chapter deals with the involvement and responsibilities of the State, in particular the Federal Council, which in the second half of the 19th century argued in favour of maintaining slavery in Brazil.

This article applies ‘macro’ legal analysis to the challenge of legal reform related to corporate responsibility for human rights violations and degradation of the environment. It recognises that the approaches from different communities of lawyers to the negative impacts on human rights and the environment caused by companies, sometimes operate in isolation from each other, are not always mutually supportive, can lead to a fragmentation of effort, and may not address the root causes of the problem. In particular, this article analyses the extent to which existing approaches tend to address symptoms of the issues, rather than the root causes themselves. It makes the case that in this regard specific root causes exist within the frameworks of corporate law in all jurisdictions and various aspects of international economic law too. To carry out the study, it employs macro legal analysis, a methodology not previously applied in this field, as a means of developing an understanding of t...

Materialien zu einer Geschichte des "Instituts für Kulturund Universalgeschichte" seit 1949 Chronologie, Inventarium und Stammrolle sowie ein Anhang zum Begriff der Universalgeschichte "Gleich unter welchem Firmenschild und wie gerahmt, waren und blieben wir "unter uns", nach wie vor der jeweiligen Hochschulreform, ganz einfach das "Lamprccht-Institut". 1 Walter Markov hal sich während seiner gesamten Zeit in Leipzig der historiographischen Lamprecht-Tradition versichert. Natürlich geschah dies niemals unkritisch, sondern immer im Zuge der Ausarbeitung der eigenen Gcschichtskonzcption. 2 Die Figur des streitbaren Leipziger "Universalisten" ist darüberhinaus in allen wichtigen Texten präsent, soweit sie die Inslitutsgeschichtc im engeren Sinne betreffen. Beim "Nachdenken über Geschichte in unserer Zeit" anläßlich seiner Emcriticrung (1969) äußerte W. Markov auch schon die "Prolcgomcna zu der noch ausstehenden Betriebschronik der Ncuzcitler", 3 in denen er Lamprechttradition und das Erbe seiner eigenen Di rektorcnzcit,vcrbundcnmit der historiographischen Verpflichtung einer "Inslitutsgeschichtc", in die Hände seiner Schüler und Nachfolger legte. Seit dieser Zeit gehörte es zur wissenschaftlichen Tradition und zum konzeptionellen Sclbstvcrständnis des "Instituts" (in seiner jeweiligen amtlichen Bezeichnung, d.h. dem "Firmenschild"), alle fünf Jahre eine größere internationale Konferenz zu veranstalten. Ihren festen Platz am jeweiligen zeremoniellen Auftakt dieser Tagungen nahm die Berufung auf das Jahr 1909 ein-als Gründungsjahr des Lamprechtschen Instituts für "Kultur-und Universalgeschichte" und als Geburtsjahr von W. Markov. 4 Die wichtigste Äußerung von W.Markov, zum eigentlich recht komplizierten Verhältnis zwischen Lamprecht-Tradition und Institutsgeschichte nach 1949 stammt aus seinen "Memoiren-Diskursen". Darin führt er aus, daß die Versuche Lamprechts, eine ambitionierte universalhistorische General méthode zu entwikkcln, in Leipzig nach 1949 nicht fortgesetzt worden seien. Aber man sali sich im "geographisch-räumlichen" Sinne in einer Lamprecht-Tradition der "histoire totale": "Das, was wir am damaligen Institut für Kultur-und Universalgeschichte-später schlicht Abteilung Neuzeit des Instituts für Allgemeine Geschichte-an Lamprecht weiterführen möchten und zum Teil auch tun, ist sein Univcrsalismus, sein Verständnis, daß Geschichte entweder total oder keine Geschichte ist". 5 Damit wird das schwierige Verhältnis zwischen der Berufung auf Lamprecht, der Überstülpung der geographisch-räumlichen Form seiner Konzeption (Universalismus) auf die aus den sowjetischen historischen Wissenschaften übernommene

It is not a necessity  to introduce the prominent historian of transatlantic slavery, Michael Zeuske in a special way, but I was peer-invited to submit this paper to a special issue in honor of Michael Zeuske (aka Festschrift). Seen from a very special perspective, the Afro-Brazilian "cultural bridge" ABRASA linking Vienna to Salvador de Bahia, Brasil, Michael Zeuske devises crucial evidences to confirm the calibration of the current models of production principles as employed also for the paper on the Peruvian anti-colonial hero Tupac Amaru II, also put on academia.edu.

The literature of Hubert Fichte is a poetics of transformation: a constant change and permanent negotiation. Those who expect clear answers will be disappointed by Fichte, but his work does have a high potential for understanding the nonlinear, the non-pure, the non-binary. This topic is and will remain a current issue-especially in a global world with societies, which are forced by hybridisation to go into processes of transformation. But how does change generate knowledge? Fichte focusses on societies which went through historical changes and had to face cultural, linguistic, religious and political transits. He analyses the ›Black Atlantic‹ beyond non-eurocentric perspectives (on the one hand) and does not hesitate to show ambiguity and contradictions (on the other).

This paper refers to the "lieux de mémoire", places of memory, of slave trade and slavery in some former colonial states which possessed plantations colonies in the Caribbean, England, France and Spain, and some former slavery societies, the U.S.A., the French and British West Indies, Cuba, and Brazil. It examines the development of the historiography on the topic, the development of memory practices from the honouring of white abolitionists to museums and monuments representing the slave´ s experience and resistance of slaves and maroons. Historical places where slavery took place (plantations, slave trade ports) or where it should be remembered in the context of colonial history (i. g. the Museo de América in Madrid), but where the memory is silenced because of political or commercial reasons, are also treated. The text tries to find out which social and political conditions lead to which forms of remembering or forgetting the history of slavery.

This introduction explains the principal object of this volume of Comparativ to show when, where, how and by which media transatlantic slave trade and slavery have been remembered in former colonial states, plantation societies and in Germany until 2011, the International Year for People of African Descent, which focuses on the African diasporas as consequence of the slave trades. This article describes the historiography about this topic and social and political context of actual discussions on the national and international level which forms of commemoration are adequate to remember the victimization and the resistance of enslaved people, and also marks the silences and omissions on transatlantic slavery that persist until today.

ation aber komplizierter. Zwar herrschten auch dort Militärs, nicht aber Kuloghlu; vielmehr versuchte man, diese von den höchsten Ämtern fernzuhalten. Marokko wurde 1912 im Norden zum spanischen, im Süden zum französischen Protektorat, nicht umgekehrt (S. 422). Gudrun Krämer legt eine ebenso kohärente wie gut lesbare Geschichte des Vorderen Orients und Nordafrikas vor. Sie macht nicht nur eine komplexe Materie leicht zugänglich, indem sie politische, soziale und kulturelle Strukturen und Prozesse deutlich macht, sondern beleuchtet auch gekonnt und differenziert die Rolle der Religion. Dem Buch sind viele Leser zu wünschen, so dass es für Studierende und ein breites Publikum zu einem Standardwerk werde.

The 1983 seminal work entitled A Nation at Risk recommended that all high school graduates be proficient in the Five New Basics: English, mathematics, science, social studies, and computer science. To address the No Child Left Behind mandates, educators and administrators are evaluating the theory and practice of Differentiated Instruction (DI). One-to-one computer initiatives became an element of DI strategy due to the welldocumented advantages in the use of technology to address individual learning needs. The purpose of this qualitative case study was to examine administrators’ and teachers’ perceptions of using one-to-one computing to differentiate instruction and to identify potential obstacles to adoption. Data was collected from semi-structured interviews with four administrators and eight teachers from a suburban Midwestern secondary school and content analysis was used to identify themes. Teachers reported the consistent use of oneto-one computing to deliver differentiated i...

The article introduces the following papers, all of which focus on transnational history as a project, as a new category, and as a new label for historical writing and research. The author situates transnational history at the intersection of two different historiographical approaches: cultural transfer studies on the one hand and global or new world history on the other. He discusses the consequences that arise with a transnational research agenda (as part of the cultural reaction to globalization) when discussion methods, narratives and institutional settings as well as the relationship of transnational history to the historical selfunderstanding of “actual” societies. 1. Das Fachforum geschichte.transnational geschichte.transnational ist ein elektronisches Fachforum im Rahmen von H-Soz-u-Kult und Clio-online. Es wird von Wissenschaftlern des Zentrums für Höhere Studien der Universität Leipzig und der Forschungsgruppe ‚Transferts culturels’ am Centre National de la Recherche Scien...

The paper deals with a relatively recent hypothesis, put forward by the scholar I. Čašule, according to which the Burushaski language, traditionally considered an isolate, actually belongs to the Indo-European linguistic stock. The authors approach Čašule’s hypothesis from the comparative side, evaluating phonological, morphological, and lexical arguments in its favour side by side with the corresponding arguments in favour of the Dene-Caucasian hypothesis, according to which Burushaski forms a separate one-language branch of the vast macrofamily that also includes Na-Dene, Sino-Tibetan, North Caucasian, Basque, and Yeniseian languages.
It is concluded that arguments for the Dene-Caucasian status of Burushaski quantitatively override the Indo-European-Burushaski hypothesis by a very large margin; suggested Indo-European connections are either highly unsystematic (when it comes to phonetic correspondences), sporadic and insufficient (in morphology), or practically non-existent (in basic lexicon). Consequently, all of the resemblances between Indo-European and Burushaski must be ascribed to (a) recent contacts between Burushaski and Indo-Aryan languages, (b) chance resemblances, or (c) in a very small number of cases, traces of «ultra-deep» relationship that do not represent exclusively «Indo-European-Burushaski» connections.

Der Beitrag setzt sich mit aktuellen Reparationsforderungen für die Sklaverei in Rahmen der Agenda der CARICOM Reparations Commission auseinander, einem transregionalen Bündnis zivilgesellschaftlicher AktivistInnen aus überwiegend anglophonen Staaten der Karibik. Diese appellieren seit 2013 an europäische Regierungen, Maßnahmen zur Bekämpfung der Folgen der Sklaverei und Kolonialherrschaft in ihren ehemaligen Kolonien zu leisten. Nach einer kurzen Einführung in die globalgeschichtliche und geostrategische Bedeutung der Karibik für eine Analyse globaler Ungleichheiten basierend auf dem transatlantischen Versklavungshandel und karibischen Plantagensklavereien erfolgt eine historische Kontextualisierung der Reparationsforderungen. Anhand meiner ethnologischen Forschung in Jamaika, in der ich qualitative Interviews mit den AktivistInnen des National Council for Reparations durchführte, gebe ich einen einführenden Überblick zu deren zentralen Argumente. Es wird über die Schlüsselrolle Jamaikas in der Karibik sowie in globalen Debatten und Netzwerken für Reparationen reflektiert. 1 Dieser Beitrag fasst zentrale Teilaspekte meines Forschungsprojektes "Reparationsforderungen für die Sklaverei in der Karibik: Akteur*innen, Debatten und Geschichtspolitik" zusammen. Ich danke der Fritz-Thyssen-Stiftung für die Förderung des Projektes am Lateinamerika-Institut der Freien Universität Berlin zwischen 2016 und 2019. Mein aufrichtiger Dank gilt weiterhin allen GesprächspartnerInnen in Jamaika, deren Argumente ich in anderen Publikationen ausführlicher analysiere, s.

This article applies ‘macro’ legal analysis to the challenge of legal reform related to corporate responsibility for human rights violations and degradation of the environment. It recognises that the approaches from different communities of lawyers to the negative impacts on human rights and the environment caused by companies, sometimes operate in isolation from each other, are not always mutually supportive, can lead to a fragmentation of effort, and may not address the root causes of the
problem. In particular, this article analyses the extent to which existing approaches tend to address symptoms of the issues, rather than the root causes themselves. It makes the case that in this regard specific root causes exist within the frameworks of corporate law in all jurisdictions and various aspects of international economic law too. To carry out the study, it employs macro legal analysis, a methodology not previously applied in this field, as a means of developing an understanding of the legal frameworks that, it argues, influence corporate decision making that can affect human
rights and the environment. It undertakes an analysis that incorporates relevant corporate law, World Trade Organisation (WTO) law, international investment law, the law relating to multilateral development banks (MDBs), and international insurance law. By using this form of anlaysis it is possible to show how legal frameworks can operate in unison, reinforcing each other providing a cumulative effect that can influence corporate decision makers. Finally, based on the results of the analysis, it suggests a possible strategy of macro-level reforms that could be applied to the re-design
of relevant legal frameworks to better facilitate the full protection of human rights and to achieve net zero degradation of the environment. As a result it seeks to demonstrate how this approach can be strategically applied by both human rights and environmental lawyers as a common pathway
towards effective legal reform.

Iampersuaded no constitution was ever before so wellcalculated as ours for extensive empire&self government."¹ (Thomas Jefferson) Wieerklärt man den Aufstiegder USAvon einerbritischen Kolonie zur globalen Hegemonialmacht in einem Zeitraumv on knapp 140J ahren vond er Revolution bis zum Ersten Weltkrieg?W elche Bedeutung hat dabei die nach dem bzw.m it dem Bürgerkrieg einsetzende forcierte "Nationsbildung",d ie im Kontext der Besiedlung, der Etablierunge ines kapitalistischen Systems àl ' Américaine, der Ausbildung eines sich vonE uropa deutlich unterscheidenden Systems der Regulierung vonArbeit und Kapital, der nicht Durchsetzbarkeit sozialistischer Ideen (Sombart) und der Politik des "small government" und "laissez-faire" stattfand und konstruiert wurde? Kurz: Welche Bedeutung hatte die spezifisch amerikanische Entwicklungm it ihrem Fokus aufd en innenpolitischen und innergesellschaftlichen Problemkontext für die Entstehung bzw.E ntwicklungd er diskursi-venF ormation des "Empire for Liberty" (Jefferson), das sich spätestens mit dem Spanisch-Amerikanischen Krieg in eine außenpolitische Maxime übersetzte und handlungsleitend für die offensive amerikanische Hegemonialpolitik nach dem Weltkrieg wurde, ja -mit den Worten William A. Williams -das Empire zu einem "WayofLife" machte?² Das Eingangszitat vonThomas Jefferson im Kontext der amerikanischen Revolution belegt eindrucksvoll, wie tief die Idee der Expansion in der amerikanischen Geschichte verwurzelt ist.G leichzeitig wird auch deutlich, wie eng die VorstellunganSelbstbestimmung und Freiheit gebunden war.Als Jefferson diese Zeilen an James Madison schrieb, war er weder aufeine natürliche Grenze noch aufeine bestimmtepolitische Form dieses "Empire of Liberty" festgelegt,sondern hätte sich auch eine lose Konföderation in Nordamerikavorstellen können. Entscheidend aber war, dass dieses amerikanische Empire sich vonden europäischen

The article examines different micro-slaveries ("first slaveries") in Spanish America with their links to the Atlantic world until 1800 (Coro, Cumaná, Barlovento-Tuy in Venezuela, Cartagena, Antioquía, Chocó and different mines in Nueva Granada/Colombia) and compares main elements of them (like the hacienda-plantation and forms of property) with landscapes of slavery in Cuba since the second half of 18 th century, using the observations of the Humboldt diaries. The main conclusion is, that the micro-slaveries in Colombia and Venezuela failed in their attempts of atlantisation because of the higher profits of contraband, because of the unfinished conquista and the because of the resistance of slaves, while in Cuba the control of the creole oligarchy over new forms of capitalist plantation (ingenios) and transatlantic slave contraband leads to an Atlantic "second slavery".

link to complete issue: https://www.comparativ.net/v2/issue/view/163

Editorial:
The role of the slavery-based plantation economy in the development of capitalism has preoccupied many generations of scholars. This is related to a number of very important questions, the answers to which have a lasting impact on narratives about modernity and the ways it emerged in what is often called the early modern times. Was slavery-based production good for the initial accumulation of vast fortunes that became the precondition of modern capitalism, but ultimately incompatible with a capitalism based on the marketization of labour that is “freely” offered and demanded? Or did the history of slavery and other forms of forced and coerced labour, regardless of the moral scruples that became public for religious reasons (in England and the USA) or out of a predominantly
secular-humanist motivation (in France), accompany capitalism until the social counterforces of decolonization were strong enough to shake off this form of particularly crass exploitation (even if not inconsiderable remnants persist to this day)?
This fundamental debate, which provides a subject for an entire direction within current historiography, namely the New History of Capitalism, is now profiting from the enormous expansion of its empirical basis through the global-historical interest of the last three decades. It makes a difference whether one looks at the problem from the perspective of the one or the other empire. This was already clear to contemporaries who, in the famous renunciation of the slave trade at the Congress of Vienna, left a loophole for the Spanish and Portuguese, who were allowed to continue taking slaves on board south of the equator and transporting them to their colonial empire in South and Central America (which was, however, soon to shrink considerably). Napoleon had indeed burned his particularly republican-minded troop contingents in a vain attempt to restore slavery on Saint Domingue, but immediately after returning from his first exile on Elba he decreed the abolition of slavery. In between lay the dramatic defeat of the French against the English navy at Trafalgar and the sale of Louisiana to the USA: in view of the impossibility of asserting naval supremacy against the British competitor, there followed a provisional rejection of the Atlantic as the relevant space of expansion and geopolitical projection which implied a return to a different type of capitalism, based not on the trade ports on the coast but on agriculture and manufactures in the hinterland of metropolitan France. That this meant neither a definitive rejection of colonial projects nor of exploitation through forced labour by French elites was soon to become apparent in North Africa and later in Southeast Asia.
What was supposed to be exemplified here by the French case is made plausible by this thematic issue with many more examples: there is no one, universally valid answer to the question of the relationship between slavery and capitalism, but slavery and other forms of forced labour are part of the history of capitalism and cannot be excluded from its definition. What form this connection took, what consequences it had for the persistence of monocultures (and therefore impacting chances for diversified development afterwards and until today), and how it inscribed and continues to inscribe itself in the cultural patterns of societies that were based on slave labour to a huge extent varies and
invites a history of capitalisms in the plural.

The article examines different micro-slaveries ("first slaveries") in Spanish America with their links to the Atlantic world until 1800 (Coro, Cumaná, Barlovento-Tuy in Venezuela, Cartagena, Antioquía, Chocó and different mines in Nueva Granada/Colombia) and compares main elements of them (like the hacienda-plantation and forms of property) with landscapes of slavery in Cuba since the second half of 18 th century, using the observations of the Humboldt diaries. The main conclusion is, that the micro-slaveries in Colombia and Venezuela failed in their attempts of atlantisation because of the higher profits of contraband, because of the unfinished conquista and the because of the resistance of slaves, while in Cuba the control of the creole oligarchy over new forms of capitalist plantation (ingenios) and transatlantic slave contraband leads to an Atlantic "second slavery". Santo Domingo, between 1520 and 1580, and also in river mouths or bays with fertile lands such as in Brazil, especially Salvador de Bahía and Pernambuco, Recife, the Guayanas, Venezuela, as well as in the great slave-market city, Cartagena with its' dynamic urban economy). However in Venezuela and Nueva Granada (and up to Nueva España), seen from a macro-historical perspective of nascent Atlantic slavery, the local slaveries, or "micros", were never able to occupy large proportions of the entire territory. This was due both to the strong resistance of the indigenous population and competitors in hunting and slave-trading (like the famous "Caribs" in Eastern Venezuela), and the resistance of cimarrones and apalencados, not one of the local slavery elites developed links between new technologies, science and slavery (like in Cuba in the 19 th century), nor did they gain any decisive influence over larger territories or over atlantic slave trading itself. In fact from very early on they were always limited to the micro dimension of these "first slaveries" (or "slaveries 1.0"). These first attempts at Atlantic slavery took place more or less in the relatively short period between 1550 and 1750. In most cases their names for historians was taken from a city (the slavery of Coro, of Popayan, of Antioquia, etc.). Still, with the great American colonial crisis that took place around the last third of the 18 th century -or even earlier -micro-slaveries entered their own local crises. In a way, these crises, together with the dangers following the revolution of slaves and free black people in Haiti (1791-1803), provoked violent dreams of autonomy amongst the different elites of the Tierra Firme (now known as the Caribbean coast of Colombia and Venezuela) and opened the path to the fights for independence. Finally, the isolated slaveries in Venezuela and Nueva Granada, although they were maintained legally until the 1850s, were destroyed by the fights for independence between 1810 and 1830, when the local variants of the "second Atlantic slavery" (Tomich) were beginning to emerge in Cuba, Brazil and the South of the United States. Was this the reason that the first responses to the colonial crisis, the slavery crisis and the Haitian revolution by spokesmen for the elites were so different in Nueva Granada, Venezuela and Cuba? In Cuba Francisco de Arango Parreño, owner of a sugar plantation and many slaves, like an Adam Smith of the plantations wrote in 1792 a program -in parts a utopian view -of modern slavery in his famous Discurso sobre la agricultura de La Habana y medios de fomentarla [Discourse on agriculture in Havana and ways to develop it (1792)] (Arango y Parreño , 1952, I:114-162; Tomich, 2003:428; Zeuske, 2009a; Zeuske, 2009b) In Nueva Granada, Ignacio del Pombo, a great Creole comerciante, who knew the complex infrastructure of the kingdom of individuals, in spite of the monopoly that the Welsers enjoyed 199-233;.

The article examines different micro-slaveries ("first slaveries") in Spanish America with their links to the Atlantic world until 1800 (Coro, Cumaná, Barlovento-Tuy in Venezuela, Cartagena, Antioquía, Chocó and different mines in Nueva Granada/Colombia) and compares main elements of them (like the hacienda-plantation and forms of property) with landscapes of slavery in Cuba since the second half of 18 th century, using the observations of the Humboldt diaries. The main conclusion is, that the micro-slaveries in Colombia and Venezuela failed in their attempts of atlantisation because of the higher profits of contraband, because of the unfinished conquista and the because of the resistance of slaves, while in Cuba the control of the creole oligarchy over new forms of capitalist plantation (ingenios) and transatlantic slave contraband leads to an Atlantic "second slavery". Santo Domingo, between 1520 and 1580, and also in river mouths or bays with fertile lands such as in Brazil, especially Salvador de Bahía and Pernambuco, Recife, the Guayanas, Venezuela, as well as in the great slave-market city, Cartagena with its' dynamic urban economy). However in Venezuela and Nueva Granada (and up to Nueva España), seen from a macro-historical perspective of nascent Atlantic slavery, the local slaveries, or "micros", were never able to occupy large proportions of the entire territory. This was due both to the strong resistance of the indigenous population and competitors in hunting and slave-trading (like the famous "Caribs" in Eastern Venezuela), and the resistance of cimarrones and apalencados, not one of the local slavery elites developed links between new technologies, science and slavery (like in Cuba in the 19 th century), nor did they gain any decisive influence over larger territories or over atlantic slave trading itself. In fact from very early on they were always limited to the micro dimension of these "first slaveries" (or "slaveries 1.0"). These first attempts at Atlantic slavery took place more or less in the relatively short period between 1550 and 1750. In most cases their names for historians was taken from a city (the slavery of Coro, of Popayan, of Antioquia, etc.). Still, with the great American colonial crisis that took place around the last third of the 18 th century -or even earlier -micro-slaveries entered their own local crises. In a way, these crises, together with the dangers following the revolution of slaves and free black people in Haiti (1791-1803), provoked violent dreams of autonomy amongst the different elites of the Tierra Firme (now known as the Caribbean coast of Colombia and Venezuela) and opened the path to the fights for independence. Finally, the isolated slaveries in Venezuela and Nueva Granada, although they were maintained legally until the 1850s, were destroyed by the fights for independence between 1810 and 1830, when the local variants of the "second Atlantic slavery" (Tomich) were beginning to emerge in Cuba, Brazil and the South of the United States. Was this the reason that the first responses to the colonial crisis, the slavery crisis and the Haitian revolution by spokesmen for the elites were so different in Nueva Granada, Venezuela and Cuba? In Cuba Francisco de Arango Parreño, owner of a sugar plantation and many slaves, like an Adam Smith of the plantations wrote in 1792 a program -in parts a utopian view -of modern slavery in his famous Discurso sobre la agricultura de La Habana y medios de fomentarla [Discourse on agriculture in Havana and ways to develop it (1792)] (Arango y Parreño , 1952, I:114-162; Tomich, 2003:428; Zeuske, 2009a; Zeuske, 2009b) In Nueva Granada, Ignacio del Pombo, a great Creole comerciante, who knew the complex infrastructure of the kingdom of individuals, in spite of the monopoly that the Welsers enjoyed 199-233;.

link to complete issue: https://www.comparativ.net/v2/issue/view/161

Editorial

The topic of empire continues to keep the social sciences at large busy. After it had seemed for a long time as if the topic had definitely been handed over to historians, who are concerned with a past phenomenon that only occurs as a nostalgic reflex in the present, empires are suddenly also of interest again to the social scientists concerned with the present under quite different aspects. The question of whether the United States was and still is an empire and whether such imperial configurations were needed to maintain an international order after the multilateralism of the Cold War had come to an end played a crucial role in relaunching the debate about empires. A second layer of interest was informed by postcolonially inspired interest in the continuing mechanisms of earlier colonial empires now striking back in various ways and thus remaining present in today’s seemingly post-imperial world. At a third level, observations that view empires as a rather loose association of rule with unfinished territorialization came to the fore in interpretations of empire as a more appropriate form of governance under conditions of global or at least transregional weakening or even dissolution of boundaries.

While we recently looked back at the similarities and differences between empires for the historical period from the eighteenth to the mid-twentieth centuries in a historically comparative thematic issue of this journal (no 3/2019), the current double issue, conceived from the perspective of historical sociology, is concerned with a geographically even broader comparison that seeks to revise the thesis of a European exceptionalism in the history of colonialism and imperialism that is often put forward implicitly rather than explicitly. This makes it necessary, first of all, to look for colonial imperial expansion also outside Europe and not to construct a “non-European world” as the target of expansion, as an overseas history, now out of fashion, did for a long time. This means not only to question the geography of comparative studies of empires, but also to reflect critically on their privileged time frame and to include examples that lie beyond the particular European expansion period that is often portrayed as starting in the fifteenth century. In a third level, the nesting of empires is at stake, because the confrontation with imperial conquest from outside by no means put an end to state-building processes inside the imperially overformed regions, from which a whole complex of new questions about the relationship of the various empire-building processes can be derived.

Colonialism, in this perspective, is not a relationship between Europeans and non-Europeans, but a much broader, almost universal kaleidoscope of subjugation, settlement into regions other than the one of origin, and arrangements between external and internal elites. What distinguishes pre-modern forms of imperial rule and colony-building from those since the late eighteenth century, however, are (1) their positioning in struggles for dominance at a global scale, (2) the complicated blending between the formation of nation-states and ongoing attempts at imperial expansion, which can by no means be reduced to a teleology from empire to nation, and (3) the relationship between capitalist adventurism and political projects of empire building, which follow different logics but always interact.

To abstract these processes in such a way that they can be made available as theoretical elements to other disciplines requires at the same time a wide range of expertise for many case studies, an important selection of which is brought together in this issue. Specialists will read these case studies as enriching knowledge about individual empires, while the thematic issue as a whole, not least with its introduction by the editors and its afterword by Frederick Cooper, pursues an ambition that goes beyond the individual case and at the same time offers a broadening of perspective beyond meticulously deconstructed European exceptionalism and a contribution to a general theory of empires.

Заметки к статье К. И. Позднякова "О пороге родства и индексе стабильности в базисной лексике при массовом сравнении: атлантические языки" (https://doi.org/10.31826/jlr-2014-110115) - о методологии статьи и границах её применимости.
Notes to K.I.Pozdnyakov's article (https://doi.org/10.31826/jlr-2014-110115) - on its methodology and its application limits.

Попытка реконструкции соответствий тонов и долгот в языках семьи хока. Обновленная версия - в статье Proto-Hokan Roots (1992).
An attempt to reconstruct tonal and length correspondences in Hokan. An updated version - in Proto-Hokan Roots (1992).

Очерк фонологических соответствий согласных и список реконструированных названий частей тела в прото-хока (разбитый по нескольким семантическим группам). Обновленная версия - в статье Proto-Hokan Roots (1992).
A sketch of Proto-Hokan consonantal phonological correspondences and a list of reconstructed body part names (roughly arranged by semantic fields). An updated version - in Proto-Hokan Roots (1992).

Esclavitudes, reasientamientos forzados y formas colectivas de esclavitud: un esquema histórico global con enfoques microhistóricos
Este es un artículo inédito (2016). Por favor, cite solo con referencia a academia.edu.

Slaveries, forced relocations and collective forms of slavery - a global historical outline with micro-historical approaches
This is an unpublished article (2016). Please quote only with reference to academia.edu

Sklavereien, Zwangsumsiedlungen und kollektive Sklavereiformen – ein globalhistorischer Abriss mit mikrohistorischen Zugängen
Das ist ein nichtpublizierter Artikel (2016). Bitte nur mit Verweis auf academia.edu zitieren.

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Kolumbus als Sklavenhändler und der Kapitalismus menschlicher Körper
Columbus as a slave trader and the capitalism of  human bodies
Colón como traficante de esclavos y el capitalismo de cuerpos humanos

Zeuske, “Kolumbus als Sklavenhändler und der Kapitalismus menschlicher Körper”, in: Arnold, Rafael; Buschmann, Albrecht; Morkötter, Steffi; Wodianka, Stephanie (eds.), Romanistik in Rostock: Beiträge zum 600. Universitätsjubiläum, Norderstedt: BoD, 2019 (Rostocker Studien zur Universitätsgeschichte; 32), pp. 11-36.

Preußen und Westindien. Die vergessenen Anfänge der Handels- und Konsularbeziehungen Deutschlands mit der Karibik und Lateinamerika 1800-1870, in: Carreras, Sandra; Maihold, Günther (eds.), Preußen und Lateinamerika. Im Spannungsfeld von Kommerz, Macht und Kultur, Münster: LIT-Verlag, 2004 (Europa-Übersee. Historische Studien, hrsg. von Gründer, Horst, Bd. 12), pp. 145-215.

Which factors lead to the American War of Independence in 1775? How did it influence the French Revolution in Europe in 1789 and how did that, in turn, affect France's slave-holding colonies in the Caribbean?  - Most notably Saint Domingue, the foremost French "sugar island", which was to become Haiti in its struggle for independence from 1791 to 1804. These are the questions this course revolves around. It aims at highlighting the entangled history of the Age of Revolution in the Americas and the Caribbean in particular. While the French Revolution is important, our focus will mainly be on the American continent.
This course serves as a contextualization to the Seminar Exploring America and the World. French (Pre-)Revolutionary Travel Literature.

The article examines different micro-slaveries ("first slaveries") in Spanish America with their links to the Atlantic world until 1800 (Coro, Cumaná, Barlovento-Tuy in Venezuela, Cartagena, Antioquía, Chocó and different mines in Nueva Granada/Colombia) and compares main elements of them (like the hacienda-plantation and forms of property) with landscapes of slavery in Cuba since the second half of 18 th century, using the observations of the Humboldt diaries. The main conclusion is, that the micro-slaveries in Colombia and Venezuela failed in their attempts of atlantisation because of the higher profits of contraband, because of the unfinished conquista and the because of the resistance of slaves, while in Cuba the control of the creole oligarchy over new forms of capitalist plantation (ingenios) and transatlantic slave contraband leads to an Atlantic "second slavery". Santo Domingo, between 1520 and 1580, and also in river mouths or bays with fertile lands such as in Brazil, especially Salvador de Bahía and Pernambuco, Recife, the Guayanas, Venezuela, as well as in the great slave-market city, Cartagena with its' dynamic urban economy). However in Venezuela and Nueva Granada (and up to Nueva España), seen from a macro-historical perspective of nascent Atlantic slavery, the local slaveries, or "micros", were never able to occupy large proportions of the entire territory. This was due both to the strong resistance of the indigenous population and competitors in hunting and slave-trading (like the famous "Caribs" in Eastern Venezuela), and the resistance of cimarrones and apalencados, not one of the local slavery elites developed links between new technologies, science and slavery (like in Cuba in the 19 th century), nor did they gain any decisive influence over larger territories

When classifications of various major historical phenomena, of stages, formations, civilizations, etc. in the first place, are being constructed, two principles of their construction come into collision. 1st principle-a combination of communities of the same level of development (for several or at least one parameter) into one class or some other taxon. 2nd principle-a combination of simultaneously coexisting and in some way interacting communities, or at least those impacted by the same factors (e.g. climate), into a common taxon. Let us consider the well-known Marxist classifications as an example. Classical Marxism definitely preferred the first principle 1 , although with many exceptions. The modern world-systems Marxism is clearly focused on the second principle. Coexisting and interacting communities of clearly different levels of development are united into a common system, though often having different ways of transformation, for that matter. Let's note that the basic principles of biological taxonomy are fairly close to our first principle, and ecology and adjacent disciplines focus on the second principle; i.e. approaches are put apart from each other, but in the historical disciplines, unfortunately, such a complete separation is impossible. One can indicate two fairly obvious correlations between the two principles. Firstly, the more ancient the history and the more distant (geographically) the location of the comparable communities, the less close is the relationship between them and the more important is the first principle. And, vice versa, the closer to the present, the more important is the role of the second approach. For the very ancient and remote communities the first principle is decisive, – it is in terms of development that we compare the communities of the Old and New Worlds, although it is not always convenient and not at all productive (the paths of transformation of the New and Old World communities were not strictly the same), but we simply do not have any other possibility. Secondly, despite the apparent opposition of the two principles of classification, very clear in biology, there is, in fact, no such clarity in boundaries for history. As an example of a society, let's consider the classical notion of the Bronze Age. On the one hand, all societies of the Bronze Age were united by a pronounced common feature of technological development (of the productive forces in Marxist terminology). I.e. it seems to be a classification based on the first principle, but in reality is somewhat different. Levels of 1 The productive forces determine the relations of production, and with them together constitute the basis of a society, on which the superstructure depends, the one that presents a totality of social, political and, above all, the legal relationships and forms of social consciousness.

Prefaae institutionâl debt, namely to the KITLV, for financing the seminar, copublishing this book, and generally, for being a superb institution for work on the Caribbean. I was efficiently and cheerfully assisted in the process of editing by Marco Last. Peter Mason helped to smooth stylistic inelegancies in some of the non-native speakers' contributions. It was a pleasure working with both of them. Ellen de la Rie, of the Department of Caribbean Studies, provided good-humored assistance with the preparation of the index. Harry poeze and Marjan Groen, of the KITLV press, were helpful and accurate as ever in the final stages of the preparation of this book. At the University of Pittsburgh Press, Catherine Marshall coordinated publication of the American edition.

In a brief period of time the coffee boom, European immigration and the atlanticization of various sectors of life saw São Paulo transform from a small village into a thriving Atlantic metropolis. In the early decades of the twentieth century, observers described the city as Yankee City, due to its progress and activity. To what extent does neurasthenia, namely "the most modern and American of disorders" tally with that image? After analysis of advertisements, scientific books and texts for the dissemination of science, as well as articles in journals, it can be stated that neurasthenia was prevalent and widespread. This work emphasizes the socio-cultural familiarity of São Paulo with the phenomenon of neurasthenia.

This is a first result of a major research, in which the treatment of slavery in Marx (especially in the Kapital and in corollary works of Kapital) is confronted with the results of today's global historical research about slavery/ Esto es el primer resulatado de una investigación más grande para confrontar la obra de Marx (sobre todo el Kapital) con resultados de la investigación actual sobre esclavitud a nivel de historia global.
It is published as: Zeuske, „Karl Marx, Sklaverei, Formationstheorie, ursprüngliche Akkumulation und Global South“, in: Wemheuer, Felix (ed.), Marx und der globale Süden, Köln: PapyRossa Verlag, 2016, pp. 96-144.

The first part of the present study, following a general introduction, presents a classification and approximate glottochronological dating for the Algonquian-Wakashan languages, a preliminary discussion of regular sound correspondences between Proto-Wakashan, Proto-Nivkh, and Proto-Algic, and an analysis of the Algonquian-Wakashan “basic lexicon”.

Die Geschichtsschreibung der Globalisierung steckt noch in den Anfängen, auch wenn sie auf eine lange Geschichte der Weltgeschichtsschreibung zurückblicken kann. Die Differenz zwischen einer Historiographie, die die Einheit der Welt auf metaphysische Weise zu konstruieren versucht, und einer Globalgeschichtsforschung, die sich auf die Rekonstruktion der vielfältigen Wege konzentriert, auf denen diese Einheit täglich durch konkrete Akteure erschaffen, bestritten, verändert, aufgefächert und erneut bestätigt wird, erfordert indes neue methodologische Reflexionen. Der folgende Aufsatz versucht für diese Reflexion Kategorien anzubieten, die sich aus der Praxis der inzwischen weit verzweigten Forschung und zugleich aus den Debatten um den spatial turn in den Humanwissenschaften ergeben. In einem ersten Teil versuchen wir die empirische Herausforderung zu skizzieren, in einem zweiten Teil präsentieren wir einige Hinweise auf die Komplexität der Raumordnungen, die (zumindest) die heutige Welt kennzeichnen und ein Modell rein hierarchischer Beziehungen zwischen dem Lokalen, dem Regionalen, dem Nationalen und transnationalen globalen Phänomenen obsolet machen. Hieran schließen wir die drei im Titel diese Aufsatzes erwähnten Kategorien an, die uns helfen sollen, die Prozesse der Globalisierung umfassender zu verstehen, als es Ansätze tun, die im überlieferten Paradigma quasi unveränderlicher Raumbezüge verbleiben.